EX  L 


R  I  S 


Robert  W.  Brokaw 


PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS 


OF  THE 


WAR  OF  THE  REBELLION 


ADDRESSES    DELIVERED   BEFORE   THE   COMMANDER Y 

OF  THE  STATE   OF  NEW  YORK/ MILITARY  ORDER 

*—  ///  . 

OF  THE  LOYAL  LEGION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  / 


SECOND  SERIES 
EDITED  BY 

A.  NOEL  BLAKEMAN 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW   YORK  LONDON 

27  WEST  TWENTY-THIRD    STREET  24   BEDFORD   STREET,    STRAND 

&§t  fuucherbother  |Jr*ss 
1897 


COPYRIGHT,  1897 

BY 
THE  NEW  YORK  COMMANDERY 


TRnicfeerbocfcer  fcress,  Tftew 


E 


PREFACE. 

HP  HE  compiler  and  editor  of  this  volume,  does  not  suppose 
that  the  authors  of  the  several  papers  which  it  contains 
desire  to  lay  special  claim  to.  literary  excellence.  They  were 
prepared  for  the  entertainment  of  the  Companions  of  the 
Commandery  of  the  State  of  New  York  at  their  stated  meet- 
ings, which  are  always  preceded  by  a  banquet,  and  while  they 
have  from  time  to  time  admirably  served  this  purpose,  they 
form  also  a  valuable  contribution  to  the  history  of  that  great 
Civil  Strife  that  so  severely  tested  the  sustaining  power  of  our 
Republican  form  of  Government.  For  the  most  part  they 
recount  "  personal  experiences  "  and  hence  are  more  in  the 
nature  of  fireside  narratives,  which  fact  deprives  the  frequent 
use  of  the  personal  pronoun  of  the  charge  of  what  might  be 
otherwise  considered  offensive  egotism,  while  at  the  same  time 
it  accounts  for  the  lighter  vein  in  which  grave  topics  are  some- 
times treated,  and  explains  the  freedom  with  which  purely 
personal  incidents  are  related  and  personal  views  expressed. 

These  papers  are  valuable  not  only  because  of  their  personal 
character,  being  as  they  are  the  testimony  of  those  who  were 
actual  participants  in  the  events  they  describe,  but  furthermore 
because  in  a  few  years  the  living  witnesses  of  these  stirring 
scenes  of  war  and  strife  will  have  passed  away,  and  then  the 
personal  narrative  must  be  necessarily  forever  closed.  During 
a  few  years  immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the  great  strug- 
gle, the  published  literature  relating  to  the  war  was  frequently 
embellished  with  more  or  less  that  partook  somewhat  of  the 
character  of  romance  and  fiction,  but  since  the  publication  by 
authority  of  the  National  Government  of  the  War  Records, 


iv  PREFACE. 

the  period  of  romance  has  necessarily  given  place  to  a  period 
that  is  producing  history  pure  and  simple,  for  no  writer  how- 
ever reputable,  now  cares  to  controvert  the  record  or  juggle 
with  official  reports  which  have  not  proved  to  be  inaccurate  and 
which  are  within  reach  of  all  who  care  to  read.  Fair  criticism 
of  military  operations  connected  with  the  war  and  honest 
differences  of  opinion  as  to  results  will  continue  at  least 
through  this  generation,  but  no  such  criticism  or  opinion  will 
now  pass  current  unless  based  upon  the  official  record,  and 
hence  no  Companion  will  have  the  temerity  to  spin  a  yarn  in 
the  presence  of  his  fellows  that  cannot  be  substantiated  by 
abundant  reference  to  what  has  become  accepted  as  standard 
authority.  These  papers  possess  still  further  value  because 
in  not  a  few  instances  they  are  the  narratives  of  officers  who 
held  more  or  less  important  commands  afloat  as  well  as 
ashore,  and  hence  are  in  a  position  to  afford  an  intelligent 
explanation  of  orders  which  they  either  issued  or  executed, 
for  an  army  both  as  a  whole  and  in  its  several  parts  and  a  ship 
of  war  is  nothing  if  it  is  not  a  machine,  moved  at  the  will  of 
its  commanding  officer.  However  well  disciplined,  however 
well  equipped,  its  offensive  or  defensive  power  can  only  be 
developed  and  applied  by  the  genius  and  skill  of  its  Com- 
mander. 

For  the  present  these  papers  have  served  to  entertain, 
amuse  and  instruct  those  who  took  part  in  making  the  history 
they  describe,  for  the  future  it  is  to  be  hoped  they  will  inspire 
the  patriotism  and  loyalty  of  those  who  come  after  and  will 
read  these  pages,  not  as  the  record  of  cold  history,  but  as  the 
story  of  living  men,  who  for  love  of  country  and  a  patriotic  sense 
of  duty,  sought  to  uphold  the  principles  of  a  Government  that 
had  been  to  them  a  living  reality  in  all  that  was  good,  benefi- 
cent and  true. 

With  but  a  single  exception  these  papers  have  been  arranged 
in  the  order,  as  to  date,  in  which  they  were  read,  and  with  but 
two  exceptions  the  writers  are  all  living  at  the  time  of  publica- 
tion. General  Francis  A.  Walker  was  a  guest  of  the  Com- 
mandery  May  6th,  1896,  and  then  paid  a  beautiful  tribute  to  the 


PREFACE.  V 

memory  of  his  old  Commander  and  within  eight  months  he 
himself  had  joined  the  great  army  on  the  other  side  of  the 
river.  Medical  Director  Martin,  U.  S.  N.,  one  of  the  heroes 
of  the  Naval  battle  in  Hampton  Roads,  died  January  I4th, 

1892. 

A.  N.  B. 

This  volume,  the  second  published  by  the  Commandery  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  Military  Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion 
of  the  United  States,  has  been  edited  by  Acting  Assistant 
Paymaster  A.  Noel  Blakeman,  Recorder  of  the  Commandery, 
to  whom  the  Library  Committee  is  under  great  obligations 
for  painstaking  and  valuable  services.  It  has  been  the  effort 
of  the  Committee  to  make  the  volume  as  nearly  like  the  first 
as  possible,  in  order  to  maintain  a  desirable  uniformity  in 
appearance. 

The  portrait  of  General  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  the  Commander 
of  the  Commandery,  1884-6,  adds  to  the  value  of  the  volume. 
For  the  use  of  the  plate  from  which  the  portrait  was  printed, 
the  Commandery  is  indebted  to  the  D.  Van  Nostrand  Com- 
pany, 23  and  27  Warren  St.,  New  York. 

WM.  J.  CARLTON,  Captain,  U.  S.  V. 
Luis  F.  EMILIO,  Captain,  U.  S.  V. 
EDWARD  TRENCHARD,  In  Succession. 

Library  Committee. 
NEW  YORK,  June,  1897. 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

SINKING  of  the  Congress  and  Cumberland^  the  Merrimac, 
by  Medical  Director  CharleS  Martin,  U.  S.  N.    .         .         .       i 
Snake  Creek  Gap  and  Atlanta,  by  Brevet  Major  Rowland  Cox, 

U.  S.  V 7 

In  Commemoration  of  General  William  Tecumseh  Sherman,  by 

Senator  John  Sherman  and  others.  ....         30 

In  and  Out  of  Confederate  Prisons,  by  Captain  George  H.  Starr, 

U.  S.  V 64 

The   Navy   in  the  Battles  and  Capture  of  Fort  Fisher,  by  Lt- 

Commander  James  Parker,  late  U.  S.  N.        .         .         .         104 
Admiral   Farragut's  Passage   of   Port  Hudson,    by   Paymaster 

Wm.  T.    Meredith,   U.  S.  N 118 

In   the   Company    Street,   by    Sergeant    Charles    E.    Sprague, 

U.  S.  V 126 

Lincoln   as   Commander-in-Chief,  by  Major  Alexander  K.  Mc- 

Clure,  U.  S.  V .         .         .         140 

Major-General  John  Sedgwick,  by  Major-General  M.  T.  Mahon, 

U.  S.  V 159 

Reminiscences  of  Cadet  and  Army  Service,  by  Brevet  Brigadier- 
General  Peter  Michie,  U.  S.  V 183 

The  Duty  and  Value  of  Patriotism,  by  Archbishop  John  Ireland, 

late  Chaplain,  U.  S.  V 198 

Surrender  of  the  Navy  Yard  at  Pensacola,  Florida,  January  12, 

1861,  by  Rear  Admiral  Henry  Erben,  U.  S.  N.  .         213 

The  Cavalry  at  Chancellorsville,  May,  1865,  by  Captain  W.  L. 

Hermance,  U.  S.  V 223 

Some  Personal  Reminiscences  of  the  Naval  Service,  by  Asst. 

Paymaster  A.  Noel  Blakeman,  late  U.  S.  N.         .         .         232 

vii 


viii  CONTENTS. 


The   Battle  of  Atlanta,  by  Maj.   Gen'l.  Grenville   M.  Dodge, 

U.  S.  V. 240 

The  Naval  Victory  at  Port  Royal,  S.  C,  Nov.  7,  1861,  by  Bvt. 

Lieut-Col.  Wm.  Conant  Church,  U.  S.  V.  .  .  .  255 
The  Battle  of  Corinth,  by  General  D.  S.  Stanley,  U.  S.  A.  267 
A  Few  Yarns  of  the  Early  Sixties,  by  Rear  Admiral  O.  F.  Stanton, 

U.  S.  N .  ...  .  280 

In  Memory  of  Maj. -General  John  Gibbon,  U.  S.  A.,  Commander- 

in-Chief,  by  Maj.  C.  A.  Woodruff,  U.  S.  A.  .  "  .  .  290 
General  Gibbon  in  the  Second  Corps,  by  General  Francis  A. 

Walker,  U.  S.  V 302 

The  Old  Vermont  Brigade,  by  Lieut.-Col.  Aldace  F.  Walker, 

U.  S.  V.         .,       .        .    '     .        .        .        .        .        .         316 


THE  LOYAL  LEGION  PAPERS 
FOR  1896. 


SINKING    OF    THE   "CONGRESS"   AND  "CUMBER. 
LAND"  BY  THE  "  MERRIMAC." 

A  Paper  Read  by  Medical  Director  CHARLES  MARTIN,  U.  S.  Navy 
(Retired),  May  5,  1886. 

/COMPANIONS  :  I  will  tell  you  what  I  saw  at  Newport 
News  when  the  Merrimac  destroyed  the  Congress  and 
the  Cumberland,  and  fought  with  the  Monitor.  It  was  a  drama 
in  three  acts,  and  twelve  hours  will  elapse  between  the  sec- 
ond and  third  acts. 

"  Let  us  begin  at  the  beginning  "— 1861.  The  North  Atlan- 
tic squadron  is  at  Hampton  Roads,  except  the  frigate  Congress 
and  the  razee  Cumberland ;  they  are  anchored  at  Newport 
News,  blockading  the  James  River  and  Norfolk.  The  Merri- 
mac, the  Rebel  ram,  is  in  the  dry  dock  of  the  Norfolk  navy- 
yard  ;  for,  after  the  unsuccessful  attempt  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
rebellion  to  burn  the  yard  and  the  men-of-war  lying  there,  it 
was  abandoned  to  the  enemy,  leaving  them  in  possession  of 
the  accumulation  of  arms  and  ammunition  which  served  as 
an  outfit  for  the  army  of  the  Confederacy;  and  they  utilized 
the  half-burned  frigate  Merrimac,  cut  her  down,  gave  her  a  short, 
powerful  ram  capable  of  doing  much  harm  to  our  ships,  they 
built  over  her  a  sloping  roof  of  railroad  iron,  they  made  her  a 


2       SINKING  OF  THE    "CONGRESS"  AND   "CUMBERLAND." 

floating  bomb-proof,  and  when  afloat  she  looked  like  an  old- 
fashioned  barn  submerged  to  the  eaves.  And,  besides  her 
three  broadside  guns,  she  had  a  port  and  a  heavy  gun  in  each 
gable. 

The  Monitor  is  building  in  New  York  City.  She  is  a  secret, 
and  passes  are  given  to  visit  the  shipyard  where  she  is  build- 
ing, and  a  young  Copperhead  takes  advantage  of  frequent  op- 
portunities :  he  makes  sketches  and  notes  of  her  dimensions, 
etc. ;  he  carries  them  with  him  down  into  Dixey.  This  treach- 
ery is  indirectly  a  cause  of  safety  to  the  Monitor.  The  notes 
show  the  Confederate  Government  that  the  ram  of  the  Merri- 
mac  is  too  short — it  cannot  reach  the  hull  of  the  Monitor  under 
her  overhang.  They  lengthen  the  ram,  and  are  well  aware  that 
in  doing  so  they  have  weakened  it,  and  it  is  determined  to  keep 
the  Merrimac  in  the  dry  dock,  wait  the  arrival  of  the  Monitor, 
send  her  out  to  meet  her,  and  in  the  action  it  is  positive  that 
an  opportunity  will  offer  to  pierce  and  sink  her.  The  ram  is  a 
terror,  and  both  sides  say,  "When  the  Merrimac  comes  out !  " 
The  last  of  February,  1862,  the  Monitor  is  ready  for  sea;  she 
will  sail  for  Hampton  Roads  in  charge  of  a  steamer.  There  is 
a  rumor  that  she  has  broken  her  steering  gear  before  reaching 
.Sandy  Hook.  She  will  be  towed  to  Washington  for  repairs. 
The  Rebel  spies  report  her  a  failure — steering  defective,  turret 
revolves  with  difficulty,  and  when  the  smoke  of  her  guns  in 
action  is  added  to  the  defects  of  ventilation,  it  will  be  impos- 
sible for  human  beings  to  live  aboard  of  her.  No  Monitor  to 
fight,  the  Southern  press  and  people  grumble  ;  they  pitch  into 
the  Merrimac.  Why  does  she  lie  idle  ?  Send  her  out  to  destroy 
the  Congress  and  the  Cumberland,  that  have  so  long  bullied  Nor- 
folk, then  sweep  away  the  fleet  at  Hampton  Roads,  starve  out 
Fortress  Monroe,  go  north  to  Baltimore  and  New  York  and  Bos- 
ton, and  destroy  and  plunder;  and  the  voice  of  the  people,  not 
always  an  inspiration,  prevails,  and  the  ram  is  floated  and 
manned  and  armed,  and  March  8th  is  bright  and  sunny  when 
she  steams  down  the  Elizabeth  River  to  carry  out  the  first  part 
of  her  programme.  And  all  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth  ride  and 
run  to  the  bank  of  the  James,  to  have  a  picnic,  and  assist  at  a 


SINKING  OF  THE   "CONGRESS"    AND   "CUMBERLAND."       3 

naval  battle  and  victory.  The  cry  of  "  Wolf ! "  has  so  often 
been  heard  aboard  the  ships  that  the  Merrimac  has  lost  much 
of  her  terrors.  They  argue :  "  If  she  is  a  success,  why  don't 
she  come  out  and  destroy  us  ?  "  And  when  seen  this  morning 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river:  "  It  is  only  a  trial  trip  or  a  demon- 
stration." But  she  creeps  along  the  opposite  shore,  and  both 
ships  beat  to  quarters  and  get  ready  for  action.  The  boats  of 
the  Cumberland  are  lowered,  made  fast  to  each  other  in  line, 
anchored  between  the  ship  and  the  shore,  about  an  eighth  of 
a  mile  distant. 

Here  are  two  large  sailing  frigates,  on  a  calm  day,  at  slack 
water,  anchored  in  a  narrow  channel,  impossible  to  get  under 
weigh  and  manoeuvre,  and  must  lie  and  hammer,  and  be  ham- 
mered, so  long  as  they  hold  together,  or  until  they  sink  at 
their  anchors.  To  help  them  is  a  tug,  the  Zouave,  once  used 
in  the  basin  at  Albany  to  tow  canal  boats  under  the  grain  ele- 
vator. The  Congress  is  the  senior  ship ;  the  tug  makes  fast  to 
her.  The  Congress  slips  her  cable  and  tries  to  get  under 
weigh.  The  tug  does  her  best  and  breaks  her  engine.  The 
Congress  goes  aground  in  line  with  the  shore.  The  Zouave 
floats  down  the  river,  firing  her  pop-guns  at  the  Merrimac  as 
she  drifts  by  her.  The  captain  of  the  Congress  was  detached 
on  the  7th.  He  is  waiting  a  chance  to  go  North.  He  serves 
as  a  volunteer  in  the  action,  refusing  to  resume  command  and 
deprive  the  first  lieutenant  of  a  chance  for  glory.  The  captain 
of  the  Cumberland  has  been  absent  since  the  3d.  He  is  presi- 
dent of  a  court-martial  at  this  moment  in  session  on  board  the 
Roanoke  at  Hampton  Roads,  so  the  command  of  both  the  ships 
devolves  on  the  first  lieutenants.  On  board  the  Cumberland 
all  hands  are  allowed  to  remain  on  deck,  watching  the  slow 
approach  of  the  Merrimac^  and  she  comes  on  so  slowly,  the 
pilot  declares  she  has  missed  the  channel ;  she  draws  too  much 
water  to  use  her  ram.  She  continues  to  advance,  and  two 
gun-boats,  the  Yorktown  and  the  Teazer^  accompany  her. 
Again  they  beat  to  quarters,  and  every  one  goes  to  his  station. 
There  is  a  platform  on  the  roof  of  the  Merrimac.  Her  captain 
is  standing  on  it.  When  she  is  near  enough,  he  hails,  "  Do 


4       SINKING   OF  THE   "CONGRESS"  AND   "CUMBERLAND." 

you  surrender?"  "Never!"  is  the  reply.  The  order  to  fire 
is  given  ;  the  shot  of  the  starboard  battery  rattles  on  the  iron 
roof  of  the  Merrimac.  She  answers  with  a  shell ;  it  sweeps  the 
forward  pivot  gun,  it  kills  and  wounds  ten  of  the  gun's  crew. 
A  second  slaughters  the  marines  at  the  after  pivot  gun.  The 
Yorktown  and  the  Teazer  keep  up  a  constant  fire.  She  bears 
down  on  the  Cumberland.  She  rams  her  just  aft  the  starboard 
bow.  The  ram  goes  into  the  sides  of  the  ship  as  a  knife  goes 
into  a  cheese.  The  Merrimac  tries  to  back  out ;  the  tide  is 
making ;  it  catches  against  her  great  length  at  a  right  angle 
with  the  Cumberland-,  it  slews  her  around  ;  the  weakened,  length- 
ened ram  breaks  off ;  she  leaves  it  in  the  Ciimberland.  The 
battle  rages,  broadside  answers  broadside,  and  the  sanded  deck 
is  red  and  slippery  with  the  blood  of  the  wounded  and  dying  ; 
they  are  dragged  amidships  out  of  the  way  of  the  guns  ;  there 
is  no  one  and  no  time  to  take  them  below.  Delirium  seizes 
the  crew  ;  they  strip  to  their  trousers,  tie  their  handkerchiefs 
round  their  heads,  kick  off  their  shoes,  fight  and  yell  like 
demons,  load  and  fire  at  will,  keep  it  up  for  the  rest  of  the 
forty-two  minutes  the  ship  is  sinking,  and  fire  a  last  gun  as  the 
water  rushes  into  her  ports. 

The  order  comes,  "  Save  who  can  ! "  The  ship  sinks  head- 
foremost ;  she  lists  over  to  port ;  the  water  is  ankle  deep  on  the 
berth  deck  ;  the  ladders  unship  ;  it  is  a  scramble  to  the  spar  deck, 
a  rush  overboard  ;  the  boats  pick  up  the  swimmers.  The  after 
pivot  gun,  pivoted  to  starboard,  breaks  loose  ;  it  rushes  down 
the  decline  of  the  deck  like  a  furious  animal ;  a  man  is  in  the 
track ;  he  falls  ;  the  gun  is  on  him,  crushes  him,  bounds  over- 
board ;  there  is  a  mass  of  mangled  flesh  on  the  deck.  The  ship 
sinks  to  her  tops.  The  boats  pull  for  shore ;  a  shell  knocks 
away  the  head  of  the  wharf  as  the  boats  approach  it.  The 
saved  land.  Instead  of  a  defeat,  it  is  a  victory.  The  whole 
camp  is  rushing  to  meet  them,  with  cheers,  with  embraces  ; 
the  soldiers  bring  to  comfort  them  the  first  thing  they  lay 
hold  of — many  of  them  the  panaceas  whiskey  and  tobacco. 
The  sailors  are  clothed  and  fed  and  warmed — they  have  reached 
home.  And  no  survivor  will  ever  forget  the  loving  kindness 


SINKING  OF  THE   "  CONGRESS       AND   "  CUMBERLAND.         5 

of  our  companion,  the  colonel  of  the  Zouaves,  and  the  officers 
and  men  of  that  regiment  and  of  the  Troy  regiment  stationed 
at  Newport  News — they  gave  their  all,  and  gave  it  twice,  the 
way  they  gave  it. 

In  every  man-of-war  exist  Jonathan-and-David,  Damon-and- 
Pythias  friendships,  called  chummies.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
action  a  man  hopelessly  wounded  is  lowered  down  into  the 
cockpit ;  later  on  his  chummy,  with  a  flesh  wound  of  his  arm, 
goes  below  to  have  it  dressed  and  to  see  his  friend.  As  he 
leans  over  him,  the  dying  man  says,  "  Don't  leave  me, 
Johnny  "  ;  and  Johnny  sits  down  by  him,  takes  him  in  his 
arms,  stays  with  him,  goes  o!own  with  him — and  surely  much 
was  forgiven  them. 

The  Merrimac  turns  to  the  Congress.  She  is  aground,  but 
she  fires  her  guns  till  the  red-hot  shot  from  the  enemy  sets  her 
on  fire,  and  the  flames  drive  the  men  away  from  the  battery. 
She  has  forty  years  of  seasoning  ;  she  burns  like  a  torch.  Her 
commanding  officer  is  killed,  and  her  deck  strewn  with  killed 
and  wounded.  The  wind  is  off  shore  ;  they  drag  the  wounded 
under  the  windward  bulwark,  where  all  hands  take  refuge  from 
the  flames.  The  sharpshooters  on  shore  drive  away  a  tug 
from  the  enemy.  The  crew  and  wounded  of  the  Congress  are 
safely  landed.  She  burns  the  rest  of  the  afternoon  and  even- 
ing, discharging  her  loaded  guns  over  the  camp.  At  midnight 
the  fire  has  reached  her  magazines — the  Congress  disappears. 

When  it  is  signalled  to  the  fleet  at  Hampton  Roads  that  the 
Merrimac  has  come  out,  the  Minnesota  leaves  her  anchorage 
and  hastens  to  join  the  battle.  Her  pilot  puts  her  aground 
off  the  Elizabeth  River,  and  she  lies  there  helpless.  The 
Merrimac  has  turned  back  for  Norfolk.  She  has  suffered 
from  the  shot  of  the  Congress  and  the  Cumberland,  or  she  would 
stop  and  destroy  the  Minnesota ;  instead,  with  the  Yorktown 
and  Teazer,  she  goes  back  into  the  river.  Sunday  morning, 
March  Qth,  the  Merrimac  is  coming  out  to  finish  her  work.  She 
will  destroy  the  Minnesota.  As  she  nears  her,  the  Monitor 
appears  from  behind  the  helpless  ship ;  she  has  slipped  in  dur- 
ing the  night,  and  so  quietly,  her  presence  is  unknown  in  the 


6       SINKING   OF  THE  "CONGRESS"   AND   "CUMBERLAND." 

camp.  And  David  goes  out  to  meet  Goliath,  and  every  man 
who  can  walk  to  the  beach  sits  down  there,  spectators  of  the 
first  iron-clad  battle  in  the  world.  The  day  is  calm,  the  smoke 
hangs  thick  on  the  water,  the  low  vessels  are  hidden  by  the 
smoke.  They  are  so  sure  of  their  invulnerability,  they  fight 
at  arms'  length.  They  fight  so  near  the  shore,  the  flash  of 
their  guns  is  seen,  and  the  noise  is  heard  of  the  heavy  shot 
pounding  the  armor.  They  haul  out  for  breath,  and  again 
disappear  in  the  smoke.  The  Merrimac  stops  firing,  the  smoke 
lifts,  she  is  running  down  the  Monitor,  but  she  has  left  her  ram 
in  the  Cumberland.  The  Monitor  slips  away,  turns,  and  re- 
news the  action.  One  P.  M. — they  have  fought  since  8:30  A.  M. : 
The  crews  of  both  ships  are  suffocating  under  the  armor.  The 
frames  supporting  the  iron  roof  of  the  Merrimac  are  sprung 
and  shattered.  The  turret  of  the  Monitor  is  dented  with  shot, 
and  is  revolved  with  difficulty.  The  captain  of  the  Merrimac 
is  wounded  in  the  leg ;  the  captain  of  the  Monitor  is  blinded 
with  powder.  It  is  a  drawn  game.  The  Merrimac,  leaking 
badly,  goes  back  to  Norfolk ;  the  Monitor  returns  to  Hampton 
Roads. 


"SNAKE   CREEK   GAP,   AND   ATLANTA." 

A  Paper  Read  by  Brevet  Major  ROWLAND  Cox,  U.  S.  V.,  December  2,  1891. 

T  BEG  to  say,  by  way  of  introduction,  that  the  paper  which 
I  have  the  great  pleasure  of  reading  this  evening  relates 
to  the  two  most  critical  and  important  days  in  the  career  of 
General  McPherson,  and  the  two  days,  by  much  the  most 
critical,  of  the  Atlanta  campaign,  when,  as  it  seems  to  me, 
the  possibility  of  very  serious  disaster  was  most  imminent. 
These  two  days  were  the  pth  of  May,  when  the  affair  at  Snake 
Creek  Gap  took  place,  and  the  22d  of  July  in  front  of  Atlanta, 
when  Hood  attacked  the  Federal  left. 

The  course  pursued  by  McPherson  at  Snake  Creek  Gap  has 
been  the  subject  of  much  adverse  and  ill-considered  comment ; 
and  that  his  services  on  the  22d  of  July,  the  day  he  fell, 
were  of  an  unusual  character  is  not  generally  understood. 

I  have  attempted  to  explain  how,  from  the  standpoint  of 
to-day,  it  may  be  seen  that  the  results  of  these  two  pivotal 
days  were  shaped  and  directed  for  great  good  by  the  man 
whose  name  is  especially  associated  with  them. 

The  Atlanta  campaign  began  with  Johnston  at  Dalton  with 
an  army,  in  round  numbers,  of  fifty  thousand  men.  The  posi- 
tion he  occupied  was  a  very  strong  one  ;  and  it  had  been  skill- 
fully and  completely  fortified. 

Toward  this  position,  Sherman  turned  his  face  with  the 
Armies  of  the  Cumberland,  the  Ohio,  and  the  Tennessee,  his 
forces  in  the  aggregate  being  about  twice  as  strong  as  those 
of  his  adversary.  The  Army  of  the  Cumberland  was  a  little 
larger  than  that  of  Johnston,  and  commanded  by  General 

7 


8  "SNAKE  CREEK   GAP,  AND  ATLANTA." 

Thomas ;  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  was  something  over 
twenty  thousand,  and  commanded  by  General  McPherson  ; 
and  the  Army  of  the  Ohio,  one-third  smaller,  was  led  by 
General  Schofield.  With  this  splendid  force  and  organization, 
the  campaign  was  opened. 

It  may  be  said  generally  that  Johnston's  position  at  Dalton 
was  in  a  valley,  with  the  railroad  and  his  line  of  supplies 
directly  in  his  rear.  His  right  flank  was  in  no  danger,  and  he 
seems  to  have  assumed  that  his  left  and  rear  were  effectually 
protected  by  the  range  of  mountains,  which  extended  in  a 
southwesterly  direction,  and  which  covered,  like  a  wall,  the 
railroad  and  his  communications. 

But  investigation  showed  that  in  this  range  of  mountains 
there  were  two  gateways  through  which  it  was  possible  to 
move  attacking  columns.  One  of  these  gateways,  Dugs  Gap, 
was,  perhaps,  four  miles  south  of  where  the  Confederate 
left  rested,  and  the  other,  Snake  Creek  Gap,  concerning  which 
very  little  appears  to  have  been  known,  was  about  fourteen 
miles  farther  on. 

The  opening  chapter  of  General  Sherman's  plan,  generally 
stated,  was  to  manoeuvre  with  the  main  body  of  the  army,  in 
front  of  Johnston's  works  at  Dalton,  while  he  made  a  tentative 
movement  against  Dugs  Gap,  and  threw  a  strong  detachment 
toward  Snake  Creek  Gap,  hoping  to  get  through  one  or  both 
of  them  and  into  the  enemy's  rear. 

Hooker  with  the  Twentieth  Corps  was  to  move  upon  the 
adjacent  gateway  ;  while  McPherson,  with  the  Fifteenth  Corps, 
commanded  by  Logan,  and  the  Sixteenth,  commanded  by 
Dodge,  constituting  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  was  to  move 
upon  the  more  distant  and  more  important  one,  and  the 
remaining  seventy  thousand  men  were  to  watch  the  embank- 
ments at  Dalton. 

When  the  plan  of  moving  through  Snake  Creek  Gap  was 
suggested  to  General  Thomas,  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt 
that  he  endorsed  it,  but  he  very  earnestly  and,  for  him,  very 
urgently  advised  that  the  proposed  plan  be  modified,  and 
that  the  Armies  of  the  Tennessee  and  the  Ohio,  aggregating, 


"  SNAKE  CREEK   GAP,   AND   ATLANTA."  9 

say,  thirty  thousand  men,  be  deployed  in  front  of  Dalton, 
while  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  consisting  of  sixty  thou- 
sand, be  moved  through  the  Gap  and  thrown  across  the  rail- 
road on  the  enemy's  line  of  retreat. 

But  General  Sherman  preferred  his  own  view  and  its  execu- 
tion was  proceeded  with  :  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  and 
Army  of  the  Ohio  sat  down  in  front  of  Dalton,  Hooker  entered 
upon  the  difficult  task  of  penetrating  Dugs  Gap,  and  McPherson 
put  his  command  in  motion  for  the  Gap  below.  It  was  hoped 
against  every  reasonable  probability  that  the  important  Gap 
would  be  found  to  be  unoccupied  ;  that  it  could  be  seized  and 
a  lodgment  effected  across  the  railroad  in  the  enemy's  rear ; 
that  Thomas  and  Schofield,  watching  the  works  at  Dalton, 
would  prevent  Johnston  from  letting  go  and  so  being  able  to 
fall  upon  the  detachment  thus  in  possession  of  the  railroad  in 
his  rear  ;  and  that  the  sum  of  the  operations  would  be,  first, 
the  evacuation  of  Dalton,  and  second,  the  destruction  of  the 
army  which  held  it. 

The  orders  to  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  were  necessarily  of 
a  somewhat  elastic  character,  leaving  much  to  the  discretion  of 
its  commander.  General  Sherman  was  emphatic  in  making 
known  his  objects  and  what  he  expected  to  be  done,  but  he 
purposely  so  framed  his  orders  that  they  did  not  stand  in  the 
way  of  whatever  the  emergency  might  demand. 

McPherson,  as  always,  entered  into  the  spirit  of  the  duty 
to  which  he  was  assigned,  with  zeal  and  energy,  but  not,  I 
think,  without  misgivings.  His  army  marched  in  the  direction 
of  its  purposes  to  Gordon's  Mills,  thence  to  Villanow,  and  on 
the  8th  of  May  into  Snake  Creek  Gap,  the  head  of  the  column 
passing  through  the  defile,  or  nearly  through  it,  to  its  mouth 
looking  into  Sugar  Valley,  without  hearing  of  the  enemy  or 
firing  a  gun. 

On  the  morning  of  the  Qth,  the  command,  with  the  possible 
exception  of  one  division  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  which  was 
with  the  trains  and  unavailable,  had  emerged  into  Sugar  Val- 
ley and  was  ready  to  proceed  with  and  carry  out  its  part  of 
he  plan.  It  was  composed  entirely  of  infantry  and  artillery, 


IO  "SNAKE  CREEK  GAP,   AND  ATLANTA." 

with  the  exception  of  a  small  and  very  tired  regiment  of 
mounted  infantry  of  about  three  hundred  men.  There  must 
have  been  some  good  reason  why  no  cavalry  was  provided,  for 
it  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  of  a  situation  in  which  an 
adequate  mounted  force  was  more  plainly  necessary ;  but 
whatever  the  situation  demanded,  the  duty  was  required  to  be 
performed  with  infantry  and  artillery.  The  handful  of  dra- 
goons, whatever  their  energy  and  usefulness  in  the  morning, 
had  ceased  to  be  a  factor  by  the  time  they  had  reached  the  end 
of  their  day's  ride  and  battle  and  when  their  services  would 
have  been  of  almost  inestimable  value  and  importance. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  first  act,  the  occupation  of  the  Gap, 
had  been  successfully  accomplished  without  firing  a  gun,  and 
the  evacuation  of  Dalton  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  The 
other  chapter,  the  seizure  of  the  railroad  and  the  things  con- 
nected therewith,  which,  in  all  its  details  rested  in  the  discretion 
of  McPherson,  remained  to  be  performed. 

The  imperfect  and  misleading  maps  which  were  our  chief  if 
not  our  only  sources  of  information,  showed  that  the  nearest 
point  on  the  railroad  was  Resaca,  that  the  only  practicable  line 
of  march  from  the  Gap  led  to  that  point,  and  that  it  was  out 
in  the  open,  eight  miles  away. 

In  Sherman's  Memoirs  it  is  intimated  that  Resaca  was  only 
three  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Gap,  but  it  was  more  than 
twice  that  distance.  General  Dodge  says  it  was  nearly  nine 
miles ;  it  was  certainly  over  eight ;  and  the  road,  if  road  it 
could  be  called,  was  most  of  the  way  a  characteristic  Georgia 
wagon-track,  upon  which  the  progress  of  an  army  must  neces- 
sarily be  slow. 

This  wagon-track  led  almost  directly  across  the  valley  to 
Resaca  and  the  railroad  ;  and  about  fifteen  miles  up  the  railroad, 
and  up  the  valley,  was  General  Johnston  and  his  army  of  fifty 
thousand  veterans. 

To  reach  the  railroad,  therefore,  and  effect  the  proposed  lodg- 
ment across  it,  involved  a  march  of  eight  tedious  and  uncertain 
miles  into  a  terra  incognita,  with  the  left  flank  of  the  column 
wide  open  from  start  to  finish.  And  on  this  exposed  flank  was 


"  SNAKE   CREEK   GAP,   AND  ATLANTA."  II 

the  enemy,  almost  within  striking  distance,  whose  movements 
were  completely  masked  and  who  might  be  waiting  at  any 
point  for  the  opportunity  to  strike.  In  addition  to  the  railroad, 
there  were  certainly  two  available  highways  by  which  he  could 
come  rapidly  down  the  valley  :  the  Rome  road,  which  crossed 
the  line  of  march  a  few  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Gap,  and 
the  Calhoun  road  perhaps  two  miles  nearer  Resaca.  The  coun- 
try ahead  was  wholly  unexplored,  and  what  force  there  was  in 
front,  or  on  the  left,  or  anywhere,  could  be  ascertained  only  as 
it  was  developed  and  as  the  column  felt  its  way. 

Few  men  of  discernment  and  a  knowledge  of  the  maxims 
of  war  could  have  contemplated  without  apprehension  an  at- 
tempt to  solve  the  very  difficult  problem  and  duty  which  was 
imposed  that  morning  upon  the  altogether  faithful  and  zealous 
commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  He  knew  that 
Dugs  Gap  continued  to  be  securely  sealed  and  that  the  roads 
leading  to  him  from  Dalton  were  all  open  to  the  enemy  and 
all  protected  against  a  flank  attack.  He  knew  that  Wheeler's 
divisions  of  cavalry  could  in  a  few  hours  ride  down  to  him 
through  a  country  they  had  been  over  many  times  before,  and 
he  knew  that  Johnston,  a  thoroughly  trained  and  most  efficient 
general,  had  an  accurate  and  comprehensive  knowledge  of  all 
the  details  of  the  situation.  These  things  and  much  more  he 
knew,  and  yet  he  had  no  choice  except  to  act  upon  the  hopes 
and  expectations  of  his  superior  and  go  ahead. 

At  the  earliest  practicable  moment,  on  the  morning  of  the 
9th  of  May,  the  advance  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  consist- 
ing of  the  gth  Illinois  mounted  infantry  and  a  regiment  of  in- 
fantry belonging  to  the  Sixteenth  Corps,  was  sent  forward.  As 
it  emerged  from  the  Gap  into  Sugar  Valley  it  came  in  contact 
with  Grigsby's  brigade  of  Confederate  cavalry,  which  upon 
orders  from  Johnston  had  taken  position  or  was  being  formed 
on  the  Snake  Creek  road  a  short  distance  from  the  mouth  of 
the  defile. 

In  Sherman's  Memoirs,  we  read  that  this  brigade  was  en- 
countered and  that  it  "  retreated  hastily  toward  Dalton."  Mr. 
Breckinridge  of  Kentucky,  who  was  with  it  in  command  of 


12  "  SNAKE  CREEK   GAP,   AND  ATLANTA." 

one  of  the  regiments  of  which  it  was  composed,  says  that  it 
made  a  vigorous  resistance  and  skirmished  heavily  until  late  in 
the  afternoon  and  until  it  was  forced  back  behind  the  works  at 
Resaca,  where  it  joined  the  other  Confederate  troops  there  in 
position. 

The  Rome  road,  a  highway  from  Dalton  to  Rome,  and  which 
was  a  short  line  from  the  enemy's  position  toward  Snake  Creek 
Gap,  was  reached  by  the  Federal  advance  quite  early  in  the 
day  ;  and  a  reconnoissance  up  it  toward  the  North  was  made 
with  a  few  men  to  ascertain  whether  the  enemy  held  it  or  were 
moving  in  force  to  receive  us.  The  Sixteenth  Corps,  however, 
which  had  the  advance,  was  not  detained,  and  the  Fifteenth 
followed  as  soon  as  it  was  learned  that  there  was  no  sufficient 
reason  to  delay  the  march. 

By  two  o'clock,  or  about  that  hour,  General  Sweeny's  divi- 
sion of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  had  been  deployed  and  had  reached 
the  Calhoun  road,  where  it  was  halted.  General  McPherson 
here  again  caused  a  careful  reconnoissance  to  be  made  toward 
Dalton,  and  as  the  reconnoissance  was  proceeding  Sweeny's 
division  was  moved  forward,  while  Veatch's  division  of  the 
same  Corps  was  held  near  the  cross-roads  and  the  divisions  of 
the  Fifteenth  Corps  directed  to  close  up. 

Sweeny  advanced,  (not  tardily,  I  think,  but  cautiously,)  driv- 
ing the  enemy  before  him,  until  he  occupied  a  favorable  posi- 
tion, partly  upon  a  ridge,  his  line  extending  to  the  right  and 
left  of  the  road  along  a  creek  of  considerable  size  about  a  mile 
from  Resaca  and  in  plain  sight  of  the  Confederate  works. 
Then,  as  the  Fifteenth  Corps  came  up  and  was  massed  near  the 
cross-roads,  Veatch's  command  was  advanced  with  orders  to 
connect  with  Sweeny's  left  and  feel  for  the  railroad.  It  may 
be  true  that  one  of  Veatch's  brigades  went  forward  with 
Sweeny,  but  certainly  one  of  them  was  detained  until  General 
Logan  came  up  with  his  corps. 

By  the  tirne  these  dispositions  had  been  made  the  day  was 
drawing  toward  a  close.  The  troops  had  been  moved  with  a 
definite  purpose  and  without  waste  of  time.  Not  as  rapidly 
as  if  they  had  not  been  in  the  enemy's  country  marching  by 


"SNAKE   CREEK   GAP,  AND  ATLANTA/'  13 

the  flank  across  roads  which  opened  into  his  camp,  and  not  as 
we  might  have  moved  if  we  had  not  been  bound  by  every  rule 
to  find  out,  as  best  we  might  with  infantry  and  artillery, 
whether  we  were  being  led  into  a  trap  and  to  our  destruction. 
But  it  may  be  safely  stated  that,  from  the  time  the  column 
started,  there  had  been,  on  the  part  of  its  constantly  alert  com- 
mander, no  want  of  energy  and  no  unnecessary  delay  of  any  kind. 

General  Dodge  has  stated  that  it  was  about  four  o'clock 
when  the  head  of  Logan's  Corps  reached  the  Calhoun  cross- 
roads. My  impression  is  that  it  must  have  been  later,  for  I 
remember  seeing  Fuller's  men  of  Veatch's  division  going  into 
position  on  Sweeny's  left  and  that  the  sun  behind  them  was  not 
far  above  the  tree-tops.  I  think  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
it  was  after  five  o'clock  when  Dodge  had  completed,  or  nearly 
completed,  his  formation,  and  he  met,  or  was  requested  to  meet, 
McPherson  and  Logan  to  discuss  the  situation. 

Unquestionably,  as  the  march  went  on,  McPherson  had  done 
the  only  things  possible  to  be  done  with  the  forces  at  his  dis- 
posal. As  has  been  stated,  he  had  no  cavalry  and  the  regi- 
ment of  mounted  infantry  which  he  had  used  during  the  day 
had  now,  by  honest  and  creditable  work,  been  so  much  reduced 
that  General  Dodge  says  that  when  he  got  to  the  Calhoun  road 
he  could  muster  only  eighteen  men  to  send  in  search  of  the  rail- 
road. The  eighteen  weary  troopers  went  upon  their  important 
quest,  and  it  was  after  dark  when  they  got  back. 

When  McPherson  called  his  lieutenants  together,  to  con- 
sider what  ought  to  be  done,  the  situation  was  this : 

The  main  portion  of  one  corps,  consisting  of  about  six  thou- 
sand men,  was  in  line  of  battle,  facing  Resaca  and  the  works  of 
the  enemy,  with  its  left  in  air,  and  the  rear  of  its  left,  which 
was  wholly  unprotected,  toward  Dalton  and  the  main  Confeder- 
ate Army.  About  the  strength  of  the  enemy's  works,  and  the 
presence  of  an  efficient  force  behind  them,  there  was  not  the 
shadow  of  a  doubt.  The  works  presented  a  formidable  ap- 
pearance, and  the  artillery  fire  which  was  opened  from  them,  and 
the  sound  of  musketry  while  the  Federal  line  was  being  adjusted, 
were  too  significant  to  be  misunderstood.  We  now  know  that 


14  "SNAKE   CREEK  GAP,   AND  ATLANTA." 

General  Hood  was  there  watching  our  movements,  and  that 
the  troops  at  his  disposal  and  behind  his  works  must  have  been 
able  to  hold  them  until  dark.  The  Sixteenth  Corps  was  in  line 
facing  the  works,  and  the  Fifteenth  was  massed  at  the  Calhoun 
cross-roads,  a  mile  away,  with  one  brigade  in  line  of  battle 
anxiously  looking  up  the  unexplored  and  unknown  valley  to- 
ward General  Johnston's  camp. 

This  was  the  condition  of  things  when  the  conference  be- 
tween McPherson,  Logan,  and  Dodge  took  place.  Every- 
thing seemed  to  indicate  that  the  situation  was  in  all  its 
aspects  a  most  critical  one,  and  the  views  of  his  lieutenants 
were,  therefore,  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  general  in 
command.  The  recollections  of  those  who  have  a  knowledge 
of  this  conference  differ  very  widely  and  essentially.  In  one 
of  the  two  corps  commanders,  General  McPherson  had  the 
greatest  confidence,  believing  in  his  intelligence,  sagacity,  cour- 
age, and  discretion  ;  and  it  has  been  stated,  upon  what  I  regard 
as  very  high  authority,  that  that  corps  commander  represented 
without  hesitation  that  an  assault  upon  the  works  of  Resaca 
would  inevitably  fail,  and  I  believe  that  the  statement  of  this 
fact,  which  seemed  to  be  too  obvious  to  require  any  statement 
to  make  it  effectual,  influenced  the  mind  of  McPherson  very 
strongly  in  the  direction  of  the  conservative  course  which  he 
adopted. 

The  interchange  of  views  between  the  three  generals  was 
continued  for  some  time,  and  my  understanding  is  that  General 
McPherson  left  the  conference,  stating  in  substance  that  he 
would  decide  very  soon  and  communicate  his  orders. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  he  rode  with  his  staff  to  the  foot  of  a  high 
hill  upon  the  right  of  the  Resaca  road  and  near  which  the 
meeting  had  taken  place.  It  may  be  that  General  Logan  or 
General  Dodge  accompanied  him.  Of  that  I  am  not  sure  ;  but 
we  dismounted  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and,  leaving  our  horses 
with  our  orderlies,  went  up  to  the  top.  I  distinctly  remember 
the  observation  made  by  General  McPherson,  the  fact  that  it 
took  place  during  a  brisk  artillery  fire,  and  that  some  of  us 
thought  the  General's  life  was  in  danger. 


"SNAKE   CREEK   GAP,   AND  ATLANTA."  15 

The  timber  on  the  side  of  the  hill  or  ridge  toward  Resaca 
had  been  slashed  to  give  range  to  the  guns,  and  a  large  stump 
had  been  left  near  where  we  had  halted.  Upon  this  stump 
McPherson  stepped,  and,  raising  his  glass,  looked  intently  and 
deliberately  at  the  enemy's  works.  He  was  over  six  feet  tall, 
and,  standing  on  the  stump,  was  a  very  conspicuous  object,  but 
he  seemed  to  be  entirely  unconscious  of  the  fact,  notwithstand- 
ing the  artillery  practice  of  the  enemy,  which  gave  unmistak- 
able evidences  of  experience  and  skill,  and  which  was  directed 
toward  where  he  stood.  He  did  not,  however,  change  his  posi- 
tion, but  without  any  sign  of  haste  concluded  his  observation, 
and,  having  done  so,  walked  slowly  back  into  the  timber,  where 
he  informed  his  chief-of-staff,  Colonel  Clark,  that  he  would  not 
attack  and  that  he  would  withdraw  his  army  to  a  place  of 
safety  near  the  Gap.  The  conclusion  was  at  once  communi- 
cated to  the  corps  commanders,  and  the  weary  unwinding  of 
the  long  miles  of  the  morning  was  commenced. 

There  were  not  a  few  officers  and  men  in  the  retiring  column 
who  were  sadly  at  a  loss  to  understand  why  they  had  been 
withdrawn,  apparently  without  having  made  an  effort  to  ac- 
complish the  principal,  if  not  the  only,  object  of  the  march. 
They  realized  that  they  had  been  in  line  of  battle,  or  expect- 
ing to  be  engaged,  nearly  all  day,  and  that  after  they  had 
reached  the  enemy  and  the  all-important  railroad,  they  were 
suddenly  counter-marched  and  started  back  to  the  place  from 
which  they  had  set  out. 

But  the  colonel  at  the  head  of  his  regiment,  however  com- 
petent and  intelligent  he  may  be,  rarely  gets  the  true  perspec- 
tive of  the  general  situation  or  understands  the  full  significance 
of  the  duty  he  is  called  upon  to  perform. 

As  McPherson  stood  on  the  hill  in  front  of  Resaca,  he  was 
compelled  either  to  make  an  attack,  then  and  there,  or  withdraw 
his  little  army.  There  were  not  less  than  two  brigades  of  Con- 
federates behind  the  works,  (which  spoke  for  themselves,)  with 
at  least  ten  guns ;  there  was  less  than  an  hour  of  daylight ;  the 
position  of  the  enemy  in  his  rear  was  unknown ;  he  was  eight 
miles  from  the  Gap,  and  his  army  was  divided  into  detachments. 


1 6  "  SNAKE   CREEK  GAP,   AND  ATLANTA." 

Certainly,  to  make  an  attack  under  such  conditions  called  for 
the  exercise  of  a  kind  of  military  genius  which  General  Mc- 
Pherson  did  not  possess. 

And  if  Resaca  had  been  taken,  it  would  have  been  essential 
to  hold  and  watch  the  Rome  cross-roads  with  one  detachment, 
and  the  Calhoun  cross-roads  with  another,  which  would  have 
broken  his  command  into  three  unequal  parts,  separated  from 
each  other  by  intervals  of  about  two  miles.  The  attack,  if  it 
had  been  made,  could  not  have  been  concluded  before  dark, 
and  the  necessary  result  would  have  been  that  the  three  iso- 
lated detachments  would  have  slept  on  their  arms  where  they 
had  fought  or  been  posted,  with  the  certainty  of  battle  in  the 
morning.  It  seemed  to  be  as  plain  as  any  indisputable  de- 
duction could  be,  that  at  the  break  of  day  the  enemy  would  be 
in  line  on  the  Snake  Creek  road  and  before  Resaca  with  thirty- 
five  thousand  men.  As  it  was,  Johnston,  knowing  apparently 
the  exact  situation,  sent  Hood  to  Resaca,  and  his  three  di- 
visions were  placed  on  the  cars  during  the  night,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  loth  were  at  Tilton,  a  few  miles  away,  where 
they  had  been  halted. 

We  now  perceive  that  Johnston  could  have  moved  the  main 
body  of  his  army  to  Resaca  during  the  night  of  the  Qth,  and 
that  by  no  possibility  would  Thomas  or  Schofield  have  been 
able  to  get  there  before  the  chances  of  the  inevitable  battle  of 
the  loth  would  have  been  decided. 

And  how  uneven  those  chances  would  have  been  is  no 
longer  matter  of  conjecture.  The  Confederate  General  would 
have  had  almost  every  possible  advantage.  He  would  have 
encountered  a  divided  force,  and  a  very  tired  and  hungry  oner 
whose  wagons  on  the  unprotected  road  to  the  Gap  were  at  the 
mercy  of  his  cavalry.  General  Dodge  tells  us  that  on  the 
evening  of  the  Qth  his  transportation  had  not  come  up  and 
that  the  men  and  animals  of  his  corps  had  for  a  day  and  a  half 
been  without  other  food  than  they  found  in  the  poor  and 
picked  country  over  which  they  had  marched.  Loring's  divi- 
sion of  Folk's  corps,  of  which  corps  Canty's  men  who  were  in 
Resaca  constituted  a  part,  was  on  the  march  near  by  and 


"  SNAKE  CREEK   GAP,  AND  ATLANTA."  I/ 

reached  Resaca  on  the  loth,  and  might  have  come  directly 
up  by  the  Calhoun  road  and  made  a  connection  with  Hood 
and  a  lodgment  between  us  and  the  Gap.  There  were  con- 
tingencies too  numerous  to  be  recited,  and  all,  or  many  of 
them,  as  plain  to  the  Federal  General  as  the  fast-setting  sun 
behind  him.  It  has  been  said  that  genius  is  the  capacity  to 
perceive  existing  factors  and  to  comprehend  the  weight  and 
importance  of  each  element  of  the  situation.  Whether  Mc- 
Pherson  saw  and  understood  all  the  factors  of  which  we  now 
have  knowledge,  we  need  not  seek  to  ascertain.  His  actions, 
I  think,  indicated  that  he  did. 

I  remember  a  remark  which  it  was  my  privilege  to  hear  from 
his  lips,  which  I  have  often  thought  of,  and  which  should  be 
preserved  as  a  matter  of  record.  A  few  days  after  the  affair 
at  Snake  Creek  Gap  some  allusion  was  made  to  it,  and  the 
General  said,  in  substance,  that  if  he  had  attacked  Resaca,  or 
if  he  had  remained  there,  Johnston  would  have  cut  him  off 
"  as  you  cut  off  the  end  of  a  piece  of  tape  with  a  pair  of 
shears." 

I  did  not  then  quite  understand  what  he  meant,  but  with 
our  present  information  the  figure  is  easily  explained.  He  was 
eight  miles  out  in  the  open  with  less  than  20,000  men.  There 
was  a  force  of  50,000  of  the  enemy  on  his  left  and  rear,  and 
perhaps  8000  on  his  right  and  rear,  with  about  4000  holding 
the  works  in  his  front,  and  the  roads  behind  him  connecting 
the  two  principal  bodies  of  the  enemy  were  completely  screened 
and  wholly  unobstructed.  These  were  among  the  factors 
which  may  have  influenced  him  when  he  declined  to  attack  the 
force  in  his  front  and  withdrew  his  command  beyond  the  point 
of  danger. 

There  are  many  other  and  scarcely  less  material  facts  and 
circumstances  which  point  all  in  the  same  direction.  The 
'more  attentively  the  situation  and  its  incidents  are  examined, 
the  more  indisputably  plain  is  the  conclusion  that  McPherson's 
prudence  and  conservatism  averted  a  most  serious  disaster.  I 
think  that  no  impartial  mind,  seeking  the  truth,  can  go  through 
the  details  of  the  story  of  Snake  Creek  Gap  as  we  have  them 


18  "  SNAKE  CREEK   GAP,   AND  ATLANTA." 

to-day,  without  being  convinced  that,  whatever  his  record,  he 
never  did  his  country  a  greater  service  than  on  the  evening  of 
the  Qth  of  May,  when  he  took  his  army  away  from  the  grave 
and  intricate  dangers  which  surrounded  it.  It  is  not,  I  think, 
too  much  to  say  that  on  that  day,  as  upon  a  subsequent  occasion, 
he  saved  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  from  utter  destruction. 

As  we  see  the  matter  now,  we  realize  that  if  Thomas  with 
sixty  thousand  men  had  been  sent  through  the  Gap,  with  a 
logical  front  and  a  logical  rear,  he  could  have  marched,  with 
his  colors  flying,  up  the  Rome  or  Calhoun  road,  and  seized  and 
held  the  railroad  and  invited  battle  ;  and  the  fact  that  Dugs 
Gap  was  in  the  possession  of  the  enemy,  and  that  Wheeler  was 
riding  down  the  valley,  and  that  Johnston  and  Hardee  and  the 
indomitable  Cleburne  were  all  in  the  saddle,  and  coming,  would 
have  been  cause  for  congratulation  instead  of  dismay. 

As  soon  as  General  Sherman  was  informed  of  the  results 
of  McPherson's  movements  and  that  his  detachment  had  taken 
position  in  Snake  Creek  Gap,  he  withdrew  Thomas  and  Scho- 
field  from  in  front  of  Dalton,  leaving  only  the  Fourth  Corps 
and  General  Howard ;  and  although  Johnston  had  full  inform- 
ation as  to  the  presence  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  in  the 
Gap,  he  manifested  no  anxiety  whatever,  and  did  not  even 
evacuate  Dalton  until  he  had  learned  that  the  Army  of  the 
Cumberland  had  left  his  front.  He  then  moved  down  the 
valley  and  took  position  at  Resaca. 

Johnston's  omission  to  occupy  and  fortify  Snake  Creek  Gap 
and  McPherson's  omission  to  attack  Resaca  were  discussed  by 
our  whole  army,  particularly  as  it  passed  through  the  Gap, 
marching  as  it  did  within  a  few  yards  of  General  McPherson's 
tent.  It  was  current  gossip  and  perhaps  believed  that  Mc- 
Pherson  had  made  a  most  unhappy  mistake,  that  he  had  failed 
to  take  advantage  of  a  great  opportunity,  and  it  was  even 
hinted  that  he  was  to  be  relieved  of  his  command.  But  I 
think  there  is  no  evidence  that  General  Sherman  ever  gave  ex- 
pression to  anything  more  than  his  undisguised  disappointment 
and  the  belief  that  a  more  aggressive  course  would  have  effected 
his  most  sanguine  anticipations. 


"  SNAKE   CREEK   GAP,   AND  ATLANTA."  19 

Some  men  would  have  found  it  impossible  to  bear  the  im- 
putation which  was  not  wholly  unexpressed  as  the  other  armies 
filed  by  the  headquarters  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  and 
looked  for  its  commander.  I  remember  when  Sherman  arrived. 
It  was  a  trying  moment  for  the  gentle  and  high-strung  and 
sensitive  man,  who,  having  done  his  whole  duty,  unselfishly, 
wisely,  and  well,  could  by  no  possibility  make  himself  under- 
stood. Sherman  rode  up  with  his  staff  and  as  he  dismounted 
said  in  substance,  and  not  ungraciously :  "  Mac,"  or  "  Well, 
Mac,  you  have  missed  the  opportunity  of  a  lifetime,"  with 
which  they  went  into  McPherson's  tent. 

The  development  of  the  campaign  from  Resaca  down  to 
Atlanta  has  been  lucidly  and  intelligently  described  by  those 
who  took  part  in  it  and  contributed  to  its  success.  The  general 
theory  was  to  move  Thomas  up  where  his  solid  front  covered 
Johnston's  lines,  and  then  send  McPherson,  or  Howard  at  a 
later  date,  with  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  around  one  of  his 
flanks  and  thus  force  him  out  of  position.  From  the  right 
flank  to  the  left,  and  from  the  left  to  the  right,  and  from  the 
right  to  the  left  and  back  again,  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
was  thrown.  It  never  once  missed  its  footing,  and  never  once 
failed  to  perform  with  mathematical  accuracy  and  completeness 
the  duty  which  the  strategy  of  the  campaign  imposed  upon  it. 

I  pass  over  the  events  of  the  weeks  of  activity  during  which 
the  two  armies  manoeuvred,  and  perhaps  it  should  be  said 
fought,  from  Resaca  to  Atlanta.  Johnston  was  relieved  on  the 
i/th  of  July  and  the  command  of  the  Confederates  turned 
over  to  Hood.  With  the  new  commander  a  new  policy  and 
new  tactics  were  at  once  inaugurated.  Both  General  McPher- 
son and  General  Schofield  had  been  members  of  Hood's  class 
at  West  Point,  and  he  and  McPherson  had  been  intimately 
associated  as  room-mates  for  over  a  year.  There  was  no  doubt 
about  his  intelligence,  ingenuity,  and  disposition  to  fight ;  and 
he  was  regarded  on  all  hands  as  an  enterprising  and  dangerous 
adversary. 

On  the  2Oth  of  July,  three  days  after  he  assumed  command, 


20  "  SNAKE  CREEK   GAP,   AND  ATLANTA." 

he  disclosed  the  course  he  meant  to  pursue,  in  what  is  known 
as  the  battle  of  Peach-Tree  Creek,  which  was  a  spirited  attack 
near  the  right  of  the  Federal  line,  and  which  was  repulsed 
chiefly  by  Hooker's  corps  assisted  by  Newton's  division  of 
the  Fourth. 

As  the  Federal  lines  closed  in  on  Atlanta,  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  was  on  the  extreme  left  and  was  pushed  ahead  until, 
on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  it  occupied  a  position  very  near 
the  outer  line  of  Confederate  works.  As  it  went  forward  Gen- 
eral Garrard's  division  of  cavalry  covered  its  exposed  flank, 
and  up  to  the  time  when  it  formed  in  front  of  the  Confederate 
works  Garrard  held  and  made  safe  the  wide  gate  which  opened 
to  its  flank  and  rear. 

But,  on  the  night  of  the  2oth,  General  Sherman,  doubtless 
for  what  seemed  to  him  to  be  good  and  sufficient  reasons,  and 
desiring  to  destroy  an  adjacent  railroad,  spirited  Garrard  away, 
thus  leaving  the  left  of  McPherson's  line  of  battle  dangerously 
in  air. 

Hood  was  not  long  in  discovering  the  removal  of  the 
Federal  cavalry  and  the  opening  and  opportunity  thus  pre- 
sented. He  promptly  decided  to  move  Hardee's  corps  of 
infantry  and  Wheeler's  command  of  cavalry  under  cover  of 
night  and  as  rapidly  as  possible  around  the  unprotected  flank, 
until  the  Federal  rear  was  reached,  and  then,  taking  us  in 
reverse,  to  do  all  the  damage  possible  and  perhaps  capture  the 
bulk  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  That  he  came  painfully 
near  accomplishing  his  object  is  a  matter  of  history. 

Very  early  on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  McPherson  received 
through  a  galloping  staff  officer  information  from  Sherman  that 
Hood  was  falling  back,  and,  with  the  information,  a  strong  inti- 
mation, amounting  almost  to  an  order,  that  preparations  should 
be  made  for  pursuit  by  roads  that  were  indicated.  McPherson 
hastened  out  to  his  most  advanced  position  and  made,  as  was 
his  custom,  a  careful  personal  observation  and  reconnoissance. 
He  soon  discovered  that  there  was  no  good  reason  to  suppose 
that  Hood  meant  to  abandon  Atlanta.  On  the  contrary,  it 
was  plain  that  the  enemy  was  industriously  engaged  in 


"  SNAKE   CREEK   GAP,   AND   ATLANTA."  21 

strengthening  his  works ;  and  that  some  important  develop- 
ment was  about  to  take  place  which  seemed  to  be  near  at  hand. 
Indeed,  as  he  returned  to  his  headquarters,  General  McPherson 
said,  with  great  earnestness  and  a  number  of  times,  that  he 
anticipated  during  the  day  an  engagement  such  as  had  not 
taken  place  during  the  campaign. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  for  hours,  perhaps  from  the  moment 
he  had  heard  of  the  withdrawal  of  Garrard's  cavalry,  he  had 
been  seriously  concerned  about  his  left  flank,  and  there  is  as 
little  doubt  that  he  had  endeavored  in  every  practicable  way 
to  strengthen  it  and  to  guard  against  the  consequences  of  the 
impending  attack. 

As  the  Federal  columns  had  converged  toward  Atlanta, 
Dodge's  two  divisions  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  (with  the  ex- 
ception of  one  brigade)  had  been  crowded  out  of  line,  and  were 
temporarily,  toward  the  evening  of  the  2ist,  placed  in  reserve 
near  the  right  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  which  was  on  the  right 
of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  These  two  divisions,  number- 
ing about  six  thousand  men,  were  therefore  available  as  a 
reserve,  and  General  McPherson  used  them  accordingly. 

On  the  morning  of  the  22d  he  directed  Dodge  to  move  to 
the  left  at  once  and  connect  with  the  left  flank  of  the  Seven- 
teenth Corps,  and  without  unnecessary  delay  the  march  toward 
the  position  indicated  was  commenced. 

Shortly  after  Dodge  had  started,  and  while  his  command 
was  in  motion,  McPherson  received  the  following  characteris- 
tic order,  written  in  pencil  and  in  General  Sherman's  hand : 

"  Headquarters  Military  Div.  of  the  Miss., 
"  In  the  Field  at  Howard  House, 

"Near  Atlanta,  July  22,  1864. 
"  GENERAL  MCPHERSON, 

"  Army  of  the  Tennessee  : 

"  General  :  Instead  of  sending  Dodge  to  your  left,  I  wish  you 
would  put  his  whole  corps  at  work  destroying  absolutely  the  rail- 
road back  to  and  including  Decatur.  I  want  that  road  absolutely 
and  completely  destroyed  ;  every  tie  and  every  rail  twisted,  and  as 


22  "SNAKE   CREEK  GAP,   AND   ATLANTA." 

soon  as  Garrard  returns,  if  the  enemy  still  holds  Atlanta,  I  will 
again  shift  you  round  to  the  extreme  right  with  Turner's  Ferry  as  a 
depot.  Explore  roads,  etc.,  with  that  view. 

"  Yours, 
(Signed.)  "  W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

"  Major-General." 

Without  countermanding  his  order  to  the  Sixteenth  Corps 
and  without  even  halting  it,  McPherson  immediately  went  to 
Sherman's  headquarters,  and  upon  his  request  the  order  to 
Dodge,  just  quoted,  was,  for  the  present  at  least,  withdrawn, 
and  the  Sixteenth  Corps  continued  its  march.  It  moved 
expeditiously  directly  to  the  left,  and  was  halted  when  the 
head  of  the  column  had  reached  a  point  something  over 
half  a  mile  from  the  extreme  left,  the  men  stretching  back 
parallel  with  the  line  of  battle  of  the  Seventeenth  Corps  and 
perhaps  a  mile  from  it.  In  that  position  they  stacked  arms 
and  rested,  while  the  ground  they  were  to  occupy  was  being 
looked  over,  with  a  view  to  moving  them  up  as  soon  as  prac- 
ticable. 

But  the  importance  of  the  destruction  of  the  railroad  more 
than  the  safety  of  his  flank  was  still  in  General  Sherman's 
mind,  and  at  "  12  M.  "  he  sent  McPherson  a  second  written 
order,  also  in  pencil  and  in  his  own  hand,  which  was  in  part 
as  follows: 

11  As  General  Sweeny's  division  has  already  moved  over  to  the 
left  .  .  .  you  will  leave  his  division  where  we  designated  and 
send  Fuller's  division  back  on  the  line  of  the  railroad  between  here 
and  Decatur  to  destroy  it,  as  directed." 

This  last  order  McPherson  sent  forward,  but,  by  reason  of 
the  interposition  of  destiny,  or  for  some  other  cause  or  reason, 
it  was  never  executed.  If  it  had  been  carried  out,  the  history 
of  the  Atlanta  campaign  would  read  very  differently  from 
what  it  does,  and  if  that  which  preceded  it  had  not  been  coun- 
termanded, who  shall  say  what  would  have  taken  place  ? 

Sherman's  order  to  withdraw  "  Fuller's  division  "  (only  one 


"SNAKE  CREEK  GAP,   AND   ATLANTA."  23 

brigade  of  which  was  present,  the  other  being  at  Decatur,  six 
miles  to  the  rear)  was  put  in  writing  and  placed  in  the  hands 
of  a  staff  officer,  who  started  with  it  at  a  run,  but  almost  be- 
fore he  was  out  of  sight  the  impending  battle,  like  a  mighty 
storm,  burst  upon  us. 

Hardee  and  Wheeler  had  made  their  march  and  were  swing- 
ing their  troops  into  the  Federal  rear.  The  Confederate  di- 
visions of  Cleburne,  Bate,  Hindman,  and  Walker  had  crossed 
the  ground  which  Garrard  had  occupied  and  were  moving  in  ex- 
cellent order,  confidently  expecting  to  gather  the  great  results 
of  what  seemed  to  be  a  complete  surprise. 

But,  as  has  been  intimated,  McPherson's  foresight,  and,  I 
think  it  may  be  said,  the  same  prudence  he  had  exercised  at 
Snake  Creek  Gap,  had  marched  Dodge's  brigades  to  the  left, 
and  they  had  been  halted  and  now  were  in  line  of  battle  ex- 
actly where  they  ought  to  be  to  catch  and  hold  the  advancing 
Confederate  wave.  With  all  possible  haste  the  Federal  column 
was  thrown  into  position  and  turned  toward  the  rapidly  devel- 
oping lines  of  the  advancing  enemy. 

And  on  the  rock  of  the  valor  of  the  veterans  of  the  Sixteenth 
Corps  the  Confederate  onset  struck  and  was  shattered.  Be- 
yond that  rock,  or  over  it,  not  all  the  courage  and  persistence 
of  Walker,  who  fell  early  in  the  fight,  and  Bate  and  Hindman 
and  their  devoted  officers  and  men  could  advance  the  Confed- 
erate line.  Repeatedly  they  made  the  effort  and  with  unsur- 
passed steadiness  and  nerve,  but  when  the  sun  went  down  and 
the  firing  ceased,  the  gallant  men  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  held 
all  they  had  when  the  onset  of  the  morning  fell  upon  them. 

To  the  right  of  Fuller,  however,  through  the  open  space 
between  him  and  the  Seventeenth  Corps,  Cleburne's  division  of 
the  enemy,  or  some  part  of  it,  passed  and  cut  off  and  captured 
a  section  of  a  battery  and  part  of  a  brigade  at  the  extreme  end 
of  the  line  in  front  of  Atlanta.  And  then  followed  in  many 
parts  of  the  field,  a  series  of  battles  within  battles,  if  battles 
they  can  be  called,  such  as  have  few  parallels  in  any  war. 

Sprague's  brigade  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  had  been  ordered 
to  remain  at  Decatur,  six  miles  in  the  rear  of  the  Fifteenth 


24  "SNAKE   CREEK   GAP,   AND   ATLANTA." 

Corps,  and  there  performed  a  duty  of  great  value  and  impor- 
tance. Hood's  plan  of  battle  contemplated  that  Wheeler's  cav- 
alry should  move  upon  Decatur,  and  his  orders  had  been  carried 
out  to  the  letter,  but  as  Hardee's  command  found  the  main 
body  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  on  its  front  and  in  its  way, 
Wheeler's  cavalry  met  the  detachment  at  Decatur  and  failed  to 
make  any  impression  upon  it.  It  stubbornly  held  its  ground 
against  every  effort  until  the  fate  of  the  main  lines  was  decided 
and  the  enterprising  cavalryman  withdrew. 

Thus  the  brilliant  movement  of  the  Confederate  commander, 
which  promised  such  important  results,  had  failed  at  every 
point.  For  the  second  time  in  the  campaign,  the  genius  and 
discernment  of  McPherson  had  saved  the  Army  of  the  Tennes- 
see from  destruction.  He  did  not  live  to  see  and  understand 
that  just  as  he  had  done  well  at  Snake  Creek  Gap  he  had  done 
well  in  the  larger  and  not  less  trying  emergency  in  front  of 
Atlanta.  But  those  who  are  seeking  the  light  of  history 
will  not  miss  the  relation  of  the  two  events  and  their  true 
significance. 

The  narrative  of  the  22d  of  July  will  never  be  written,  and 
even  the  most  authentic  accounts  we  have  are  not  likely  to  be 
fully  credited.  The  struggle  was  not  for  position  or  advantage, 
or  in  any  sense  for  to-morrow.  Where  the  impact  came,  it  was 
now  and  to  the  death — the  spasmodic  culmination,  crisis,  and 
end  of  the  heat  and  friction  of  the  long  campaign. 

Except  that  efforts  were  made  to  hold  fast  to  where  we 
stood,  and  occasionally  to  mend  and  better  the  positions  of  our 
lines,  and  in  one  or  two  instances  to  meet  an  approaching 
charge  by  a  counter  charge,  the  Federal  Army  remained  upon 
the  defensive  all  day.  We  did  not  fight  a  battle  ;  we  simply 
took  what  came  as  it  came  and  where  it  came,  feeling  assured 
that  to  repulse  the  enemy  was  our  all-sufficient  and  only  duty. 
Some  of  the  assaults  involved  the  fronts  of  divisions,  while 
others  covered  less  than  the  fronts  of  brigades.  The  whole 
story — an  epitome  of  all  that  took  place — is  told  in  a  message 
which  came  down  to  the  lines  of  battle  from  General  Sherman. 
When  Logan  took  command  he  sent  word  that  he  was  fighting 


"SN£KE  CREEK  GAP,  AND  ATLANTA."  25 

the  whole  Confederate  Army,  and  that  he  was  pressed  on  every 
side.  General  Sherman  listened  for  a  moment  and  then  said 
in  his  nervous  way  : 

"  Tell  General  Logan  to  fight  'em,  fight  'em,  fight  'em  like 
hell!" 

This  order  "  fight  'em,  fight  'em,"  was  carried  out ;  and 
necessity  added  virtue  to  choice,  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end  of  the  long,  ragged,  and  uncertain  day. 

The  attacks  came  one  after  another,  each  as  spirited  as  that 
which  preceded  it,  and  each  almost  as  well  sustained  as  that 
with  which  the  struggle  began  ;  and  on  parts  of  the  Federal 
lines  they  came  as  often  from  the  rear  of  the  works  as  from 
the  direction  of  Atlanta.  But  whenever  they  came  and 
wherever  they  fell,  they  encountered  a  fortitude  and  devotion 
of  equal  value,  and  in  every  instance  failed.  For  a  brief  in- 
terval the  Fifteenth  Corps  was  broken,  but  the  line  was  soon 
effectually  restored  with  a  rebuke  which  was  not  likely  to  be  for- 
gotten. Six  times  during  the  day  General  Giles  A.  Smith,  who 
commanded  the  Fourth  Division  of  the  Seventeenth  Corps,  rode 
from  one  side  of  his  works  to  the  other  to  receive  the  enemy 
first  from  the  front  and  then  from  the  rear.  And  destiny  and 
good-fortune  fought  with  him,  for  if,  moving  simultaneously, 
Cleburne's  men  had  come  from  his  rear  and  Cheatham's  men 
from  toward  Atlanta,  the  consequences  to  his  lines  and  to  the 
corps  would  have  been  too  serious  to  be  estimated. 

The  losses  during  the  contest,  which  lasted  for  something 
more  than  six  hours,  were  certainly  without  a  parallel  in  our 
war.  There  were  buried  and  turned  over  under  flag  of  truce, 
in  front  of  the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Corps,  of  the  ene- 
my's dead  nearly  2000,  and  they  were  almost  as  numerous  in 
the  rear  as  in  the  front  of  the  works.  When  it  is  remembered 
that  the  Federal  loss  in  killed  was,  at  Chancellorsville  about 
1500,  at  Chickamauga  less  than  1700,  at  Stone's  River  1500, 
and  at  the  great  battle  of  Gettysburg  during  the  three  days 
about  2800,  the  fierceness  and  desperation  of  this  unprece- 
dented day  may  be  in  part  understood.  I  know  that  General 
Sherman  at  first  declined  to  accept  the  reports  which  were 


26  "SNAKE   CREEK   GAP,   AND   ATLANTA." 

sent  him  of  the  enemy's  loss,  but  he  was  subsequently  con- 
vinced of  their  accuracy,  and  they  are  established  by  official 
reports  and  other  proof  which  ought  not  to  be  for  a  moment 
disputed. 

In  every  respect,  the  day  was  one  which  taxed,  perhaps  as 
never  before,  the  nerve  and  discipline  and  staying  powers  of 
the  veteran  troops  that  were  engaged.  There  were  many  and 
most  thrilling  incidents  which  took  place  along  the  lines.  The 
things  done  in  front  of  the  Iowa  brigade,  on  Bald  Hill  and  on 
other  parts  of  the  field,  were  as  dramatic  as  anything  in  the 
history  of  war. 

But,  of  all  the  incidents  of  the  long  day,  the  most  memora- 
ble and  most  dramatic  was  that  which  we  may  almost  see,  so 
complete  and  accurate  are  the  descriptions  of  the  scene  which 
have  been  preserved. 

A  general  officer  of  commanding  presence,  mounted  on  a 
spirited  horse,  is  observing  from  a  knoll  on  the  right  of  the 
Sixteenth  Corps  its  incomparable  performance  and  the  telling 
repulse  of  the  enemy  which  is  taking  place.  What  he  sees 
excites  his  admiration  and  unqualified  commendation,  but,  as 
he  looks,  an  urgent  message  reaches  him  telling  of  the  devel- 
opment of  facts  which  for  hours  have  been  the  subject  of  his 
apprehensions — that  his  left  flank,  already  in  danger,  is  still 
more  seriously  menaced  and  about  to  be  attacked. 

Near  him,  leading  directly  toward  the  left  of  the  Seventeenth 
Corps  and  the  point  of  danger,  there  is  a  narrow  road  cut 
through  the  woods,  and  into  that  fatal  road  he  spurs  his  horse, 
and  down  it  at  full  speed. 

His  staff  have  all  been  sent  in  different  directions,  and  he 
is  attended  by  a  single  orderly,  followed  by  several  mounted 
officers  whose  duty  takes  them  in  the  same  direction.  Within 
an  hour  he  has  been  over  the  road ;  it  is  the  only  one  which 
will  take  him  speedily  to  where  the  pinch  of  the  increasing 
battle  has  shifted ;  and  every  moment  is  of  inestimable  signifi- 
cance. Suddenly,  without  warning,  as  he  rides,  he  comes  upon 
an  advancing  skirmish  line  of  Confederate  infantry  cautiously 
moving  up  the  road.  As  quickly  as  possible  he  halts  and  turns 


"  SNAKE  CREEK   GAP,  AND   ATLANTA."  2/ 

his  horse  toward  the  cover  of  the  woods  upon  his  right.  There 
is  one  moment  of  hopeless  silence  followed  by  a  volley ;  and, 
stricken  unto  death,  the  noble  figure  at  which  it  has  been 
aimed,  rises  in  his  stirrups,  catches  blindly  at  his  horse's  mane, 
and  reels,  and  falls  heavily  to  the  ground. 

The  officer  in  command  of  the  Confederate  skirmishers 
runs  hastily  forward,  knowing  only  that  the  volley  has  done  its 
terrible  work  and  that  some  prominent  general  has  fallen. 
Standing  over  the  prostrate  form,  he  calls  to  one  of  the  Fed- 
eral officers,  the  colonel  of  the  78th  Ohio,  who  has  fallen  and 
is  lying  near  the  dying  chief : 

"  Who  is  this  ?     Who  is  it  we  have  shot  ?  "  he  asks. 

The  Federal  colonel  had  strength  to  answer,  and  what  he 
said  should  hold  always  a  place  in  history,  as  the  utterance  and 
verdict  of  that  supreme  hour  and  occasion  : 

"  It 's  General  McPherson ;  you  Ve  killed  the  best  man  in 
our  army." 

Death  must  have  taken  place  not  many  minutes  after  the 
fatal  shot  was  fired.  The  enemy  had  possession  for  perhaps 
an  hour  of  the  woods  in  which  the  body  lay,  when,  their  lines 
having  been  retired,  it  was  rescued  by  Colonel  Strong  and 
Captain  Buell  and  removed  to  General  Sherman's  headquarters. 

As  the  sun  went  down  the  last  journey  was  commenced. 
From  the  field  where,  faithful  unto  death,  he  had  yielded  up 
the  full  measure  of  his  devotion,  all  that  remained  of  the  man 
went  back  to  the  little  town  of  Clyde.  In  the  quiet  home  of 
his  early  life  his  remains  were  laid  away  to  await,  let  us  hope 
and  believe,  the  reveille  of  the  eternal  morning  and  the  march 
which  lies  beyond  the  unknown  river. 

Our  associations  and  the  impressions  they  produce  cause  us 
to  discriminate  and  select  where,  perhaps,  we  should  hesitate 
to  do  so. 

Of  those  who  rose  to  prominence  in  the  West  whom  it  was 
my  great  privilege  to  know,  three  names  stand  in  my  memory 
and  affection  above  all  other  names :  McPherson,  Thomas,  and 
C.  F.  Smith.  They  were  different  types,  unlike  each  other  in 


28  "SNAKE   CREEK  GAP,   AND   ATLANTA." 

temperament  and  intellectual  qualities,  but  there  was  in  each 
the  indescribable  charm  of  genuineness  and  that  rare  directness 
and  simplicity  of  purpose  which  are  the  evidence  and  proof  of 
the  highest  types  of  manhood.  Their  characters  found  no  ex- 
pression in  words,  but  we  read  and  know  what  they  were,  and 
how  they  served  their  country,  in  the  lofty  and  imperishable 
records  of  their  lives. 

When  we  think  of  C.  F.  Smith,  during  the  watches  of  the 
winter  night  which  he  spent  on  that  ridge  which  he  won  at 
Fort  Donelson,  we  understand  and  realize  the  grandeur  of 
"  that  high  scorn  which  laughs  at  earthly  fears."  More  courtly 
knight  and  gentleman  never  rode  to  battle  or  gave  up  his  life — 
for  it  was  his  life  he  gave — with  less  hesitation  and  less  thought 
or  desire  of  recognition  or  reward.  What  he  did  was  to  him  a 
simple  duty,  the  duty  in  effect  to  die  ;  and  he  performed  it  with 
all  the  grace  and  ease  and  ceremony  with  which  he  saluted  the 
colors  on  review. 

And  how  shall  we  measure  or  define  the  value  of  Thomas  at 
Chickamauga!  What  grander  spectacle  is  there  in  history 
than  the  serious  figure,  standing  unmoved  and  unmovable, 
holding  his  army  to  its  duty,  until  it  shared  his  fortitude  and 
stood  with  him !  There  were  many  on  the  trying  field  who 
were  as  ready  as  he  was  to  do  their  full  duty,  and  who  did  their 
full  duty  and  much  more.  But  the  faith  and  patience  and  in- 
dividuality and  composure  of  that  unselfish  and  heroic  man  are 
the  apples  of  gold  of  the  picture. 

In  the  story  of  McPherson's  blameless  life,  we  find  the  same 
exalted  sense  of  responsibility,  the  same  single-hearted  sub- 
ordination of  himself  and  all  his  interests,  the  same  sublime  and 
unfailing  loyalty  to  the  noblest  impulses  of  which  man  is  capa- 
ble. No  one  can  turn  to  the  record  he  has  left  without  feel- 
ing that  he  added  something  to  that  which  is  best  in  the  history 
of  war,  and  made  plainer  the  duty  which  we  owe  to  our  country 
and  ourselves. 

His  career  may  be  likened  to  the  record  of  a  cloudless  day. 
It  rose  and  ran  its  course,  complete  in  every  hour ;  and  it 
closed,  abruptly  but  unbroken,  when  he  fell,  without  color  of 


"  SNAKE   CREEK   GAP,   AND  ATLANTA."  29 

blemish  or  reproach,  in  the  hour  of  his  greatest  service  and 
without  an  enemy. 

But  the  light  and  inspiration  of  his  day  remain  to  us,  like  a 
fixed  and  silent  star,  which  in  the  years  to  come  shall  lose  not 
its  high  place  and  value  in  the  firmament,  but  lift  men's  minds 
and  hearts  toward  higher  aims  and  nobler  purposes. 


IN  COMMEMORATION  OF  GENERAL  WILLIAM 
TECUMSEH  SHERMAN. 

April  6,  1892. 

/COMPANIONS  to  the  number  of  four  hundred  took  their 
^  places  at  the  tables  at  8:30  o'clock ;  Brevet  Major-Gen- 
eral Wager  Swayne,  U.  S.  A.  (retired),  Commander,  presiding. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  banquet,  the  Commander  called  the 
Companions  to  order,  and  made  the  following  remarks : 
The  Commander,  introducing  Senator  Sherman,  said  : 
Companions  :  You  may  remember  that  a  good  while  ago, 
and  at  the  time  of  a  very  great  excitement  in  the  religious 
world,  an  eminent  clergyman,  son  of  a  clergyman  still  more 
eminent,  received  a  mortal  injury  in  a  threshing  machine  ;  and, 
as  his  life  was  ebbing  away,  he  said  to  his  father,  "  Father, 
stand  up  for  Jesus,"  and  that  father  came  back  to  his  charge 
straightway  in  St.  George's  Church,  in  this  city,  and  preached 
a  memorable  sermon  commemorative  of  that  son.  It  was  felt 
at  that  time  that  it  had  been  long  since  any  father  had  lost  such 
a  son,  and  long  since  any  son  had  departed  leaving  a  father 
who  could  so  commemorate  him.  Reminded  of  that  incident 
by  the  circumstances  of  this  day,  I  venture  to  say  in  your  be- 
half, to  our  distinguished  guest,  that  I  know  no  other  brother 
dying  who  had  left  behind  him  such  a  brother  to  commemo- 
rate him,  and  I  know  no  one  else  who  has  had  such  a  brother 
to  commemorate.  I  venture  to  say  further  in  your  behalf,  that 
such  a  tribute  is  not  inappropriate  to  this  company.  General 
Sherman  himself  was  one  of  us,  and  often  here  among  us.  You 
may  remember  his  saying,  not  long  before  his  death,  that  when 

30 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  31 

he  was  planning  the  march  to  the  sea,  he  was  on  the  lookout 
for  two  vigorous  and  capable  young  men  to  take  charge  of  his 
right  and  left  wings,  and  those  vigorous  and  capable  men,  Gen- 
erals Slocum  and  Howard,  are  here.  Many  of  us  can  remem- 
ber, as  the  long  march  stretched  out  one  line  towards  Atlanta, 
the  suspense  we  felt  over  the  continuity  of  that  daily  length- 
ening line  of  railroad.  General  Sherman  depended  for  the 
maintenance  and  operation  of  that  railroad  upon  General 
Dodge,  and  General  Dodge  is  here.  Some  of  you  know  that 
he  came  very  near  not  being  here.  On  the  iQth  of  May,  1864, 
I  saw  him  in  his  tent,  surrounded  by  his  staff,  and  with  a 
bullet  hole  square  in  the  middle  of  his  forehead.  It  has  ever 
since  been  a  puzzle  to  me,  perhaps  you  can  help  me  solve  it, 
whether  the  deflection  of  that  bullet  around  under  his  scalp 
was  occasioned  by  its  contact  with  a  compactness  of  eight 
years  of  Pacific  Railroad  surveys,  or  whether  it  is  more  reason- 
able to  suppose  that  bullet  fled  in  dismay  at  the  prospect  of 
the  enormous  contemplated  expenditures  for  railway  construc- 
tion which  the  interior  of  his  cranium  disclosed,  and  which 
have  since  been  made.  I  might  go  on,  Companions,  down  the 
list  in  point  of  rank  and  time,  till  I  came  near  to  my  own 
heart,  and  might  recall  the  day  when  General  Sherman,  in  the 
midst  of  a  great  campaign,  found  time  to  sit  down  and  write  a 
long,  kind  letter  to  a  father  whose  boy  had  been  hurt  the  day 
before.  Sometimes  it  is  a  little  thing,  the  smallest  thing,  that 
shows  the  greatest  mind,  precisely  as  the  perfection  of  a  great 
engine  is  most  clearly  shown  by  the  smallness  of  the  lever  that 
will  start  its  operation.  It  is  better  to  forbear. 

To  introduce  Senator  Sherman  to  you  with  comments  in- 
troductory of  him,  would  be  a  travesty  on  introductions.  It 
is  enough  that  he  is  here.  Let  me  present  him  to  you. 

REMARKS   OF  SENATOR  SHERMAN. 

Mr.  Commander  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Loyal  Legion  : 

It  is  a  delicate  task  for  me  to  respond  to  your  invitation  to 
speak  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  General  Sherman.  I  did 


32  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

not  fully  appreciate  this  when  I  accepted  the  invitation  of  your 
Commander,  General  Swayne.  He  and  I  often,  in  the  free- 
dom of  personal  friendship  and  intercourse,  have  talked  of  the 
traits  and  characteristics  of  leading  actors  in  our  Civil  War, 
and  especially  of  General  Sherman,  to  whom  each  of  us  was 
bound  by  the  strongest  ties  :  he  by  intimate  association,  by  the 
warm  friendship  that  had  existed  between  his  father  and  mine, 
and  by  the  closer  ties  of  comradeship  in  war ;  and  I  by  the  nat- 
ural ties  of  brothers  associated  during  all  our  lives  in  the  most 
intimate  confidence  and  affection.  It  is  one  thing  to  talk  with 
a  personal  friend  about  incidents  in  the  life  of  a  man  of  such 
varied  adventure  and  experience  as  General  Sherman,  but 
it  is  quite  another  thing  to  present  to  an  audience,  even  of  his 
comrades,  however  partial  they  may  be,  the  just  measure  of 
praise  due  to  his  memory,  without  seeming  to  derogate  from 
the  equal  or  higher  praise  due  to  his  associates.  As  to  the 
merits  and  services  of  General  Sherman  as  a  soldier,  I  am  hot 
a  competent  judge.  His  standing  as  such  will  rest  mainly 
upon  the  opinions  of  his  comrades  and  the  official  record  of 
events  now  being  gathered  into  volumes  too  numerous  and 
large  to  be  read,  except  by  the  compiler  and  proof-reader.  All 
I  can  do  is  to  recall  some  personal  incidents  and  traits  illustra- 
tive of  his  life  from  boyhood  to  old  age. 

He  was  born  on  the  8th  day  of  February,  1820.  He  was 
three  years  and  three  months  older  than  I,  and,  therefore, 
was  always  to  me  an  elder  brother.  Among  my  earliest  recol- 
lections, and  the  saddest,  was  the  sudden  death  of  my  father, 
at  the  age  of  forty,  when  on  duty  away  from  home  as  Judge 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio,  leaving  eleven  children,  the 
eldest  about  to  graduate  in  college,  and  the  youngest  an  infant. 
General  Sherman  was  then  nine  years  old — a  red-headed  boy, 
active  and  alert,  but  easily  moved  by  sympathy  or  passion. 
My  father  shared  the  poverty  then  general  in  Ohio,  and  left  to 
his  children  only  an  honorable  reputation  and  great  popularity 
for  his  generous  and  social  qualities.  These  especially  en- 
deared him  to  the  members  of  the  bar  in  Ohio.  Necessity 
soon  compelled  the  partial  breaking  up  of  the  family. 


GENERAL  WILLIAM  TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  33 

"Cump,"  as  we  called  him,  entered  the  family  of  Hon. 
Thomas  Ewing,  then,  or  soon  after,  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States,  and  had  the  benefit  of  the  kindness,  assistance,  and 
affection  of  Mr.  Ewing  and  his  family  to  as  full  a  degree  as  his 
own  children.  By  his  influence,  William  Tecumseh  Sherman 
was  appointed  in  July,  1836,  a  cadet  at  West  Point,  and  there 
laid  the  foundation  for  his  military  career.  About  a  year 
later,  I,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  was  employed  as- a  junior  rod- 
man  on  the  Muskingum  Improvement.  Soon  after  commenced 
a  correspondence  between  us  which  continued  until  within  a 
week  of  his  death,  only  interrupted  when  the  thread  of  our 
lives  brought  us  together  at  Wasnmgton-  ^  ls  m  this  corre- 
spondence, carefully  preserved,  relating  to  every  material  event 
of  his  life,  that  are  to  be  found  the  opinions  and  motives  that 
guided  him  in  every  period  of  his  career,  and  is  the  basis  of 
what  I  have  to  say  to-night. 

General  Sherman,  as  many  of  you  know,  was  a  copious  and 
rapid  writer,  writing  almost  as  rapidly  as  he  spoke,  and  rarely 
correcting  his  manuscript.  He  was  a  careful  observer,  and  a 
great  reader.  His  mind  was  stored  with  information  upon  a 
variety  of  subjects,  especially  of  topography,  geography,  and 
history,  and  his  language,  whether  written  or  spoken,  was  a 
flowing  and  transparent  river,  revealing  his  inmost  thoughts 
without  caution  or  concealment.  Remember  that  this  cor- 
respondence commenced  when  the  United  States  charged 
twenty-five  cents  for  conveying  a  letter ;  and  twenty-five  cents 
was  then  a  much  larger  sum  than  it  appears  to  be  now. 
Letters  with  us  were  a  serious  matter,  and  every  part  of  the 
sheet  was  literally  covered.  The  extravagance  of  an  envelope 
doubled  the  postage  and  was  rarely  used. 

Cadet  Sherman  graduated  at  West  Point  in  the  summer  of 
1840.  After  a  brief  visit  to  Ohio  he  was  ordered  to  Florida  to 
take  part  in  the  Indian  War.  He  remained  in  the  South  until 
1846,  stationed  mainly  at  Fort  Moultrie,  in  Charleston  Bay, 
and  at  the  Augusta  Arsenal,  in  Georgia.  It  was  during  this 
time,  when  sent  on  official  duty  in  connection  with  Indian 
accounts  through  several  States,  he  became  familiar  with  the 


34  GENERAL  WILLIAM  TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

region  from  Chattanooga  to  Atlanta,  knowledge  of  great  serv- 
ice to  him  during  his  campaign  of  1864.  His  letters  during 
this  period  gave  a  very  interesting  and  friendly  view  of  life  in 
the  South — of  the  social  habits  of  the  people,  of  the  kindly 
relation  between  the  whites  and  the  blacks.  He  had  a  strong 
prejudice  against  Abolitionists,  who,  he  said,  would  disturb  the 
peace  of  the  country  to  carry  out  Utopian  views. 

On  the  approach  of  the  Mexican  War,  Lieutenant  Sherman 
was  ordered  to  Pittsburg  on  recruiting  duty,  but  was  so  impa- 
tient to  join  the  army,  then  gaining  laurels  in  Mexico,  that  he 
applied  in  rather  an  abrupt  manner  for  leave  to  join  his  com- 
pany, but  the  result  was  he  was  sent  with  another  company 
around  Cape  Horn  to  California,  to  take  and  occupy  that  dis- 
tant territory  of  Mexico  until  the  result  of  the  war  should 
determine  its  ownership.  The  story  of  the  long  voyage,  the 
occupancy  of  California,  the  quarrels  between  Kearny  and 
Fremont,  the  discovery  of  gold  by  Marshall,  and  the  vast  and 
heterogeneous  migration  to  the  gold-fields,  is  well  told  in 
General  Sherman's  Memoirs,  very  much  as  it  was  told  to  me  in 
letters.  The  first  detailed  authentic  account  of  the  great  dis- 
covery made  known  in  Ohio  was  in  a  letter  from  Captain 
Sherman,  which  was  received  with  incredulity,  and  many  came 
from  far  and  near  to  see  his  letters  and  have  assurance  from 
some  one  they  knew  that  an  industrious  man  could  earn  an 
ounce  of  gold  or  more  in  a  day. 

[In  a  letter  dated  Monterey,  August  24,  1848,  he  says  :  "Gold 
in  immense  quantities  has  been  discovered.  All  the  towns  and 
farms  are  abandoned,  and  nobody  left  on  the  coast  but  us 
soldiers  ;  and,  now  that  the  New  York  Volunteers  are  disbanded, 
there  remain  in  service  but  two  companies.  Our  men  are  all  desert- 
ing, as  they  can  earn  by  so  doing  in  one  day  more  than  a  soldier's 
pay  for  a  month.  Everything  is  high  in  price  ;  beyond  our  reach  ; 
and  not  a  nigger  in  California  but  gets  more  pay  than  us  offi- 
cers. Of  course,  we  are  running  into  debt  merely  to  live.  I  have 
not  been  so  hard  up  in  my  life,  and  really  see  no  way  of  extricating 
myself.  All  others  here  in  the  service  of  the  United  States  are  as 
badly  off.  Even  Colonel  Mason  himself  has  been  compelled  to 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  3$ 

assist  in  cooking  his  own  meals.  Merchants  are  making  for- 
tunes, for  gold,  such  as  I  send  you,  can  be  bought  at  eight  or  ten 
dollars  an  ounce,  and  goods  command  prices  thirty  times  higher 
than  in  New  York.  .  .  .  This  gold  is  found  in  the  beds  of 
streams,  in  dry  quarries  ;  in  fact,  mingled  with  the  earth  over  a 
large  extent  of  the  country,  and  the  whole  cannot  be  extracted  in 
centuries.  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  that  five  or  six  millions  of 
dollars  have  already  been  extracted,  and  men  are  now  getting,  from 
their  individual  labor,  from  five  thousand  to  eight  thousand  dollars 
a  month.  This  is  not  fiction.  It  is  truth.  I  went  with  Governor 
Mason  and  saw  the  evidence  of  it  myself."] 

This,  coming  at  a  time  when  all  industries  in  the  States 
were  stagnant  and  unprofitable,  led  active  young  men  of  every 
condition  to  drop  the  shovel  and  the  hoe,  their  law  books,  and 
all  the  diversified  employments  of  life,  and  to  undertake,  with- 
out suitable  preparation,  a  long  and  wearisome  journey  in  the 
hope  of  growing  suddenly  rich  in  this  new  El  Dorado.  It 
created  the  same  feverish  anxiety  and  perilous  adventure  that 
followed  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus,  but  results 
were  more  rapid  and  marvellous,  and  ultimately  led  to  our  Civil 
War,  and  the  occupation  and  development  of  the  vast  region 
now  embraced  in  the  United  States  of  America. 

General  Sherman  shared  in  the  ups  and  downs  of  this  ad- 
venturous period.  While  an  officer  in  the  United  States  Army 
his  daily  pay  became  insufficient  to  buy  a  dinner.  His  servant 
deserted  him  to  earn  ten  dollars  a  day.  To  make  a  living  he 
was  allowed  leave  of  absence,  and  earned  as  a  surveyor  ten 
times  as  much  as  his  pay  as  an  officer.  In  two  or  three  years 
he  was  compelled  to  resign  his  commission  in  order  to  support 
his  family,  and  embarked  in  banking.  After  remarkable  suc- 
cess he  had  to  weather  the  storm  of  a  general  panic  which 
broke  the  strongest  banks  in  San  Francisco.  He  saved  the 
credit  of  his  house  by  the  sacrifice  of  all  its  earnings.  At  the 
request  of  General  Wool  and  the  Governor  of  California  he 
undertook  to  put  down  the  Vigilance  Committee,  who,  with- 
out and  against  law,  assumed  to  hang  people  without  trial,  but 
was  prevented  from  the  attempt  by  the  refusal  of  the  author- 


36  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

ities  to  furnish  arms  and  ammunition.  He  turned  from  bank- 
ing to  the  law.  I  cannot  say  he  was  a  success  in  this  adventure* 
He  was  soon  called  to  the  head  of  a  military  institution  in  the 
State  of  Louisiana.  This  gave  him  an  employment  suited  to 
his  active  temperament.  He  soon  gained  the  confidence  and 
support  of  all  persons  connected  with  the  institution.  He 
seemed  to  have  reached  in  his  adventurous  career  a  haven  of 
rest,  when,  without  any  fault  of  his,  he  was  compelled  to 
choose  his  side  in  the  great  tragedy  of  our  Civil  War.  He  in- 
herited from  his  Revolutionary  ancestors  a  love  for  liberty  and 
union,  one  and  inseparable,  now  and  forever.  He  was  born  in 
Ohio,  where  the  first  lesson  of  patriotism  was  love  for  the 
Union.  He  was  educated  as  a  soldier  to  fight  for  his  Country. 
All  his  instincts,  tendencies,  and  convictions  were  for  the  su- 
premacy of  National  authority.  He  had  lived  in  many  States, 
but  to  him  they  were  only  parts  of  one  great  Nation.  He 
had  no  pride  in,  or  hate  for,  any  section,  and  he  belonged  to 
no  political  party.  He  had  cherished  friends  in  both  parties 
and  in  all  sections.  When,  therefore,  he  was  compelled  to 
choose  his  side  in  the  Civil  War,  is  it  any  wonder  that  he  was, 
without  question  or  doubt,  without  a  shadow  of  turning,  on 
the  side  of  the  Union  ?  Secession  would  destroy  the  Union, 
and  therefore  he  was  opposed  to  secession. 

It  is  certain  he  did  not  enter  into  the  military  service  on 
account  of  slavery.  His  sympathies  and  friendships  were 
largely  with  the  South.  In  a  letter  dated  November  30,  1854, 
congratulating  me  upon  my  election  as  a  Member  of  Congress, 
he  says : 

"  As  a  young  member,  I  hope  you  will  not  be  too  forward,  espe- 
cially on  the  question  of  slavery,  which  it  seems  is  rising  every  year 
more  and  more  into  a  question  of  real  danger,  notwithstanding  the 
compromises.  Having  lived  a  good  deal  in  the  South,  I  think  I 
know  practically  more  of  slavery  than  you  do.  If  it  were  a  new 
question  no  one  would  contend  for  introducing  it,  but  it  is  an  old 
and  historical  fact  that  you  must  take  as  you  find  it." 

In  another  letter,  of  the  date  of  March  20,  1856,  he  says : 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  37 

"  The  slavery  question  is  forced  on  you  in  spite  of  yourself. 
Time  and  facts  are  accomplishing  all  you  aim  at — viz.,  the  prepon- 
derance of  the  free  over  the  slave  States.  This  is  so  manifest  that 
the  politicians  and  people  of  the  South  feel  it,  and  consequently  are 
touchy  and  nervous.  Of  course  you  will  vote  as  you  think  right, 
but  should  you  have  occasion  to  speak,  do  not  imitate  Giddings  or 
Seward.  .  .  .  The  repeal  of  the  compromise  was  unfortunate, 
but  being  done,  to  repeal  it  would  only  produce  feeling  and  no  good. 
Kansas  will  be  a  free  State  ;  so  will  Missouri  and  Kentucky  in  time. 
But  the  way  to  accomplish  that  is  to  let  things  go  on  as  now,  show- 
ing the  eminent  prosperity  of  the  free  States,  while  the  slave  States 
get  along  slowly." 

He  acknowledged  no  fealty  to  any  party,  and,  like  General 
Grant,  he  voted  for  President  but  once,  and  then  acknowledged 
he  had  made  a  mistake.  He  had  an  idea,  too  common,  I  think, 
among  the  graduates  of  West  Point,  that  there  was  something, 
inherently  wrong  in  politics.  In  his  Memoirs  he  states  his  de- 
fence of  me  in  Louisiana  against  the  vague  charge  of  being  an 
"  Abolitionist."  He  came  to  Ohio  to  hear  me  speak,  and  re- 
turned to  Louisiana  only  partially  satisfied  with  my  position, 
which  was  substantially  that  of  Lincoln  and  Corwin  :  against 
interference  with  slavery  in  the  States,  but  opposed  to  the 
extension  of  slavery  into  the  Territories. 

The  motive  that  led  him  into  the  war  was  his  intense  patriot- 
ism. This  was  the  most  striking  trait  of  his  character.  The 
evils  of  slavery,  the  dictates  of  party,  and  the  hope  of  promo- 
tion had  no  influence  with  him.  The  seizure  of  the  arms  and 
arsenals  of  the  United  States  at  Baton  Rouge  on  the  loth  of 
January,  1861,  the  forced  surrender  of  Captain  Haskin's  com- 
pany of  artillery,  the  transfer  of  some  of  the  arms  to  the  mili- 
tary academy  in  charge  of  General  Sherman,  making  him  the 
receiver  of  stolen  goods,  and  these  goods  the  property  of  the 
United  States,  fired  his  blood,  aroused  his  patriotism,  and 
forced  him  to  take  his  stand.  On  the  i8th  of  January,  1861, 
before  the  ordinance  of  secession  by  Louisiana  or  the  capture 
of  the  forts  below  New  Orleans,  he  sent  to  the  Governor  of 
Louisiana  a  letter  which,  though  often  published,  cannot  be 


38  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

omitted  in  the  briefest  sketch  of  his  life.     I  read  from  a  letter 
he  wrote  me  on  the  same  day : 

"  LOUISIANA  STATE  SEMINARY  OF  LEARNING  AND  MILITARY 

ACADEMY. 

"  ALEXANDRIA,  January  18,  1861. 
"  DEAR  BROTHER  : 

"  Before  receiving  yours  of  the  yth,  I  addressed  a  letter  to  Gov- 
ernor Moore  at  Baton  Rouge,  of  which  this  is  a  copy  : 

" '  SIR.  As  I  occupy  a  fuasi-militery  position  under  the  laws  of 
this  State,  I  deem  it  proper  to  acquaint  you  that  I  accepted  such 
position  when  Louisiana  was  a  State  in  the  Union,  and  when  the 
motto  of  this  Seminary  was  inscribed  in  marble  over  the  main  door  : 
"By  the  liberality  of  the  General  Government.  The  Union  esto 
perpetua" 

"  *  Recent  events  foreshadow  a  great  change,  and  it  becomes  all 
men  to  choose.  If  Louisiana  withdraws  from  the  Federal  Union,  I 
prefer  to  maintain  my  allegiance  to  the  old  Constitution  as  long  as  a 
fragment  of  it  survives,  and  my  longer  stay  here  would  be  wrong  in 
every  sense  of  the  word.  In  that  event  I  beg  that  you  will  send  or 
appoint  some  authorized  agent  to  take  charge  of  the  arms  and  muni- 
tions of  war  here  belonging  to  the  State  ;  or  advise  me  what  disposi- 
tion to  make  of  them. 

"  '  And  furthermore,  as  President  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors,  I 
beg  you  to  take  immediate  steps  to  relieve  me  as  superintendent  the 
moment  the  State  determines  to  secede,  for  on  no  earthly  account 
will  I  do  any  act  or  think  any  thought  hostile  to  or  in  defiance  of 
the  old  Government  of  the  United  States. 

"  '  With  respect,  etc., 

'"W.  T.  SHERMAN.'" 


In  his  letters  to  me  he  expresses  his  deep  regret  for  the 
course  of  events  which  involved  his  separation  from  General 
Bragg,  and  his  many  friends  in  the  South,  his  clear  perception 
that  the  inevitable  results  of  secession  would  be  war  or  a  dis- 
honored flag  and  a  broken  Union,  and  his  resolve  that,  come 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  39 

what  may,  he  would  do  all  that  one  trained  soldier  could  do 
for  the  old  Union  and  Constitution. 

He  came  to  Washington  in  March,  1861,  to  advise  the  au- 
thorities of  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Louisiana,  and  to  offer 
his  services.  He  was  amazed  at  the  apathy  he  found.  I  went 
with  him  to  President  Lincoln.  I  heard  the  conversation  be- 
tween them.  General  Sherman  referred  to  the  fact  that  he  was 
educated  at  West  Point ;  that  he  had  recently  come  from 
Louisiana.  He  stated  the  condition  of  affairs  there,  and  that 
he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  tender  his  services  to  the  President 
for  any  military  position  for  which  he  was  deemed  fitted.  The 
President  said  he  hoped  that  they  would  not  need  soldiers ; 
that  he  thought  they  could  keep  house.  What  was  said  by 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  kindly  meant,  but  it  had  an  unpleasant  effect 
on  General  Sherman,  who  was  deeply  impressed  with  the  grav- 
ity of  the  situation.  When  he  left  he  said  to  me,  "These  men 
are  sleeping  on  a  volcano,  but  I  have  done  my  duty."  He 
went  to  St.  Louis  and  became  president  of  a  street  railroad. 

His  letters  at  this  period  exhibit  the  excited  state  of  his 
mind.  The  rapid  drift  of  events  ;  the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter ; 
the  defence  of  that  post  by  his  old  friend  and  associate,  Major 
Anderson  ;  the  ordinances  of  secession  of  State  after  State ; 
the  call  for  three-months  regiments,  which  he  denounced 
as  imbecility  ;  and  the  contemptuous  refusal  of  his  offer  of 
service,  left  him  like  Achilles  in  his  wrath,  and  Coriolanus 
in  his  banishment.  An  effort  was  made  by  General  Frank 
Blair  t>  have  him  raise  a  regiment.  I  appealed  to  him  to  come 
to  Oh b  and  accept  a  command,  but  he  wrote  he  "  would  not 
act  vith  three-months  volunteers ;  he  would  not  identify 
himself  with  a  partisan  Government.  .  .  .  The  first  move- 
ments of  our  Government  will  fail  and  the  leaders  will  be  cast 
aside.'  He  did  not  stipulate  for  rank  or  pay,  but  he  wanted 
assurance  of  an  "  army  "  and  not  a  militia  muster.  No  doubt 
he  wzs  impatient  and  irritable.  He  had  a  clearer  and  better 
view  Df  the  great  task  before  this  country  than  any  of  us,  and 
was  violent  and  intolerant  with  the  politicians,  and  especially 
with  the  newspapers  of  the  day  with  their  "  On  to  Richmond  " 


40  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

cry.  But  there  was  not  the  slightest  abatement  of  his  zeal  in 
the  cause  of  the  Union,  or  his  determination  to  uphold  it,  and 
to  fight  for  it. 

When  the  call  for  three-year  regiments  was  made,  and  es- 
pecially when  the  new  regular  regiments  were  proposed,  the 
doubts  of  General  Sherman  disappeared.  On  the  8th  day  of 
May,  1861,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Cameron,  the  Secretary  of  War, 
tendering  his  services  in  the  capacity  for  which  he  was  trained, 
closing  with  these  words  :  "  Should  my  services  be  needed,  the 
records  of  the  War  Department  will  enable  you  to  designate 
the  station  in  which  I  can  render  best  service."  He  was  soon 
after  appointed  Colonel  of  the  I3th  Infantry,  one  of  the  new 
three-battalion  regiments,  and  ordered  to  Washington.  Pend- 
ing the  recruitment  of  his  regiment  he  was  attached  to  General 
Scott's  staff  as  Inspector-General. 

I  was  then  with  General  Patterson  on  his  way  to  Hagers- 
town.  General  Sherman  wrote  me  that  there  was  with  us  an 
"  A  No.  I  man,  George  H.  Thomas,  Colonel  2d  Cavalry.  Say 
to  him  I  wish  all  the  success  that  he  aspires  to  ;  and,  if  in  the 
varying  changes  of  war  the  opportunity  offers,  I  would  name 
him  for  a  high  place."  He  adds  :  "  But  Thomas  is  a  Virginian 
from  near  Norfolk,  and,  say  what  we  may,  he  must  fe*l  un- 
pleasant at  leading  an  invading  army.  But,  if  he  says  le  will 
do  it,  he  will  do  it  well." 

Soon  after,  General  Sherman  visited  me  at  a  village  Dn  the 
banks  of  the  Potomac,  and  he  and  General  Thomas,  his  class- 
mate and  friend,  with  a  large  map  of  the  United  States  spread 
out  before  them  on  the  floor,  discussed  in  my  preseme  the 
probabilities  of  the  war,  and  they  agreed  that  Richnond, 
Chattanooga,  and  Nashville  were  the  great  strategic  points. 
The  sagacity  with  which  these  two  soldiers  pointed  out  the 
theatres  of  future  operations  in  which  they  were  to  take  so  im- 
portant a  part  is  worthy  of  notice. 

His  part  in  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  was  creditable,  and  the 
general  result  proved  that  his  estimate  of  raw  troops  was 
correct.  He  was  soon  after  transferred,  as  second  to  General 
Robert  Anderson,  to  the  Kentucky  campaign.  There  igain 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  41 

he  encountered  the  hostility  of  the  newspaper  press  and  the 
civil  authorities,  who  could  not  comprehend  the  gravity  of  the 
war  in  which  we  were  engaged. 

They  regarded  his  demand  for  sixty  thousand  troops  to 
justify  an  advance  through  Kentucky  into  Tennessee  as  ridi- 
culous, and  denounced  him  as  crazy  when  he  said  that  two 
hundred  thousand  troops  would  be  required  to  open  up  the 
Mississippi  from  its  source  to  its  mouth.  I  knew  full  well  that 
this  charge  was  false,  and  understood  better  than  any  one  else 
his  strong  opinions  as  to  the  nature  of  the  war,  and  how  easily 
his  frank  and  open,  but  true,  declarations  could  be  used  as  an 
evidence  of  timidity  or  even  insanity.  Though  then  engaged 
in  recruiting  a  brigade,  I  went  to  Louisville  and  found  him  cool 
and  self-possessed,  but  very  willing  to  be  relieved  from  that 
command,  and  to  turn  over  his  forces  to  General  Buell. 

In  a  letter  to  Hon.  Thomas  Ewing,  soon  after,  he  wrote : 

"  Among  the  keenest  feelings  of  my  life  is  that  arising  from  a 
consciousness  that  you  will  be  mortified  beyond  measure  at  the  dis- 
grace which  has  befallen  me  by  the  announcement  in  the  Cincinnati 
Commercial  that  I  am  insane. 

You  can  appreciate  how  keenly  he  felt  this  insult  when  it 
wrung  from  him  such  language  as  this.  Then  follows  a  clear 
and  very  interesting  statement  of  the  situation  in  Kentucky, 
and  the  ground  of  his  opinion,  which,  though  scoffed  at  the 
time,  was  promptly  acted  upon  by  the  speedy  collection  along 
the  line  of  the  Ohio  River  of  a  larger  force  under  Grant  and 
Buell  than  General  Sherman  claimed  to  be  necessary.  He 
closes  this  letter  with  this  paragraph  : 

"  There  is  no  doubt  my  mind  is  deeply  moved  by  an  estimate  of 
strength  and  purpose  on  the  part  of  our  enemies  much  higher  than 
the  Government  or  people  believe  to  be  true.  I  am  perfectly  will- 
ing to  leave  its  solution  to  time,  and  will  be  much  relieved  to  find 
I  am  wholly  wrong.  I  will  stay  here  until  next  week  and  return  to 
St.  Louis,  but  feel  certain  this  paragraph  will  be  widely  circulated 
and  will  impair  my  personal  influence  for  much  time  to  come,  if  not 
always." 


42  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

The  drift  of  events  soon  gave  General  Sherman  an  opportu- 
nity to  demonstrate  his  sanity.  The  battle  of  Shiloh  gave  the 
country  assurance  of  his  fighting  qualities.  It  was  one  of  the 
most  severely  contested  battles  of  the  war.  The  chief  force  of 
the  attack  fell  upon  his  division  on  the  first  day,  but  he  held 
the  front  line  of  the  Union  forces  facing  the  enemy  until  night 
closed  upon  that  gloomy  day ;  and  was  the  first  to  advance  on 
the  enemy  in  the  morning,  and  soon  re-occupied  his  old  camp 
and  led  the  pursuit  of  the  retreating  foe.  His  part  in  this  bat- 
tle is  thus  stated  by  General  Halleck  in  a  dispatch  to  Secretary 
Stanton,  dated  Pittsburg,  Tenn. : 

"  It  is  the  unanimous  opinion  here  that  Brigadier-General  W.  T . 
Sherman  saved  the  fortunes  of  the  day  on  the  6th,  and  contributed 
largely  to  the  glorious  victory  of  the  7th.  He  was  in  the  thickest  of 
the  fight  on  both  days,  having  three  horses  killed  under  him,  and 
being  wounded  twice.  I  respectfully  request  that  he  be  made  a 
Major-General  of  Volunteers,  to  date  from  the  6th  inst." 

Here  commenced  his  friendship  with  General  Grant,  which, 
like  that  of  Damon  and  Pythias,  has  been  made  the  subject  of 
story  and  of  song.  It  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  incidents 
of  the  war,  and  continued  unbroken  while  both  lived.  The  cam- 
paign of  Vicksburg  was  the  work  of  General  Grant,  to  whom 
General  Sherman  awards  all  the  credit.  In  a  letter  dated  the 
29th  of  May,  1863,  he  says: 

"  General  Grant  is  entitled  to  all  the  merit  of  its  conception  and 
execution." 

But  General  Grant,  with  chivalrous  kindness,  insisted  that 
he  was  indebted  to  General  Sherman,  General  McPherson,  and 
other  leading  officers  for  the  success  of  that  campaign. 

In  a  letter  of  the  date  of  March  24,  1864,  at  about  the  time 
General  Grant  was  ordered  to  Washington,  General  Sherman 
writes  to  me  : 

"  Give  Grant  all  the  support  you  can.  If  he  can  escape  the  toils 
of  the  schemers  he  may  do  some  good.  He  will  fight,  and  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  will  have  all  the  fighting  they  want.  He  will  expect 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  43 

your  friendship.     We  are  close  friends.    His  simplicity  and  modesty 
are  natural  and  not  affected." 

It  would  be  interesting  to  follow  General  Sherman  from 
Vicksburg  to  the  sea,  but  the  story  is  familiar  to  all.  General 
Sherman  always  regarded  his  march  from  Memphis  to  Chatta- 
nooga and  the  battle  of  Chattanooga  as  among  the  most  im- 
portant incidents  of  his  life.  The  march  from  Chattanooga  to 
Atlanta  was  an  almost  continuous  battle  for  near  one  hundred 
days,  and  was  most  difficult  and  dangerous.  The  general  pub- 
lic have  regarded  the  march  from  Atlanta  to  the  sea  with  greater 
interest  from  the  novelty  of  the  movement,  but  in  fact  it  was 
an  easy  task,  with  little  resistance  or  loss.  During  two  weeks 
of  this  march,  when  nothing  was  heard  from  General  Sherman, 
there  was  a  feeling  of  anxiety  and  alarm.  The  accounts  from 
Confederate  sources  described  him  as  being  attacked  and  de- 
feated, and  there  was  deep  anxiety.  Sharing  this  feeling  I  went 
to  Mr.  Lincoln,  hoping  that  he  had  some  intelligence.  Upon 
my  inquiring  he  said  :  "  Oh,  no,  we  have  heard  nothing  from 
him.  We  know  what  hole  he  went  in,  but  we  don't  know  what 
hole  he  will  come  out  of."  It  was  a  joyful  Christmas  Day  in 
the  North  when  General  Sherman  was  safe  on  the  shores  of  the 
Atlantic,  and  announced  that  "  Savannah  is  ours."  The  march 
from  Savannah  to  Goldsboro  was  a  much  more  difficult  under- 
taking. It  was  in  the  winter  and  spring,  when  the  country  was 
flooded  and  the  roads  were  difficult.  It  was  then  that  your 
Commander,  who  hears  me,  lost  his  leg.  With  the  approach  of 
General  Sherman  towards  Richmond,  it  was  manifest  that  the 
last  days  of  the  Confederacy  were  drawing  near.  When  he 
reached  Goldsboro  he  received  word  that  the  President  desired 
to  meet  him  at  Hampton  Roads.  He  went,  and  held  the 
famous  interview  with  President  Lincoln,  Grant,  and  Porter. 
There  was  then  absolute  confidence  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Re- 
bellion. Lincoln,  full  of  charity  and  loving-kindness,  was  study- 
ing over  the  best  mode  of  closing  the  war  and  restoring  the  old 
Union.  General  Sherman  telegraphed  me  at  Washington  to 
accompany  him  on  his  return  to  Goldsboro.  I  did  so,  taking 


44  GENERAL   WILLIAM   TECUMSEH    SHERMAN. 

with  me  young  Mr.  Stanton,  the  son  of  the  Secretary.  On  the 
steamer  and  on  the  railroad  General  Sherman  was  continually 
speaking  of  his  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  of  his  plans  for 
reconstruction.  There  was  no  secrecy  or  doubt  about  them. 
They  had  been  openly  avowed  in  the  presence  of  the  chief 
actors  in  the  war.  When  General  Johnston  proposed  to  sur- 
render, the  conversation  with  Lincoln  was  fresh  in  the  mind  of 
General  Sherman,  and  I  know  that  he  believed  that  in  agree- 
ing to  the  terms  of  surrender  he  was  carrying  out  the  policy 
outlined  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  could  not  know,  however,  that 
the  brutal  murder  of  Mr.  Lincoln  had  aroused  in  the  minds  of 
the  Northern  people  a  deep  feeling  of  resentment,  which  would 
not  tolerate  the  liberal  terms  granted  to  Johnston  and  the  rem- 
nant of  the  rebel  forces.  The  fatal  bullet  shot  by  Booth  had 
changed  the  whole  situation.  A  strong  belief  existed  that  Davis 
and  other  leaders  in  the  Rebellion  were  implicated  in  the  mur- 
der. No  one  but  Lincoln  could  have  secured  to  the  revolting 
States  the  terms  of  surrender  and  reconstruction  that  he  was 
willing  to  grant.  But  for  this  desperate  act  the  whole  history 
of  reconstruction  would  have  been  reversed.  General  Sherman 
believed  in  and  sought  to  carry  out  the  policy  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
The  terms  of  surrender  were  tentative,  and  the  conditions  were 
entirely  subject  to  the  supervision  of  the  executive  authorities, 
but  instead  of  being  submitted  to  the  generous  and  forgiving 
patriot  who  had  fallen,  they  were  passed  upon  in  the  shadow 
of  a  great  crime,  by  stern  and  relentless  enemies,  who  would 
not  have  consented  to  the  conditions  imposed  by  General  Grant 
upon  General  Lee,  and  who  would  have  disregarded  them  had 
not  General  Grant  threatened  to  resign  upon  their  refusal  to 
carry  out  his  terms.  When  the  arrangement  with  General 
Johnston  was  submitted  to  President  Johnson  and  Mr.  Stan- 
ton,  it  was  rejected  with  the  insulting  intimation  that  it  pro- 
ceeded from  either  cowardice  or  treachery.  The  old  cry  against 
General  Sherman  was  again  started.  It  was  even  imputed  that 
he  would  attempt  to  play  the  part  of  a  Cromwell  or  military 
usurper.  The  generous  kindness  of  Grant  came  to  his  relief, 
new  terms  were  agreed  upon,  and  the  war  closed. 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  45 

It  seemed  to  be  the  fate  of  General  Sherman  that  when  he 
was  most  clearly  right,  tested  by  subsequent  events,  he  was 
deemed  to  be  clearly  wrong.  His  services  were  rejected  when 
he  urged  prompt  action.  He  was  adjudged  insane  when  his 
mind  was  most  clear,  and  was  deemed  false  to  his  trust  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  when  he  endeavored  to  carry  out  the  policy 
and  instructions  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

I  close  this  brief  and  imperfect  reference  to  the  military 
services  of  General  Sherman  with  the  pageant  that  will  be  for- 
ever engraved  upon  my  memory,  and  be  preserved  in  history  as 
one  of  the  most  imposing  military  demonstrations  of  all  times. 
A  review  of  the  Union  armies  was  ordered  on  the  24th  and 
25th  days  of  May,  1865.  Then  were  gathered  in  Washington 
over  two  hundred  thousand  real  soldiers,  thoroughly  disci- 
plined, and  equal  to  any  that  ever  marched  in  a  Roman  tri- 
umph, composed  of  two  armies,  who,  fighting  in  the  same  cause 
in  distant  fields  of  operation,  had  never  met  before,  and  who 
were  about  to  be  reviewed  by  vast  masses  of  their  country- 
men in  commemoration  of  the  closing  scenes  of  a  memorable 
war. 

General  Sherman  took  a  deep  interest  in  this  pageant, 
especially  in  the  appearance  and  conduct  of  the  troops  he 
had  so  long  commanded.  The  only  cry  of  exultation  I  ever 
heard  him  utter  was  when  he  mounted  his  horse  to  take  his 
place  at  the  head  of  the  line  on  the  second  day  of  the  review. 
Speaking  for  himself  and  his  army,  he  said,  "  This  is  our  day." 
He  was  then  in  the  prime  of  manhood,  forty-five  years  old,  and 
felt  that  his  place  in  history  and  in  the  hearts  of  his  country- 
men was  secure.  He  proudly  rode  along  the  length  of  Penn- 
sylvania Avenue  from  the  Capitol  to  the  White  House,  receiving 
the  acclamations  of,  and  covered  with  flowers  by,  a  grateful 
people,  and  was  received  by  the  President  and  General  Grant 
surrounded  by  an  enthusiastic  multitude  of  patriotic  citizens. 

After  the  war  General  Sherman  quietly  resumed  the  em- 
ployments of  peace.  By  the  election  of  General  Grant  as 
President  he  became  General;  but  the  General  of  the  Army  in 
peace  is  the  Secretary  of  War,  who  is  presumed  not  to  know 


46  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

anything  about  war,  but  something  about  contracts  for  sup- 
plies. General  Sherman  had  but  little  to  do,  and  chafed  for 
want  of  employment.  He  became  deeply  interested  in  the 
Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  and  the  Loyal  Legion.  He  at- 
tended their  meetings,  and  soon  formed  the  habit  of  making 
short  speeches  to  soldiers,  and  thus  developed  a  talent  for 
speaking.  This  was  natural,  for  he  was  always  an  interesting 
talker,  but  I  do  not  remember  his  ever  making  a  speech  before 
the  war.  In  his  later  years,  while  residing  in  this  city,  he  spoke 
often  and  well  upon  many  subjects.  Politics  he  carefully 
avoided.  He  was  urged  to  accept  a  nomination  for  President, 
but  he  would  not  listen  to  it.  When  I  had  an  inclination  that 
way,  he  remonstrated  :  "  Why,  John,  they  will  kill  you ;  they 
killed  Harrison,  they  killed  Taylor  and  Lincoln  and  Garfield, 
and  will  kill  you."  It  was  useless  to  tell  him  that  some  people 
were  killed  in  war,  and  that  the  Presidency  was  not  necessarily 
fatal.  To  him  political  life  had  no  pleasing  aspect ;  but  all 
forms  of  social  life,  conversation,  travel,  theatres,  cards — with- 
out gambling,  which  he  abhorred, — dancing,  lectures,  reading, 
literary  and  scientific  pursuits,  all  forms  of  study  and  amuse- 
ment, gave  him  pleasure  and  occupation.  His  presence  was 
demanded  at  weddings,  funerals,  and  reunions.  His  whole  life 
since  his  retirement  was  under  the  public  gaze,  and  when  at 
the  age  of  seventy-one,  after  a  brief  illness,  he  died  in  this  city, 
its  whole  population  in  silence  and  sadness  watched  his  funeral 
train,  and  a  countless  multitude  in  every  city,  town,  and  hamlet 
on  the  long  road  to  St.  Louis  expressed  their  sorrow  and  sym- 
pathy. His  mortal  remains  were  received  by  the  people  of 
that  city,  among  whom  he  had  lived  for  many  years,  with  pro- 
found respect,  and  there  he  was  buried  by  the  side  of  his  wife 
and  the  children  who  had  gone  before  him. 

And  here  I  might  end,  but  there  are  certain  traits  and 
characteristics  of  General  Sherman  upon  which  I  can  and  ought 
to  speak  with  greater  knowledge  and  confidence  than  of  his 
military  career.  He  was  distinguished,  first  of  all,  from  his 
early  boyhood  for  his  love  and  veneration  for  and  obedience  to 
his  mother.  There  never  was  a  time — since  his  appointment 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  47 

as  a  cadet  to  her  death — that  he  did  not  insist  upon  sharing 
with  her  his  modest  pay,  and  gave  to  her  most  respectful  hom- 
age and  duty.  It  is  hardly  necessary  in  this  presence  to  refer 
to  his  devotion  to  his  wife,  Ellen  Ewing  Sherman.  They  were 
born  in  neighboring  households,  reared  from  childhood  in  the 
same  family,  early  attached  and  pledged  to  each  other,  mar- 
ried when  he  reached  the  grade  of  captain,  shared  in  affection 
and  respect  the  joys  and  sorrows  of  life,  and  paid  the  last  debt 
to  Nature  within  a  few  months  of  each  other.  The  same 
affection  and  care  were  bestowed  upon  his  children.  Many  of 
his  comrades  will  recall  the  visit  of  his  wife  and  his  son  Willie, 
a  lad  of  thirteen,  at  his  camp  jon  the  Big  Black,  after  the  sur- 
render of  Vicksburg.  Poor  Willie  believed  he  was  a  sergeant 
in  the  I3th  United  States  Infantry.  He  sickened  and  died  at 
Memphis  on  his  way  home.  No  one  who  read  it  but  will  re- 
member the  touching  tribute  of  sorrow  his  father  wrote,  a  sor- 
row that  was  never  dimmed,  but  was  often  recalled  while  life 
lasted. 

General  Sherman  always  paid  the  most  respectful  attention 
to  women  in  every  rank  and  condition  of  life — the  widow  and 
the  orphan,  the  young  and  the  old.  While  he  was  often  stern 
and  abrupt  to  men,  he  was  always  kind  and  gentle  to  women, 
and  he  received  from  them  the  homage  they  would  pay  to  a 
brother.  His  friendship  for  Grant  I  have  already  alluded  to, 
but  it  extended  in  a  lesser  degree  to  all  his  comrades,  especially 
those  of  West  Point.  No  good  soldier  in  his  command  feared 
to  approach  him  to  demand  justice,  and  every  one  received  it 
if  in  his  power  to  grant  it.  He  shared  with  them  the  hardships 
of  the  march  and  the  camp,  and  he  was  content  with  the  same 
ration  given  to  them.  Simple  in  his  habits,  easy  of  approach, 
considerate  of  their  comfort,  he  was  popular  with  his  soldiers, 
even  when  exacting  in  his  discipline.  The  name  of  "  Uncle 
Billy,"  given  to  him  by  them,  was  the  highest  evidence  of  their 
affection. 

He  was  the  most  unselfish  man  I  ever  knew.  He  did  not 
seek  for  high  rank,  and  often  expressed  doubts  of  his  fitness 
for  high  command.  He  became  a  warm  admirer  of  Abraham 


48  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

Lincoln  as  the  war  progressed,  and  more  than  once  expressed 
to  him  a  desire  for  subordinate  duty.  He  never  asked  for 
promotion,  but  accepted  it  when  given.  His  letters  to  me 
are  full  of  urgent  requests  for  the  promotion  of  officers  who 
rendered  distinguished  services,  but  never  for  his  own.  When 
the  bill  for  the  retirement  of  officers  at  the  age  of  sixty-three 
was  pending,  he  was  excepted  from  its  operation.  He  tele- 
graphed me,  insisting  that  no  exception  should  be  made  in  his 
favor,  that  General  Sheridan  should  have  the  promotion  and 
rank  of  General,  which  he  had  fairly  earned.  This  was  granted, 
but  Congress  with  great  kindness  continued  to  General  Sher- 
man the  full  pay  of  a  General  when  he  was  placed  on  the 
retired  list. 

In  his  business  relations  he  was  bound  by  a  scrupulous 
sense  of  honor  and  duty.  I  never  knew  of  him  doing  any- 
thing which  the  most  exacting  could  say  was  dishonorable,  a 
violation  of  duty  or  right.  I  could  name  many  instances  of 
this  trait,  which  I  will  not,  but  one  or  two  cases  will  suffice. 
When  a  banker  in  California,  several  of  his  old  army  friends, 
especially  from  the  South,  trusted  him  with  their  savings  for 
investment.  He  invested  their  money  in  good  faith  in  what 
were  considered  the  very  best  securities  in  California,  but  when 
Page,  Bacon,  &  Co.,  and  nearly  every  banker  in  San  Francisco, 
failed  in  1855,  all  securities  were  dishonored,  and  many  of  them 
became  worthless.  General  Sherman,  though  not  responsible 
in  law  or  equity  for  a  loss  that  common  prudence  could  not 
foresee,  yet  felt  that  he  was  "in  honor"  bound  to  secure  from 
loss  those  who  had  confided  in  him,  and  used  for  that  purpose 
all,  or  nearly  all,  of  his  own  savings. 

So,  in  the  settlements  of  his  accounts  in  Louisiana,  when 
he  had  the  entire  control  of  expenditures,  he  took  the  utmost 
care  to  see  that  every  dollar  was  accounted  for.  He  resigned 
on  the  1 8th  of  January,  and  waited  until  the  23d  of  February 
for  that  purpose.  The  same  exact  accountability  was  practised 
by  him  in  all  accounts  with  the  United  States.  In  my  per- 
sonal business  relations  with  him  I  found  him  to  be  exact  and 
particular  to  the  last  degree,  insisting  always  upon  paying  fulljr 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  49 

every  debt,  and  his  share  of  every  expense.  I  doubt  if  any 
man  living  can  truly  say  that  General  Sherman  owes  him  a 
dollar,  while  thousands  know  he  was  generous  in  giving  in 
proportion  to  his  means.  He  had  an  extreme  horror  of  debt 
and  taxes.  He  looked  upon  the  heavy  taxes  now  in  vogue  as 
in  the  nature  of  confiscation,  and  in  some  cases  sold  his  land, 
rapidly  rising  in  value,  because  the  taxes  assessed  seemed  to 
him  unreasonable. 

While  the  war  lasted,  General  Sherman  was  a  soldier  intent 
upon  putting  down  what  he  conceived  to  be  a  causeless  re- 
bellion. He  said  that  war  was  barbarism  that  could  not  be 
refined,  and  the  speediest  way  to  end  it  was  to  prosecute  it 
with  vigor  to  complete  success.  When  this  was  done,  and  the 
Union  was  saved,  he  was  for  the  most  liberal  terms  of  concili- 
ation and  kindness  to  the  Southern  people.  All  enmities  were 
forgotten  ;  his  old  friendships  were  revived.  Never  since  the 
close  of  the  war  have  I  heard  him  utter  words  of  bitterness 
against  the  enemies  he  fought,  nor  the  men  in  the  North  who 
had  reviled  him. 

To  him  it  was  a  territorial  war,  one  that  could  not  have 
been  avoided.  Its  seeds  had  been  planted  in  the  history  of 
the  Colonies,  in  the  Constitution  itself,  and  in  the  irrepressible 
conflict  between  free  and  slave  institutions.  It  was  a  war  by 
which  the  South  gained,  by  defeat,  enormous  benefits,  and  the 
North,  by  success,  secured  the  strength  and  development  of 
the  Republic.  No  patriotic  man  of  either  section  would  will- 
ingly restore  the  old  conditions.  Its  benefits  are  not  confined 
to  the  United  States,  but  extend  to  all  the  countries  of  Amer- 
ica. Its  good  influence  will  be  felt  by  all  the  nations  of  the 
world,  by  opening  to  them  the  hope  of  free  institutions.  It  is 
one  of  the  great  epochs  in  the  march  of  time,  which,  as  the 
years  go  by,  will  be,  by  succeeding  generations  of  freemen, 
classed  in  importance  with  the  discovery  of  America  and  our 
Revolutionary  War.  It  was  the  good  fortune  of  General 
Sherman  to  have  been  a  chief  actor  in  this  great  drama,  and 
to  have  lived  long  enough  after  its  close  to  have  realized  and 
enjoyed  the  high  estimate  of  his  services  by  his  comrades,  by 


50  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

his  countrymen,  and  by  mankind.  To  me,  his  brother,  it  is  a 
higher  pride  to  know  and  to  say  to  you  that  in  all  the  walks  of 
private  life — as  a  son,  a  brother,  a  husband,  a  father,  a  soldier, 
a  comrade,  or  a  friend — he  was  an  honorable  gentleman,  with- 
out fear  and  without  reproach. 

The  Commander : — The  Constitution  of  this  Military  Order 
affirmatively  shows  that  we  believe  in  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead.  The  saddest  aspect  of  this  meeting  are  these  commem- 
orative services.  I  trust  we  may  cherish  the  thought  that  the 
love  we  have  enjoyed  in  knowing  General  Sherman  o'ercasts 
us  now  ;  God  bless  his  memory  ! 

I  have  a  little  pamphlet  at  home,  which  General  Sherman 
wrote  mainly  for  the  use  of  the  cadets  at  West  Point.  There 
is  written  on  it,  in  his  handwriting,  beneath  my  name  :  "  I 
think  you  will  find  this  will  repay  perusal.  W.  T.  S."  I  have 
marked  inside  this  paragraph :  "  Of  the  qualities  which  adorn 
the  human  character,  that  which  is  easiest  of  accomplish- 
ment, and  most  certain  of  reward,  is  fidelity  to  trust."  When 
it  was  my  lot,  a  year  or  two  before  he  died,  to  travel  with 
him  for  a  time,  at  his  request,  I  marvelled  to  see  that  he  never 
came  into  contact  with  any  man  in  whom  he  did  not  take  an 
interest,  and  thinking  over  it  to  reach  the  root  of  it,  I  came  to 
see,  or  thought  I  saw,  that  he  regarded  his  whole  relation  to 
mankind  as  one  great  trust ;  and  so  it  was  that  beginning  with 
the  trust  of  his  relation  to  his  mother,  and  ending  with  the 
trust  of  his  relations  to  his  friends,  like  us,  through  all  and  in 
all  he  was  fidelity  to  trust,  to  the  great  trust  of  the  great 
Truster  of  mankind,  who  has  left  in  our  hands,  as  a  great 
trust,  the  destiny  of  one  another  here,  to  prepare  for  the  wel- 
come that  we  may  one  day  share  with  him,  I  trust. 

And  now,  Companions,  "  Bring  the  good  old  bugle,  boys, 
we  '11  sing  another  song." 

The  Commandery  thereupon  sang  with  great  enthusiasm, 
"  Marching  through  Georgia." 

On  the  motion  of  Companion  Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  M. 
Clark,  a  vote  of  thanks  was  tendered  to  Senator  Sherman,  for 
his  paper  upon  General  Sherman,  and  he  was  requested  to  fur- 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  51 

nish  a  copy  of  the  address  for  preservation  among  the  records 
of  the  Commandery. 

Companion  Second  Lieutenant  Charles  Roberts  recited  the 
following  poem : 

WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 
(Died  February  14,  1891.) 

BY    CHARLES    DE    KAY. 

Rumble  and  grumble,  ye  drums, 

Shrill  be  your  throat,  O  pipes  ! 
Writhe,  blood-red  flag,  in  your  mourning  band, 
Serpent  of  harlequin  stripes  ! 
But — stars  in  the  banner's  blue  ! 
Smile,  for  the  war-chief  true 
Up  from  the  myriad  hearts  of  the  land 
Comes — to  your  haven  comes. 

Guns  that  sullenly  boom, 

Mourn  for  the  master's  hand, 
Dreadful,  uplifting  the  baton  of  war, 
While  your  hurricane  shook  the  land. 

Marching,  marching,  thro'  battle  and  raid, 
Gay  and  garrulous,  unafraid, 
Sherman  drove,  with  his  brilliant  star, 
A  dragon  of  eld  to  its  doom. 

Pass,  O  shade  without  stain  ! 

Sunsets  that  grimly  smile, 
Shall  paint  how  your  signal  flags  deploy 
Battalions  mile  on  mile — 

Horsemen  and  footmen,  rank  on  rank, 
Sweeping  against  the  foemen's  flank, 
Howling  full  of  the  strange,  mad  joy 
Of  slaughter,  and  fear  to  be  slain. 

Orators,  thunder  and  rave  ! 

Chant  ye  his  dirge,  O  bards  ! 
Ho,  cunning  sculptors,  his  charger  design, 
Grave  ye  his  profile  on  sards  ! 


52  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

But  to  picture  the  hero's  brain — 
Shall  ye  ever  thereto  attain  ? 
Can  ye  utter  the  soul  of  the  long  blue  line, 
And  the  tongue-tied  love  of  the  slave  ? 

Rumble  and  grumble,  ye  drums  ! 

Strain  in  your  throat,  O  pipes  ! 
Last  of  the  warriors  of  oak,  that  were  hewn 
Into  strength  by  failure  and  stripes. 
Last,  not  least,  of  the  heroes  old, 
Smoke  begrimed,  fervid,  crafty,  bold — 
Sheridan,  Grant,  your  comrade  boon, 
Comes — to  your  haven  comes. 

The  Commandery  thereupon  sang  the  Song  of  the  Legion, 
to  the  music  of  Lauriger  Horatius. 

The  Commander: — It  perhaps  illustrates  the  evolution  of 
morality  that  when  I  was  a  boy  there  was  a  German  drinking 
song  about  wine  and  pretty  girls.  Hence,  if  at  any  part  of  the 
meeting  I  should  betray  symptoms  of  ebriety,  you  will  consider 
my  bringing  up  and  the  power  of  Apollinaris. 

I  have  called  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  though  the 
keystone  of  the  arch  is  gone,  there  remain  with  us,  on  my 
right  and  left,  the  commanders  of  the  right  and  left  wing,  and 
that  the  builder  of  General  Sherman's  railroad,  from  Chat- 
tanooga to  Atlanta,  has  survived  to  carry  out  General  Sher- 
man's pet  project,  to  which  he  gave  so  many  years, — a  railroad 
which  should  unite  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific.  We  have  beside 
those  gentlemen,  another  distinguished  hero  of  those  days* 
I  rejoice  to  think  that  there  is  growing  up  with  the  age  of 
this  country  a  corresponding  growth  of  hereditary  loyalty. 
The  Porters  were  valiant  soldiers  in  the  Revolution,  and  once 
more  to  avoid  the  travesty  of  introduction,  I  bring  before  you,, 
with  joy  and  pleasure,  a  survivor  of  that  hereditary  loyalty, 
General  Horace  Porter. 

REMARKS   OF   GENERAL  HORACE   PORTER. 

Mr.  Commander  and  Companions  :  This  has  been  a  banner 
night  for  the  Loyal  Legion.  It  is  supposed  that  there  are 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  53 

periods  of  an  evening  when  veteran  soldiers  occasionally  have 
to  be  removed  from  the  tables,  but  to-night  the  tables  have 
been  removed  from  them.  Movements  are  always  rapid  when 
things  are  passing  to  the  rear,  and  the  strategic  movement  by 
which  those  tables  were  taken  from  the  room  was  eminently 
successful  until  they  reached  a  point  near  the  door,  when  a 
corner  of  one  of  those  tables  collided  with  the  manly  bosom 
of  Horatio  King,  and,  for  a  brief  moment,  I  feared  that  he 
was  about  to  go  into  the  hands  of  a  receiver. 

We  have  been  honored  here  to-night  by  the  members  of 
that  sex  which  originally  in  the  Garden  of  Eden  was  created 
out  of  the  crookedest  part  of.  man,  and  is  now  principally  en- 
gaged in  straightening  man  out.  As  we  sat  here  gazing  upon 
them  in  the  gallery,  we  have  religiously  obeyed  that  injunction 
of  Scripture  which  commands  us  to  set  our  affections  upon 
things  above,  and  in  our  unmeasured  vanity  we  have  been  con- 
sidering ourselves  only  a  little  lower  than  the  angels.  I  wish 
to  say  that  I  yield  to  no  one  in  the  pleasure  with  which  I  have 
listened  to  that  manly  tribute  of  a  brother  to  a  brother.  It 
seems  all  like  a  dream  that  General  Sherman  is  dead ;  we  seem 
still  to  hear  his  cheery,  manly  voice  lingering  in  this  hall  where 
we  heard  it  so  often,  and  yet  it  is  more  than  a  year  since  we 
found  ourselves  standing  within  the  profound  shadow  of  a 
manly  grief,  oppressed  by  a  sense  of  sadness  which  is  akin  to 
the  sorrow  of  a  personal  bereavement,  when  we  heard  that  our 
old  Commander  had  passed  away  from  the  living  here,  to  join 
that  other  living,  commonly  called  the  dead,  when  the  echo  of 
his  guns  had  given  place  to  the  tolling  of  cathedral  bells,  when 
the  Flag  of  his  Country  which  had  never  once  been  lowered 
in  his  presence  dropped  to  half-mast,  as  if  conscious  that  his 
strong  arm  was  no  longer  there  to  hold  it  to  the  peak.  His 
loss  has  created  a  gap  in  this  particular  community,  which 
neither  time  nor  men  can  ever  fill.  No  social  circle  was  com- 
plete without  him  ;  where  he  sat  was  the  head  of  the  table. 
We  can  heap  no  further  honors  upon  him  by  any  words  of 
ours ;  he  had  them  all.  He  had  been  elevated  by  his  country 
to  the  highest  position  in  the  army,  tendered  votes  of  thanks 


54  GENERAL   WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

by  Congress,  made  a  member  of  distinguished  societies  abroad, 
had  medals  struck  in  his  honor.  We  can  add  nothing  to  his 
earthly  glory ;  we  can  only  gather  as  we  assemble  here  to-night 
to  recount  the  hours  of  pleasant  intercourse  we  have  had  with 
him,  to  show  our  esteem  for  the  soldier  and  our  love  for  the 
man,  for  our  hearts  always  warm  to  him  with  the  glow  of  an 
abiding  affection.  He  seemed  to  possess  every  characteristic 
of  the  successful  soldier.  Bold  in  conception,  vigorous  in  exe- 
cution, and  unshrinking  under  grave  responsibilities,  he  demon- 
strated by  every  act  that  "  Much  danger  makes  great  hearts 
most  resolute."  In  battle,  wherever  blows  fell  thickest,  his 
crest  was  in  their  midst.  The  magnetism  of  his  presence  trans- 
formed routed  squadrons  into  charging  columns,  and  snatched 
victory  from  defeat.  Opposing  ranks  went  down  before  the 
fierceness  of  his  onsets  never  to  rise  again  ;  he  paused  not  un- 
til he  saw  the  folds  of  his  banners  wave  above  the  strongholds 
he  had  wrested  from  the  foe.  I  shall  never  forget  the  first 
time  I  saw  him.  Much  discussion  had  been  going  on  at  Gen- 
eral Grant's  headquarters  at  City  Point  in  regard  to  the  con- 
templated march  to  the  sea.  One  officer  of  our  staff  thought 
that  if  that  army  cut  loose  from  its  base,  it  would  be  led  only  to 
destruction.  I  had  a  firm  conviction  that  if  ever  Sherman  cut 
loose  and  started  through  that  country,  he  would  wipe  up  the 
floor  from  one  end  of  the  Confederacy  to  the  other,  and  pul- 
verize everything  he  met  into  dust.  General  Grant  said  to  me 
after  he  had  had  a  good  deal  of  correspondence  by  letter  and 
telegraph  with  Sherman  :  "  Suppose  you  go  out  and  meet  the 
General,  you  can  repeat  to  him  my  views  in  detail,  and  get  his 
ideas  thoroughly,  and  I  have  no  doubt  a  plan  can  be  arranged 
which  will  provide  for  his  cutting  loose  and  marching  to  the 
sea."  I  went  to  Atlanta,  very  curious  to  see  this  great  soldier 
of  the  West.  I  arrived  there  one  morning  soon  after  he  had 
captured  Atlanta ;  I  found  him  sitting  on  the  porch  of  a  com- 
fortable house  on  Peachtree  Street,  in  his  shirt  sleeves,  without 
a  hat,  tilted  back  in  a  big  chair  reading  a  newspaper.  He  had 
white  stockings  and  low  slippers  on  his  feet.  He  greeted  me 
very  cordially,  wanted  to  hear  all  the  news  from  the  East,  and 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  55 

then  he  began  a  marvellous  talk  about  his  march  to  the  sea.  His 
mind,  of  course,  was  full  of  it.  He  seemed  the  very  personifi- 
cation of  nervous  energy.  During  that  talk  the  newspaper 
was  torn  into  a  thousand  pieces ;  he  tilted  backward  and  for- 
ward in  his  chair  until  everything  rattled ;  he  would  shoot  off 
one  slipper,  then  stick  out  his  foot  and  catch  it  again,  balance 
it  on  his  toe,  draw  it  back  and  put  it  on.  He  struck  me  as  a 
man  of  such  quick  perceptions,  as  one  who  knew  so  well  in 
advance  precisely  what  he  was  going  to  do,  as  a  person  who 
seemed  to  have  left  nothing  unthought  of,  or  uncared  for,  re- 
garding the  contemplated  march  to  the  sea,  that  I  felt  confi- 
dent that  with  him  at  the  head  of  the  movement  it  could  not 
help  being  an  absolute,  a  triumphant  success.  I  went  back ; 
General  Grant  was  much  interested  in  my  account  of  the  inter- 
view, telling  in  detail  General  Sherman's  views,  and  the  ar- 
rangements he  was  making  for  the  movement.  Soon  after  that 
Sherman  cut  the  wires  and  railroads  in  his  rear,  and  struck  out 
from  Atlanta  to  the  sea.  I  next  saw  him  when  he  came,  after 
his  marvellous  march  had  been  completed,  to  meet  General 
Grant  at  City  Point.  We  were  sitting  in  camp  one  day,  when 
some  one  said  to  General  Grant :  "  The  boat  has  arrived, 
Sherman  is  on  deck."  The  General  dropped  everything,  ran 
hurriedly  down  the  long  flight  of  rude  steps  leading  to  the 
landing  on  the  river,  and,  as  he  reached  about  the  last  step, 
General  Sherman  came  off  the  boat  rushing  to  meet  him,  and 
there  they  grasped  each  other's  hands.  It  was  "  How  are  you, 
Sherman  ?  "  "  How  do  you  do,  Grant  ?  God  bless  you  !  " 
There  they  stood  and  chatted  like  two  schoolboys  on  a  vaca- 
tion. Then  came  that  memorable  conference  of  intellectual 
giants.  Just  think  of  the  group  that  sat  together  in  the  cabin 
of  the  President's  steamer  that  afternoon — Lincoln,  Grant, 
Sherman,  and  Admiral  Porter,  the  four  men  who  seemed  to 
hold  the  destinies  of  the  country  in  their  grasp.  There  Sher- 
man related,  as  only  he  could  relate,  that  marvellous  march 
to  the  sea.  It  was  in  itself  a  grand"  epic,  and  recited  with 
Homeric  power.  People  will  never  cease  to  appreciate  the 
practical  workings  of  the  mind  of  the  great  strategist,  who,  in 


56  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

his  wonderful  advance,  overcame  not  only  his  enemy,  but  con- 
quered Nature  itself.  But  above  and  beyond  all  this,  people 
will  see  much  in  his  career  which  savors  of  the  imagination, 
which  excites  the  fancy,  which  has  in  it  something  more  of 
romance  than  of  reality  ;  they  will  be  fond  of  picturing  him  as 
a  great  legendary  knight,  moving  at  the  head  of  conquering 
columns,  whose  marches  are  measured  not  by  single  miles,  but 
by  thousands ;  as  a  general  who  could  make  a  Christmas  gift  to 
his  President  of  a  great  sea-board  city ;  as  a  commander  whose 
field  of  operations  extended  over  half  a  continent,  who  had 
penetrated  everglade  and  bayou,  whose  orders  always  spoke 
with  the  true  bluntness  of  the  soldier,  whose  strength  con- 
verted weaklings  into  giants,  who  fought  from  valley's  depth 
to  mountain  height,  and  marched  from  inland  river  to  the  sea. 
His  friends  will  never  cease  to  sing  paeans  to  his  honor, 
and  even  the  wrath  of  his  enemies  may  be  counted  in  his 
praise.  No  man  can  rob  him  of  his  laurels,  no  one  can  lessen 
the  measure  of  his  fame.  He  filled  to  the  very  full  the  largest 
measure  of  military  greatness,  and  covered  the  land  with  his 
renown.  His  distinguished  brother  has  well  said  that  he  and 
General  Grant  were  a  Damon  and  a  Pythias.  Fortunate  for 
us  that  those  two  illustrious  commanders  had  souls  too  great 
for  rivalry,  hearts  untouched  by  jealousy,  and  could  stand  as 
stood  the  men  in  the  Roman  phalanx  of  old,  and  lock  their 
shields  against  a  common  foe.  We  are  going  to  build  a  great 
monument  to  him  now,  but  busy  and  vigorous  as  our  hands 
may  be,  we  can  never  expect  to  build  it  high  enough  to  reach 
the  lofty  eminence  of  his  fame. 

The  Commander : — It  was  always  characteristic  of  veterans 
that  they  could  turn  the  tables  quickly,  and  even  if  they  are  a 
little  lower  than  the  angels,  we  have  supreme  sanction  for  the 
proposition  that  man  was  made  a  little  lower  than  the  angels  to 
crown  him  with  glory  and  honor,  as  we  have  been  this  evening 
by  the  distinguished  persons  present. 

Now  there  is,  in  what  General  Porter  has  said,  something  of 
wider  scope  than  appears  without  reflection.  If  you  go  to  Rich- 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  57 

mond,  for  example,  there  is  a  prodigious  monument  to  Lee.  On 
the  public  square  of  Richmond  is  a  monument  to  Stonewall  Jack- 
son, inscribed  as  "A  Monument  to  the  Soldier,  the  Christian,  and 
the  Patriot.  Gratefully  Accepted  by  Virginia  in  Behalf  of  the 
Southern  People."  On  the  other  hand,  you  may  take  the  volume 
of  the  Commonwealth  Series,  entitled  the  History  of  Virginia, 
published  in  Boston,  and  in  it  you  will  find  Lee  and  his  fellow- 
rebels  described  as  representative  Virginians,  and  you  may 
read  it  from  beginning  to  end,  and  never  know  that  there  was 
such  a  man  as  George  H.  Thomas.  These  things  are  making 
futures,  and  the  future  they  are  making  has  its  perils  for  our 
children. 

I  will  now  call  upon  General  Howard. 

REMARKS   OF  GENERAL  O.   O.   HOWARD. 

The  institution  of  our  world,  touching  the  divine,  in  my 
judgment,  is  the  family,  and  from  an  extended  observation  in 
different  parts  of  the  world,  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  to 
make  no  exceptions  against  the  family  in  this  our  own  land, 
the  American  family.  I  have  been  thinking  over  it  to-night, 
that  the  family  where  the  father  and  mother  are  loyal  to  the 
children,  and  the  children  are  loyal  to  the  parents,  is  certainly 
divine.  While  listening  to  the  brother  of  General  Sherman,  I 
felt  that  I  could  thank  God  that  he  gave  us  the  Sherman 
family.  It  is  too  late  for  any  extended  remarks.  My  mind 
goes  back  like  that  of  General  Porter.  I  wish  I  had  his  diction 
to  express  myself,  and  give  you  a  picture  of  the  first  time  that 
I  met  General  Sherman,  in  the  presence  of  Generals  Grant  and 
George  H.  Thomas.  The  scene  is  indelibly  fixed  upon  my 
mind  and  heart.  I  will  not  attempt  a  description.  I  re- 
member, just  a  little  later,  as  you,  sir,  remember,  Chattanooga, 
Lookout  Mountain,  and  Missionary  Ridge.  I  was  delegated  to 
meet  General  Sherman,  to  go  on  the  enemy's  side  of  the  river, 
while  he  was  throwing  a  bridge  across,  opposite  the  end  of 
Missionary  Ridge,  and  I  did  go,  accompanying  Steinwehr, 
having  one  of  his  brigades,  an  escorting  brigade.  We  moved 
along,  skirmishing  with  the  skirmishers  of  the  enemy  (they, 


58  GENERAL  WILLIAM  TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

though  friends  now,  were  enemies  then),  until  we  came  near 
where  the  bridge  was  to  be.  The  men  that  had  gone  to  the 
other  side  were  building  their  part  of  the  bridge,  as  our  part 
was  being  extended  from  the  side  on  which  we  were,  and  the 
two  parts  were  rapidly  approaching.  As  soon  as  possible  I  got 
on  that  bridge  and  walked  out  as  far  as  I  could,  while  Sherman 
came  from  the  other  side,  extending  his  hands,  and  saying, 
"  How  are  you,  Howard  ?  "  I  answered,  "  I  am  well,  I  am  glad 
to  see  you  there."  In  a  few  minutes  he  sprang  across  like  a  boy 
to  my  side,  caught  me  by  the  hand,  and  from  that  time  we 
were  friends  to  the  close  of  the  war ;  yes,  from  that  time  until 
the  close  of  his  life  it  was  a  delight  to  me  to  meet  General 
Sherman.  It  is  no  use  to  speak  of  operations,  or  even  of  other 
things  historic.  One  scene,  where  General  Slocum  was  in- 
volved, might  be  mentioned  in  one  minute.  At  Atlanta,  after 
that  wonderful  dispatch,  "  Atlanta  is  ours,  and  fairly  won,'* 
Hood,  the  indomitable  Hood, — I  knew  him  at  West  Point, 
undertook  to  tow  us  back,  after  we  had  seen  more  than  a 
hundred  days  of  daily  fighting,  with  three  days'  exception,  to 
get  to  Atlanta.  A  very  hard  road  that  had  been  to  travel,  and 
yet  Hood  was  coming  back  again  and  going  around  our  flank. 
I  went  in  to  see  if  General  Sherman  was  not  just  a  little  dis- 
turbed ;  and  I  sat  down  with  him.  He  said:  "  Howard,  if  he 
goes  across  a  certain  point  I  am  going  to  turn  the  whole  force 
on  him,  and  leave  Slocum  here  to  defend  Atlanta."  Slocum 
was  left  there,  and  defended  Atlanta,  and  the  rest  of  us  went 
back  as  you  all  know.  We  chased  Hood  off,  drove  him  away 
so  far  that  the  only  thing  he  could  possibly  do  was  to  cross  the 
Tennessee  River  to  get  out  of  our  way.  Then  afterwards  the 
indomitable  Thomas  met  Hood  and  his  army,  and  annihilated 
him.  That  was  after  we  had  started  to  the  sea. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  '65,  and  this  indicates  General  Sher- 
man's method  with  his  officers,  they  were  having  a  good  time 
on  that  first  day  of  the  year,  in  one  house  and  another,  and 
Sherman  sent  for  me.  I  supposed  he  would  be  with  Blair  or 
some  other  officers  on  that  day,  but  he  was  thinking  about  the 
future,  He  said  :  "  Howard,  I  want  you  to  take  your  army 


GENERAL   WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  59 

and  go  over  to  Beaufort,  South  Carolina,  cross  Beaufort  Island, 
and  be  at  Pocotaligo  on  the  fifteenth  of  this  month.  Rather  a 
short  time.  Slocum  is  going  up  the  river  and  across  the 
Sister's  ferry,  and  he  is  going  to  Robertsville,  and  he  will  be 
there  about  the  same  time."  It  took  us  a  little  longer  to  get 
together,  but  the  work  was  done.  I  was  very  glad  to  hear  to- 
night that  his  brother  so  very  thoroughly  appreciated  the  hard 
work  of  that  last  campaign  ;  the  glory  has  been  "  The  March 
to  the  Sea,"  but  the  real  solid  work,  and  that  which  contributed 
more  than  perhaps  anything  else  to  the  grand  result  of  the  war, 
was  the  march  through  Columbia,  across  through  Averysboro, 
and  our  battle  at  Bentonville.  General  Carlin  here  to-night 
remembers  his  part  in  that.  On  and  on  we  toiled,  until  we 
came  to  the  very  points  that  Sherman  had  previously  predicted 
as  the  end  of  his  hopes ;  these  were  Goldsboro,  and  then 
Raleigh,  North  Carolina.  You  know  they  said  there  was 
nothing  like  discipline  in  Sherman's  army,  because  the  men 
would  do  just  whatever  Sherman  said,  and  all  the  depredations, 
and  all  the  misconduct  of  the  bummers  before  that  was  laid  to 
General  Sherman's  charge.  To  prove  it,  they  said,  after  passing 
beyond  Raleigh  on  to  Washington,  not  a  chicken  was  killed 
nor  a  sheep  taken.  That  is  true,  but  the  only  reason  is  that 
the  Confederates  had  got  home,  and  they  co-operated  with  us 
in  trapping  our  bummers. 

In  connection  with  the  grand  review  at  Washington,  to 
which  you  have  referred,  is  one  of  the  sweetest  recollections 
of  my  life.  I  had  been  relieved  from  duty  with  the  Army  of 
the  Tennessee,  or  was  about  to  be  relieved,  having  been  by 
the  request  of  Mr.  Lincoln  allotted  to  another  work,  and  I 
wanted  to  march  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee, 
which  I  commanded.  General  Sherman  took  me  into  the  War 
Department,  sat  down  with  me,  and  said  :  "  Howard,  I  want 
you  to  surrender  that,  to  give  that  up  to  General  Logan  ;  it 
will  be  everything  to  him."  I  demurred,  but  he  very  easily 
put  another  reason,  and  I  consented. 

Next  day  I  came  to  General  Sherman,  and  I  said  :  "  Gen- 
eral, let  me  ride  with  your  staff."  "  No,"  he  said,  "  you  shall 


60  GENERAL   WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

not  ride  with  my  staff,  you  shall  ride  with  me."  And  so  I  had 
the  honor  and  the  great  pleasure  at  the  end  of  that  long  cam- 
paign of  riding  side  by  side  with  General  Sherman  himself,  past 
the  President  of  the  United  States. 

There  is  just  one  more  incident  that  I  will  speak  of,  one  I 
think  I  have  never  spoken  of  in  public.  I  was  sitting  in  my 
office  on  the  hill,  near  Seventh  Street,  in  Washington,  and  a 
friend  of  mine  came  in.  He  said:  "You  seem  to  be  happy." 
I  said  :  "  I  don't  see  why  I  should  not  be  happy." — "  Have  you 
seen  the  New  York  papers  ?  " — "  No." — "  I  have  a  good  mind 
not  to  show  them  to  you."  Finally  he  pulled  out  of  his  pocket 
the  New  York  Tribune  and  handed  it  to  me.  There,  recorded 
against  me,  was  a  column  and  a  half  of  the  hardest  charges  that 
I  had  ever  faced,  and  the  blood  stopped  at  my  heart.  A  few 
moments  afterward  a  poor  colored  woman  came  in  with  some 
petition  for  her  distressed  circumstances,  and  I  was  able  after 
a  little  to  listen  to  what  she  said.  That  somehow  relieved  me, 
and  I  went  to  the  house  and  showed  my  wife  the  charges  pre- 
ferred by  the  Secretary  of  War  which  had  been  published  in  all 
the  papers  of  the  country  before  anything  had  been  furnished 
to  me.  I  wrote  three  letters,  one  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  one 
to  General  Sherman,  and  one  to  General  Grant.  It  had  been 
said  that  I  did  not  want  to  be  tried.  I  demanded  to  be  tried 
by  any  court  of  my  countrymen  inside  or  outside  of  the  army. 
My  letter  to  General  Sherman  was  this  :  "  Is  not  a  good  record 
of  some  account  ?  Help  me  to  defend  it."  When  the  court 
was  made  up  finally,  of  seven  general  officers,  General  Grant 
sent  for  me.  I  went  into  the  White  House,  and  when  I  came 
in  he  said :  "  Here  is  the  Court  [it  was  a  Court  of  Inquiry],  be- 
fore which  the  investigation  of  your  matters  will  be  had.  Are 
there  any  officers  to  whom  you  object  ?  "  I  looked  over  the 
list.  I  said :  "  I  have  the  right  of  challenge."  It  was  empha- 
sized. General  Grant  said  :  "  I  would  rather,  if  you  are  willing, 
that  you  should  tell  me  now."  Then  I  told  him,  and  he  looked 
up  suddenly  to  me  and  said  :  "  Howard,  Sherman  is  President 
of  the  Court."  I  said  :  "  That  ought  not  to  be ;  he  is  too  much 
my  friend."  He  said  :  "  Never  mind  that  "  ;  and  Sherman  was 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  6 1 

the  President  of  the  Court.  The  first  finding  was:  "We  find 
this  officer  is  not  guilty  of  any  of  the  offences  charged,"  and  I 
owe  it  as  much  to  his  friendship  as  to  anything  else  that  I  had 
so  fair  and  so  thorough  an  investigation.  God  bless  the  mem- 
ory of  General  Sherman  !  General  Slocum  and  myself  were 
together  a  short  time  since  in  Brooklyn,  and  while  we  were 
talking  together  some  one  spoke  about  death  and  about  the 
death  of  General  Sherman.  I  said,  suddenly  and  feelingly,  and 
I  say  it  again :  "  General  Sherman  will  never  die."  General 
Slocum  said  to  me  with  some  severity  :  "  What  do  you  mean  ; 
my  body  will  die."  I  said  :  "  Yes,  but  your  body  is  not  you  "  ? 
and  so  to-night,  thinking  of  General  Sherman,  I  think  of  him 
not  as  dead,  but  as  living. 

The  Commander : — We  are  not  going  to  close  before  we 
hear  from  General  Slocum. 

REMARKS   OF   GENERAL  H.   W.   SLOCUM. 

I  feel  impressed  with  the  idea  that  at  this  late  hour  it  would 
be  discreet  on  my  part  to  simply  thank  you  for  the  compliment 
of  calling  upon  me,  and  take  my  seat.  I  know  the  custom  of 
the  Commandery,  and  I  am  not  going  to  make  any  extended 
remarks.  I  will,  however,  tell  you  a  single  incident  of  General 
Sherman's  career  that  you  have  perhaps  never  heard,  and  you 
will  pardon  me  for  detaining  you.  General  Porter  said  very 
truly  that  Sherman's  campaign  from  Atlanta  to  the  sea  was 
thoroughly  prepared  beforehand.  There  was  not  an  intelligent 
officer  in  all  of  Sherman's  command  who  did  not  know  just 
what  his  wagons  were  to  carry,  just  where  the  materials  and 
tools  for  destroying  railroads  were  to  go  in  the  column,  just 
where  in  the  column  were  to  be  found  the  bridges  for  use  in 
crossing  streams,  just  the  amount  and  kind  of  rations  to  be 
used  each  day.  Every  one  knew  beforehand,  even  before  we 
left  Atlanta,  the  exact  duty  of  the  men  subsequently  known  as 
Sherman's  bummers.  They  were  the  men  who  were  to  do  the 
foraging  for  the  army.  They  were  detailed  every  morning  to 
start  out  into  the  country  to  do  certain  work.  This  work  was 


62  GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN. 

to  gather  provisions,  to  secure  maps,  books,  newspapers,  letters, 
and  bring  them  all  into  camp  together,  with  all  the  live  stock 
they  could  gather.  When  night  came  the  letters  and  papers 
that  they  had  taken  from  post-offices  and  from  mail  carriers 
were  carefully  read  by  men  detailed  for  that  purpose,  to  see 
what  information  could  be  gleaned  from  them.  The  maps 
taken  from  the  different  county  court-houses  or  other  places 
were  passed  over  to  the  engineer  officers  to  be  used  in  making 
maps  for  the  next  day's  march.  Every  night  a  large  number 
of  letters  and  papers  were  sent  to  my  headquarters.  They 
were  examined  by  a  body  of  young  officers.  We  often  got 
letters  conveying  information  from  Lee's  army,  about  the 
demoralization  that  was  setting  in.  One  night  the  officers  at 
my  headquarters  upon  whom  this  duty  devolved  sent  me  a 
newspaper,  published  in  one  of  the  Confederate  States,  which 
contained  the  startling  information  that  a  body  of  the  ablest 
military  men  in  Europe  had  been  discussing  the  probability  of 
Sherman's  success,  and  that  these  most  highly  respected 
military  men,  assembled  in  London,  were  unanimously  of  the 
opinion  that  General  Sherman  was  attempting  a  very  foolhardy 
thing,  which  was  certain  to  result  in  the  destruction  of  his 
army.  These  military  gentlemen  in  Europe  said  that  it  was 
utterly  impossible  for  an  army  to  go  ten  days  from  its  base  of 
supplies,  and  that  this  man  Sherman  was  committing  a  most 
egregious  blunder.  I  took  the  newspaper  in  my  pocket  and 
carried  it  to  General  Sherman  that  evening.  I  told  him  there 
was  something  in  it  which  might  interest  him.  I  recollect  he 
was  sitting  by  a  bright  camp  fire.  He  took  the  paper,  read  it 
carefully,  and  laughed  heartily  over  it.  His  situation  at  that 
time  reminded  me  of  the  anecdote  told  of  a  fellow  who  was 
arrested  in  New  York  City,  taken  before  a  police  magistrate, 
and  consigned  to  the  Tombs  to  be  held  for  trial.  He  sent  for 
a  Tombs  lawyer,  stated  his  case  to  him,  and  the  lawyer  said, 
"  Why,  my  friend,  they  can't  put  you  in  jail  for  an  offence  of 
that  kind  in  the  State  of  New  York."  The  fellow  said,  "  But 
Squire,  according  to  my  notion  of  it,  I  am  already  in  jail." 
Sherman  was  then  twenty  days  away  from  his  base  of  supplies, 


GENERAL  WILLIAM   TECUMSEH   SHERMAN.  63 

"  smashing  things,"  as  he  termed  it,  on  his  way  to  the  sea,  and 
here  he  had  the  pleasure  of  reading  the  unanimous  verdict  of 
the  ablest  officers  in  Europe  to  the  effect  that  his  great  cam- 
paign was  to  prove  an  entire  failure.  It  was  one  of  those  exquis- 
ite treats  that  few  generals  have  enjoyed.  He  was  then  at  the 
very  height  of  his  glory,  sure  of  success,  and  had  the  satisfaction 
of  reading  the  predictions  of  the  ablest  military  authorities 
abroad  that  it  was  all  going  to  prove  a  total  failure.  This  was 
not  the  only  treat  of  this  nature  enjoyed  by  him.  Another 
has  been  alluded  to  this  evening,  which  Sherman  must  have 
enjoyed  quite  as  much.  It  was  said  he  was  insane  because  he 
told  half  the  truth  when  he  said  we  must  have  one  hundred 
thousand  men  to  conquer  the  enemy  in  the  West.  He  was  to 
meet  the  men  who  pronounced  him  insane  for  that  assertion, 
and  to  point  to  the  fact  that  more  than  double  the  number 
had  to  be  called  out.  It  must  have  afforded  him  great 
pleasure. 

General  Sherman's  victories  over  his  detractors  at  the 
North  were  not  more  marked  or  more  striking  than  those  over 
his  armed  foes  at  the  South. 


IN  AND  OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS. 

A  Paper  Read  by  Captain  GEO.  H.  STARR,  io4th  N.  Y.  Vol.,  May  3, 1892. 

T  SHALL  be  gratified,  if  this  paper  serves  not  merely  to 
beguile  a  passing  hour,  but,  by  referring  to  scenes  familiar 
to  some  of  you,  to  awaken  recollections  of  dear  friendships 
and  associations,  now  sacred  to  memory. 

I  was  born  at  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  in  1840.  My  mother  was 
from  Berkshire  County,  Mass.,  my  father  from  Litchfield 
County,  Conn.,  and  my  first  ancestor  in  this  country,  on  his 
side,  was  Comfort  Starr,  a  physician,  who  in  1634  came  from 
Ashford,  a  village  near  Canterbury,  in  County  Kent,  England, 
and  joined  the  Massachusetts  Colony.  He  practised  his 
profession  in  Cambridge,  and  his  will,  in  quaint  old  style, 
was  among  the  earliest  admitted  to  probate  at  Cambridge. 

At  Ashford  he  had  been  a  vestryman  of  St.  Mary's  Epis- 
copal Church,  but  being  a  non-conformist,  like  many  others 
who  loved  liberty  in  creed  as  well  as  in  political  affairs,  he  was 
unwilling  to  submit  to  the  intolerant  prescriptions  of  Arch- 
bishop Laud  in  the  Church,  and  Thomas  Wentworth  (Lord  of 
Strafford)  in  the  State.  He  therefore  took  ship  for  the  land  of 
the  free. 

The  old  stone  church  of  St.  Mary's,  with  its  tower  and  four 
turrets,  partly  overgrown  with  ivy,  is  still  standing  at  Ashford 
in  a  good  state  of  preservation. 

In  the  spring  of  1861,  when  Sumter  was  fired  upon,  I  was 
of  the  senior  class  at  Hamilton  College,  N.  Y.,  and  graduated 
there  in  July,  1861. 

At  Rochester  I  began  to  read  law,  but  the  liberty-loving 
blood  of  old  Doctor  Comfort  flowed  strong  within  me,  and 

64 


IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  65 

finding  it  impossible  to  study  to  any  good  purpose,  in  view  of 
the  exciting  news  daily  coming  from  the  front,  I  laid  down 
Blackstone,  took  up  a  musket,  and  enlisted  November,  1861, 
for  three  years,  as  a  private,  in  Company  D  of  the  iO4th  New 
York  Volunteers,  in  consideration  of  $13  per  month  and  clothes 
and  board  and  lodging,  with  a  promise  of  $100  bounty  at  the 
expiration  of  term  of  service. 

During  December,  1861  and  January,  1862,  as  sergeant  on 
recruiting  service  among  the  snow-covered  hills  of  Steuben, 
Livingston,  and  Monroe  counties,  N.  Y.,  I  secured  upwards  of 
forty  recruits,  filling  up  the  company,  then  stationed  at  Gene- 
seo,  Livingston  County,  N.  Y.,  and  before  reaching  Meridian 
Hill,  at  Washington,  in  February,  1862,  I  was  promoted  to  a 
second  lieutenancy.  I  served  continuously  with  the  regiment, 
without  a  break,  from  the  time  of  enlistment  until  the  day  I 
was  captured.  At  Kalorama  Heights,  Washington,  the  regi- 
ment was  assigned  to  the  brigade  of  General  Abram  Duryea 
(formerly  colonel  of  the  7th  New  York  Militia),  and  the  bri- 
gade moved  into  Virginia  early  in  March,  1862,  where  it  was 
attached  to  Ricketts's  division  of  McDowell's  corps.  It  was 
kept  on  detached  duty  most  of  the  time  until  August,  1862, 
and  roved  around  the  country  to  the  east  of  the  mountains, 
ostensibly  to  guard  Washington. 

For  ten  days  in  May,  1862,  the  regiment  was  temporarily 
detached  from  the  brigade,  and  did  service  with  Geary's 
brigade,  guarding  Thoroughfare  Gap  at  the  time  Banks 
retreated  to  Harper's  Ferry.  At  the  Gap  it  was  so  unfortu- 
nate as  to  lose  its  tents  and  officers'  baggage,  they  being  de- 
stroyed by  General  Geary,  under  orders  from  Washington,  to 
prevent  capture  by  the  enemy.  So  we  were  without  a  wagon 
train  when  orders  came  to  retreat  from  the  Gap.  Duryea's 
brigade  was  among  the  first  to  capture  Warrenton,  Va.,  and 
we  celebrated  the  4th  of  July  there,  but,  unlike  Vicksburg,  the 
rebels  were  not  present  to  defend  the  place. 

On  the  evening  of  the  Qth  of  August,  1862,  the  brigade  par- 
ticipated in  the  closing  scenes  of  the  battle  of  Cedar  Mountain, 
when  Banks's  force  fell  back  to  the  rear  of  McDowell's  corps ; 


66  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

and  it  was  then  a  wonder  to  us,  and  has  been  since  to  students 
of  that  affair,  why  that  corps,  as  well  as  Sigel's,  both  of  which 
lay  hard  by,  were  not  ordered  in  at  an  earlier  hour  to  Banks's 
assistance.  If  that  had  been  done,  probably  Jackson  would 
have  had  one  less  victory  to  his  credit. 

The  regiment  did  picket  duty  along  the  Robinson  River  at 
the  extreme  point  of  Pope's  advance,  and  during  the  subse- 
quent retreat  in  August  we  lay  for  three  days  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rappahannock,  guarding  the  railroad  bridge  and  the 
fords,  to  prevent  the  rebels  from  crossing;  the  brigade  being 
for  all  three  days  under  constant  fire  from  the  rebel  batteries 
on  the  right,  or  west,  bank. 

With  Ricketts's  division  we  bravely  marched  up  to  Thor- 
oughfare Gap,  to  try  to  stop  Longstreet  from  coming  through 
toward  the  east  to  join  Jackson,  who  was  then  near  Manassas, 
but  after  a  sharp  brush  with  his  advance,  we  just  as  bravely 
marched  back  by  night  to  Gainesville,  Longstreet  following. 
The  historian  is  invidious,  fo  the  story  of  the  night  retreat  of 
Ricketts's  division,  and  how  it  lay  closely  penned  between 
Longstreet's  advance  and  Jackson's  rear,  and  how  it  secretly 
decamped  before  daylight,  dragging  its  guns,  partly  by  hand, 
through  streams  and  woods,  is  lost  in  oblivion  ;  whereas  Long- 
street's  march  has  become  famous,  mainly  because  of  a  con- 
troversy between  Generals  Pope  and  Porter,  regarding  what  it 
is  claimed  was  a  good  opportunity  lost,  to  strike  an  effective 
blow  upon  Longstreet's  right  flank. 

The  regiment  was  at  the  second  Bull  Run  fight,  from  start 
to  finish.  I  was  out  for  three  or  four  hours  in  command  of 
Company  B,  which  served  on  the  skirmish  line,  and  by  reason 
of  a  loss  of  killed  and  wounded  that  was  proportionately 
heavy,  considering  the  small  number  engaged,  Lieutenant 
Rudd  with  Company  G,  was  sent  out  to  reinforce  my  com- 
mand. He  was  killed  only  a  few  moments  after  coming  out, 
but  the  skirmish  line  thus  reinforced  was  enabled  to  and  did 
hold  its  place  until  it  was  driven  back  to  the  line  of  the  regi- 
ment by  the  general  advance  of  Jackson,  which  occurred  later 
in  the  day,  when  all  hands  beat  a  retreat  on  Centreville,  six 
miles  away. 


IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  67 

Ricketts's  division  lay  in  close  reserve  to  Reno's  and  Kear- 
ny's  divisions  during  the  night  battle  at  Chantilly,  which 
occurred  at  the  closing  hours  of  the  2d  of  September,  in  the 
midst  of  a  storm  so  terrific  that  the  roar  of  heaven's  artillery 
above  almost  drowned  the  voices  of  the  guns  below,  although 
the  fighting  while  it  lasted  was  of  the  fiercest.  It  was  there, 
at  Chantilly,  that  the  lamented  Kearny  and  Stephens  rode  to 
their  last  battle. 

Early  in  September,  1862,  McClellan  having  resumed  com- 
mand of  his  old  army  lately  from  the  Peninsula,  reinforced  by 
the  army  formerly  under  General  Pope,  we  crossed  the  Poto- 
mac into  Maryland,  and  hastened  northwestwardly  to  meet 
the  rebels  and  drive  them  out  of  the  State.  At  South  Moun- 
tain on  a  beautiful  Sabbath  afternoon  (General  Hooker  being 
in  command  of  the  First  Corps,  which  held  the  right  wing,  and 
which  then  consisted  of  Reynolds's,  Ricketts's,  and  King's  di- 
visions), we  swept  up  the  slope  of  South  Mountain,  in  a  long 
extended  line  of  battle  ;  and  in  spite  of  a  severe  fire  of  mus- 
ketry, we  drove  the  rebel  force  from  its  summit,  and  the  First 
Corps  made  its  bivouac  there  that  night  with  the  rebel  dead 
and  wounded  lying  thick  about  it. 

During  the  early  hours  of  the  bloody  i/th  of  September, 
1862,  on  the  field  of  Antietam,  the  First  Corps  under  Hooker 
drove  back  the  rebel  left  wing  for  about  a  third  of  a  mile,  and 
General  Reynolds  then  taking  command  (as  General  Hooker 
had  been  disabled  by  a  shot  in  the  foot),  the  corps  held  its 
ground  till  about  mid-day,  when  it  was  relieved  by  Sumner's 
corps. 

On  the  day  following,  being  a  day  of  truce,  the  rebels  re- 
moved their  wounded,  but  left  our  army  to  bury  their  dead. 
When  we  did  so  two  days  later,  the  sight  of  the  long  ranks  of 
the  rebel  dead,  their  bodies  black  and  swollen  to  repulsiveness 
by  the  heat,  was  the  most  sickening  and  appalling  sight  I  ever 
witnessed.  My  commission  as  captain  dates  from  the  battle  of 
Antietam.  At  Warrenton,  Va.,  some  weeks  later,  the  whole 
army  was  drawn  out  in  line  to  bid  farewell  to  its  old  com- 
mander, General  McClellan,  and  greet  his  successor,  General 
Burnside. 


68  IN  AND   OUT   OF   CONFEDERATE  PRISONS. 

On  December  13,  1862,  at  Fredericksburg,  the  First  Corps 
under  General  Reynolds  held  the  left,  and  our  brigade  followed 
Meade's  division  in  a  charge  over  the  railroad,  and  up  a  wooded 
ridge  held  by  General  Jackson's  troops,  through  a  storm  of 
bullets,  shot,  and  shell,  only  to  be  driven  out  with  severe 
loss. 

Upon  Burnside's  "  mud  march"  in  February,  1863,  the 
boys  of  our  brigade  and  division  buckled  to  pontoon  wagons, 
after  all  the  mules  available  had  given  out  or  become  mired  ; 
and  upon  that  march  we  saw  hundreds  of  carcasses  of  mules 
that  had  been  shot  in  their  tracks,  having  become  so  deeply 
mired  that  they  could  not  be  extricated.  We  witnessed  and 
assisted  in  many  efforts  to  pry  them  out  of  the  mud,  by  the 
use  of  fence  rails  and  small  pine  saplings,  but  often  to  no 
purpose. 

The  First  Corps  crossed  the  Rappahannock,  and  reached  the 
battle-field  at  Chancellorsville,  in  May,  1863,  after  an  all-day 
forced  march  up  the  left  bank  of  the  river  from  near  Falmouth, 
and  it  helped  to  stay  the  partial  rout  that  had  ensued,  when 
Jackson's  force  fell  upon  the  Eleventh  Corps,  and  later  in  the 
evening  the  corps  formed  a  line  of  battle,  at  or  near  the  ground 
held  by  the  Eleventh  Corps  but  a  few  hours  before,  the  regi- 
ment going  out  half  a  mile  beyond  to  do  picket  duty.  It  was  a 
memorable  night,  owing  to  the  excitement  of  its  earlier  hours, 
but  we  had  no  encounter  except  with  a  small  squad  of  cavalry, 
that  riding  inadvertently  upon  our  picket  line  was  driven  off 
with  some  loss. 

The  First  Corps  lay  at  Emmettsburg,  Maryland,  on  the  1st  of 
July,  1863,  only  eight  or  nine  miles  distant  from  Gettysburg, 
and  it  was  while  there,  and  shortly  after  reveille,  that  we  first 
heard  the  faint  sounds  of  the  light  artillery  attached  to  Buford's 
dauntless  little  cavalry  force,  that  betokened  the  beginning  of 
that  fierce  battle,  now  so  memorable. 

After  a  march  of  ten  miles,  at  first  at  quick,  and  later  at 
double-quick  time,  through  the  sweltering  heat  of  that  fearfully 
hot  morning,  the  First  Corps  under  General  Reynolds  came  up 
to  the  support  of  Buford.  It  crossed  the  fields  before  reaching 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  69 

Gettysburg,  taking  a  northwesterly  course  to  a  point  near  the 
rear  of  the  brick  seminary,  and  from  that  point,  with  scarcely 
time  to  load,  its  three  divisions  were  swung  round  into  line  of 
battle  upon  the  crest  of  Seminary  Ridge,  facing  northwesterly; 
Buford's  cavalry  falling  back,  and  re-forming  on  our  flanks  and 
rear.  General  Hill  with  a  force  more  than  double  our  own  was 
pushing  eastwardly  toward  Gettysburg,  by  both  the  Chambers- 
burg  and  Mummasburg  pikes,  which  converged  at  the  town, 
and  our  force  being  thrown  across  both,  and  having  Seminary 
Ridge  for  a  vantage  ground,  it  effectually  blocked  his  way,  and 
for  hours  we  successfully  resisted  his  repeated  attempts  to  dis- 
lodge us  and  turn  our  right  flank.  It  was  just  at  the  outset  of 
the  battle,  that  our  dearly  esteemed  General  Reynolds  met  his 
death  ;  he  being  killed  in  a  thicket  a  little  to  the  left  of  the 
brigade  front,  and  from  that  point,  in  view  of  perhaps  one 
third  of  his  corps,  his  body  was  borne  back  through  the  lines. 
General  Reynolds  held  a  very  exalted  place  in  the  esteem  of 
the  whole  army,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  was  as  well 
qualified  for  the  chief  command  as  any  general  officer  who 
was  ever  connected  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Within  an  hour  afterwards,  General  Paul  (who  commanded 
our  brigade)  was  disabled,  by  a  severe  but  not  fatal  wound. 

The  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  among  us  was  very  great  in 
proportion  to  our  numbers.  First  Lieutenant  Thomas  John- 
son was  shot  dead  at  my  side,  and  Second  Sergeant  Leffleth 
had  his  leg  torn  off  by  a  round  shot.  A  staff  officer  from  Gen- 
eral Doubleday,  who  rode  up  near  to  the  line  of  battle,  and 
shouted  to  us  to  hold  the  position,  had  his  horse  shot  from  un- 
der him  and  was  thrown  to  the  ground  at  the  very  moment  of 
giving  the  order.  Except  for  a  low  stone  wall  in  our  front  it 
would  have  been  impossible  to  have  stood,  as  we  did,  against 
the  fierce  attempts  of  General  Hill's  corps  to  dislodge  and  out- 
flank us.  This  condition  continued  for  several  hours,  until 
General  Swell's  corps,  coming  from  the  north  and  northeast, 
and  overpowering  two  divisions  of  the  Eleventh  Corps  on  his 
way,  swept  around  our  right  wing,  and  gaining  a  position  in 
the  village  in  rear  of  us,  was  thus  enabled  to  capture  almost 


7O  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS. 

bodily  such  portion  of  our  brigade,  including  our  regiment,  as 
then  remained  in  line. 

The  monuments  of  the  iO4th  N.  Y.  Regiment,  with  that  of 
the  1 3th  Massachusetts  of  our  brigade,  are  the  first  to  be  seen 
on  Oak  Ridge,  as  one  now  approaches  from  Gettysburg,  when 
coming  by  rail  from  the  north.  The  rebels  on  the  first  day  of 
the  battle  took  as  prisoners  about  three  thousand  men  and 
two  hundred  and  fifty  officers,  the  larger  part  being  from  the 
First  and  the  remainder  from  the  Eleventh  Corps.  The  Na- 
tional Tribune  (commenting  on  a  recent  article  by  Mr.  Roose- 
velt in  the  Century  Magazine,  wherein  he  compares  and 
contrasts  the  battles  of  Gettysburg  and  Waterloo)  says : 
"  There  was  no  fighting  at  Waterloo  equal  to  the  heroic 
defence  of  Oak  Ridge  on  the  first  day  by  the  First  Corps, 
which  lost  the  greatest  number  of  killed  and  wounded  ever 
lost  by  so  small  a  body  of  men  on  the  field  of  battle  ;  and  it 
inflicted  even  a  more  terrible  loss  upon  its  assailants." 

The  picture  may  be  slightly  over-drawn,  but  it  was  a  very 
hot  day  and  a  very  hot  place.  Excluding  those  of  my  regi- 
ment who  were  wounded  and  left  on  the  field,  or  who,  being 
borne  back  to  the  village  that  day,  were  retaken  by  our  own 
forces  on  the  third  day,  there  were  of  my  regiment  about  ten 
officers  and  one  hundred  men  captured,  on  that  first  day  of  the 
battle,  and  they,  with  such  other  prisoners  as  were  then  and 
afterwards  captured,  were  kept  under  guard  immediately  in  rear 
of  the  rebel  line  of  battle,  until  the  4th  of  July,  when  they 
were  marched  toward  the  south,  with  Lee's  retreating  army ; 
the  number  taken  south  aggregating  nearly  four  thousand. 

On  the  morning  of  the  second  day  of  the  battle,  General 
Lee  with  some  of  his  staff  officers  rode  into  the  field  near  Wil- 
loughby  Run,  where  the  captured  officers  were  kept  under 
guard,  and  proposed  to  us,  that  all  the  officers,  with  the  men 
who  were  held  under  guard  in  a  separate  field  near  by,  should 
then  and  there  accept  a  parole,  in  which  case  he  said  that  he 
would  at  once  pass  us  through  to  the  Union  lines,  and  we 
could  return  to  our  homes. 

This  offer  after  a  brief  conference  was  declined,  by  reason 


IN  AND   OUT   OF   CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  71 

of  a  late  stringent  order  of  the  War  Department  forbidding 
prisoners  to  accept  of  paroles  on  the  field,  and  directing  that 
they  should  submit  to  be  held  as  prisoners  until  exchanged  in 
due  course. 

Without  reflecting  upon  the  justice  of  such  an  order,  or  the 
wisdom  or  good  policy  of  our  refusal  to  accept  the  proffered 
parole  (ignorant  as  we  were,  of  the  fate  that  awaited  us),  yet 
that  moment  is  never  recalled  without  a  thought  as  to  what  a 
vast  amount  of  suffering,  disease,  and  death  might  have  been 
averted  from  those  four  thousand  prisoners,  and  how  many 
perhaps  of  those  who  became  the  victims  of  long  imprison- 
ment might  be  still  living  and  enjoying  the  delights  of  happy 
homes,  had  we  only  accepted  that  offer  of  parole.  For  had  we 
done  so  the  War  Department  might,  and  most  likely  would, 
have  overlooked  the  technical  violation  of  the  order,  in  view 
of  the  peculiar  emergency  of  our  case. 

Having  refused  the  parole,  the  only  prospect  before  us  was 
a  long  march  to  Richmond,  and  imprisonment  there,  for  how 
long  a  period  we  could  not  foretell. 

Being  just  in  rear  of  the  rebel  lines,  we  were  well  apprised 
of  the  fighting  on  the  second  and  third  days,  as  the  rebel  guns 
during  the  terrific  cannonading  were  close  at  hand,  and  the 
round  shot  and  shell  from  our  own  batteries  on  Cemetery 
Ridge,  and  Round  Top,  came  plunging  about  where  we  lay, 
quite  careless  of  our  proximity. 

The  4th  of  July  began  with  a  heavy  rain-storm  that 
lasted  four  or  five  days,  during  which  we  were  continuously 
soaking  wet.  We  celebrated  the  "  Fourth  "  by  a  march  toward 
the  Potomac,  under  guard  of  the  remnant  of  the  divisions  of 
Pickett  and  Heth  that  made  the  famous  charge  on  the  $d, 
and  about  the  loth  of  July  we  were  ferried  over  the  Potomac 
on  a  raft,  in  squads  of  about  thirty.  Between  Hagerstown  and 
the  river,  we  passed  several  of  the  bodies  of  our  cavalrymen, 
who  had  been  killed  while  encountering  Lee's  advance,  and  at 
the  time  we  crossed,  the  rebel  army  lay  in  a  semicircle  upon 
the  left  bank,  or  Maryland  side,  of  the  river ;  its  wagons, 
ammunition  and  ambulance  trains  being  parked  on  the  flats 


/2  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS. 

near  the  river,  the  water  being  then  too  high  to  permit  of 
recrossing. 

The  fierce  General  Imboden,  with  a  feather  in  his  hat,  fire  in 
his  eye,  and  profanity  in  his  mouth,  with  an  irregular  mounted 
force,  dressed  like  brigands,  formed  a  vigilant  guard  on  the  long 
march,  up  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  to  Stanton. 

Near  Strasburg  we  passed  a  long  pontoon  train,  hastening 
to  the  aid  of  Lee's  army  in  recrossing  into  Virginia.  Pressed 
by  hunger,  and  not  foreseeing  a  long  imprisonment,  we  dick- 
ered with  the  poor  whites  and  darkies  along  the  way,  trading 
valuable  articles  of  raiment  for  dirty  ash  cakes,  cornbread, 
blackberry  pies  sour  for  lack  of  sugar,  or  for  other  edibles. 
These  were  veritable  dainties,  for  the  regular  rations  upon  that 
march  were  raw  flour  or  meal,  raw  skinny  beef  or  poor  bacon, 
and  we  had  no  facilities  for  cooking  except  such  few  utensils  as 
we  happened  to  have  when  captured,  or  had  bartered  for  on 
the  way. 

On  reaching  Richmond,  the  enlisted  men  were  sent  to  Belle 
Isle,  an  island  in  the  James  River,  and  the  officers  to  Libby. 

We  passed  the  portals  of  Libby,  or  the  American  Bastile, 
on  the  23d  of  July ;  its  begrimed  denizens  greeting  us  with 
their  usual  cries  of  "  Fresh  Fish,"  "  Where  were  you  cap- 
tured," "  How  were  you  captured/'  "  Ring  the  bell  for  dinner/' 
"  Let  me  check  your  baggage/'  "  Louder,  old  pudding-head," 
"  Give  that  calf  more  rope,"  etc.  The  shady  side  of  life  in 
Southern  prisons  has  been  so  often  depicted  with  harrowing 
pathos  that  I  will  dwell  for  the  most  part  upon  some  of  the 
features  that  tended  in  some  degree  to  relieve  its  miseries. 

During  the  first  week  in  July,  upwards  of  ten  thousand 
rebels  were  taken  prisoners  at  Gettysburg,  and  upwards  of 
twenty-six  thousand  at  Vicksburg,  and  until  that  time  ex- 
changes of  prisoners  under  the  cartel  had  continued,  although 
at  irregular  intervals.  At  about  the  time,  however,  of  the 
arrival  of  our  party  in  Richmond  exchanges  were  totally  sus- 
pended, by  reason  of  a  controversy  between  the  belligerents. 
They  were  not  resumed  during  the  war,  except  some  special 
exchanges  of  small  parties  on  a  few  occasions,  and  a  special 


IN  AND   OUT   OF   CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  73 

exchange  of  several  thousand  sick  and  wounded,  made,  as  it 
was  claimed,  for  humanity's  sake,  in  the  winter  of  1864  and 
1865. 

Although  the  ratio  of  death  to  the  whole  number  of  Union 
soldiers  incarcerated,  increased  at  a  rapidly  accelerating  pace, 
from  the  month  of  July,  1863,  when  the  cartel  was  suspended, 
until  the  close  of  the  war,  still  the  gain  by  further  captures  so 
far  exceeded  the  loss  by  death,  that  at  the  close  of  the  war  the 
rebels  held,  as  nearly  as  I  can  ascertain,  upwards  of  fifty 
thousand  prisoners,  including  about  two  thousand  commis- 
sioned officers. 

Among  the  other  prison  pens,  wherein  on  and  after  July, 

1863,  large  bodies  of  our  private  soldiers  were  kept  for  long 
periods,  were  Belle  Isle,  in  the  James  River  at  Richmond, 
several  warehouses  in  the  city  of   Richmond,  Andersonville 
and  Millen  in  Georgia,  Florence  in  South  Carolina,  and  Salis- 
bury in  North  Carolina.     Beginning  with  July,  1863,  the  offi- 
cers were  kept  together  and  in  one  body  for  the  most  part, 
but  were  moved  about  from  one  point  or  prison  to  another. 
From  July,  1863,  until  May,   1864,  they  were  held  at  Libby 
prison  in  Richmond  ;  in  May,  1864,  they  were  removed  in  a  body 
to  a  stockade  in  Macon,  Georgia;  in  July,  1864,  by  reason  of 
General   Stoneman's  raid   from    Sherman's  army  (which  was 
designed  for  the  release  of  the  officers  from  Macon  and  the 
men  from  Andersonville),  the  officers  were  removed  from  Ma- 
con, Ga.,to  Savannah,  Ga.,  and  in  a  few  days  were  taken  thence 
to  Charleston,  S.  C.     At  Charleston  they  were  kept  in  the  four 
buildings  known  as  the  Roper  and  Marine  Hospitals,  the  Peni- 
tentiary, and  the  Nigger  jail,  until  the  first  week  in  October, 

1864,  when,  by  reason  of  yellow  fever  breaking  out  in  Charles- 
ton and  in  the  prisons  there,  they  were  removed  to  Columbia, 
S.  C.,  and  there  were  placed  in  a  stockade  located  near  the 
right  bank  of  the  Saluda  River,  at  a  point  a  little  northwest  of 
the  city.     This  prison  we  dubbed  "  Old  Camp  Sorghum,"  and 
this  was  the  end  of  the  pilgrimage,  or  the  excursions,  so  to 
speak,  made  by  the  body  of  Union  officers  from  prison  to 
prison  throughout  Dixie.     Of  the  officers,  to  the  number  of 


74  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

seventeen  hundred  or  eighteen  hundred  who  reached  Camp 
Sorghum  in  October,  1864,  all  remained  there  until  they  were 
sent  North  by  way  of  Wilmington,  N.  C.,  at  the  close  of  the 
war,  except  such  as  were  earlier  released  by  death,  or  the  few 
who  effected  their  escape. 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  paper  to  enter  upon  the  merits 
of  the  controversy  concerning  exchange,  or  to  comment  upon 
the  justice  of  that  policy  of  our  own  government  that  per- 
mitted so  large  a  number  of  its  volunteer  soldiers  to  languish 
and  die  in  Southern  prisons,  but  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  ask  why 
some  of  the  writers  upon  the  history  of  the  Rebellion,  have 
not  set  forth  all  the  facts  attending  the  suspension  of  exchange 
of  prisoners,  or  disclosed  more  clearly  the  real  reasons  why  ex- 
changes were  not  resumed  and  why  the  prison  doors  were  not 
opened  at  an  earlier  day. 

The  call  of  humanity  was  just  as  loud  on  behalf  of  the  able- 
bodied,  soon  to  yield  to  disease,  as  it  was  on  behalf  of  those 
who  had  already  succumbed. 

Among  others,  more  or  less  noted,  whom  we  found  in 
Libby  prison,  were  Col.  A.  D.  Straight  of  Indiana,  Colonel 
Louis  di  Cesnola  and  Captain  Charlier  of  New  York,  Albert 
D.  Richardson,  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  and 
Chaplain  McCabe,  and  they  with  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
others,  occupied  four  rooms  in  the  second  and  third  stories  ; 
our  party  bringing  up  the  number  to  over  six  hundred.  We 
little  suspected  that  the  most  of  us  had  come  to  remain  in 
that  prison-house  until  May,  1864.  The  saying,  that  "hope 
springs  eternal  in  the  human  breast,"  as  applied  to  its  inmates 
during  that  period,  should  be  coupled  with  that  other  saying, 
that  "  hope  deferred  maketh  the  heart  sick."  During  all  that 
time  the  subject  of  exchange  was  the  chief  topic.  "  Rumor 
with  a  thousand  tongues  "  was  constantly  rife,  and  new  rumors 
came  in  with  each  new  batch  of  prisoners. 

Hope  would  rise  to  high  tide  on  one  day,  while  on  the  next 
it  would  sink  to  depths  of  despair.  The  subject  of  exchange 
became  to  many  a  veritable  craze,  and  to  such,  "  Trifles  light 
as  air  were  confirmation  strong  as  proofs  of  Holy  Writ." 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  75 

Money  taken  from  us,  or  sent  to  us  from  the  North,  was 
placed  to  our  credit  on  the  prison  books  (so  it  was  said),  but 
the  bulk  of  it  was  never  restored ;  a  few  small  installments  in 
Confederate  currency  being  all  that  was  allowed  us. 

Some  of  us  were  beguiled  into  writing  North  for  remittances 
to  be  sent  to  Major  Turner,  and  I  thus  became  and  remain  a 
creditor  of  the  Confederacy,  to  the  extent  of  about  sixty  dol- 
lars in  gold,  and  accrued  interest.  Blank  brick  walls  divided 
the  three-story  building  into  three  sections,  passage  ways  being 
cut  through  the  walls  on  the  second  and  third  floors,  after  it 
was  put  to  use  as  a  prison.  Fronting  on  Carey  Street,  the 
slope  of  the  ground  gave  it  four  stories  in  the  rear,  and  door- 
ways opened  from  each  of  the  three  cellars  on  to  the  street  in 
the  rear.  Each  of  the  lodging  rooms  was  about  forty-five  feet 
wide  by  one  hundred  and  ten  feet  deep ;  and  shortly  after  our 
arrival  the  two  additional  upper  rooms  were  brought  into  use, 
making  six  such  rooms  in  all.  In  October  following,  the 
middle  room  of  like  size  on  the  Carey  Street  level,  which  was 
connected  with  the  lodging  rooms  above  by  a  stairway,  was 
thrown  open  for  a  cook-room,  and  half  a  dozen  stoves  were 
placed  in  it  for  the  use  of  the  prisoners,  three  at  each  of  the 
two  chimney-places. 

On  the  ist  of  October,  1863,  about  four  hundred  officers 
arrived  who  were  captured  at  Chickamauga,  and  from  that 
time  until  the  1st  of  May  1864,  the  number  of  inmates  aver- 
aged from  one  thousand  to  over  eleven  hundred,  the  sixty  who 
made  good  their  escape  through  the  tunnel  in  February,  1864, 
being  more  than  replaced  by  new  comers.  Surgeons  and 
chaplains  to  the  number  of  perhaps  forty,  captured  at  Gettys- 
burg and  Chickamauga,  were  not  released  until  November, 
1863.  By  one  of  them,  the  Rev.  John  Hussey  of  Ohio,  I 
smuggled  out  a  letter,  by  means  of  which  greenbacks  reached 
me  later  concealed  in  a  box  of  provisions.  Citizens  and  petty 
tradesmen  who  got  into  the  prison  were  eager  to  barter  rebel 
money  for  greenbacks.  A  one  dollar  greenback  commanded 
$5  in  rebel  currency  in  July,  1863,  but  the  rate  of  exchange 
rapidly  increased,  until  at  the  ist  of  October,  1864,  a  one 


76  IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

dollar  greenback  would  fetch  $12,  and  a  dollar  in  gold  would 
fetch  $20  to  $22  in  rebel  currency. 

On  our  arrival,  Captains  Sawyer  of  New  Jersey  and  Flynn 
of  Indiana  were  confined  in  cells  in  the  middle  cellar  as  host- 
ages, under  threat  of  hanging,  in  retaliation  for  rebel  officers 
executed  in  Tennessee.  They  were  released  from  the  cells  by 
the  rebels,  when  they  learned  that  Uncle  Sam  had  placed 
young  Captain  Lee  and  Captain  Winder  in  a  similar  kind  of 
durance,  to  be  accorded  just  such  treatment  as  should  be 
visited  upon  Sawyer  and  Flynn.  But  fear  still  so  preyed  upon 
Sawyer's  mind  that,  at  the  nightly  quiz  classes  (exercises  which 
usually  began  after  taps,  when  lights  were  out),  it  became  quite 
a  common  joke  to  hear  the  call,  "  Who  wants  to  be  hung  ?  " 
with  the  invariable  answer,  from  several  quarters  perhaps, 
41  Captain  Sawyer." 

These  hilarious  proceedings  occurred  after  we  had  retired 
to  the  floor  for  the  night,  and  if  any  of  the  comrades  displayed 
irritation  (because  disturbed  in  vain  attempts  to  get  to  sleep),  it 
only  served  to  make  matters  worse,  for  there  were  others  in 
plenty  determined  to  keep  up  a  racket  and  banish  sleep,  and 
they  did  it.  Hardly  any  one  escaped  from  some  practical  joke, 
or  from  being  dubbed  with  some  slang  name  or  epithet  that 
became  a  sort  of  prison  appendage,  and  hung  to  him  during 
his  term  of  prison  service,  like  a  tail  to  a  kite.  "  Who  shaved 
the  darky  off  the  track  ?  "  (referring  to  an  officer  acting  as  bar- 
ber). Answer  :  "  Lieutenant  L."  "  Who  surrendered  for  the 
sake  of  humanity  ?  "  "  Who  was  captured  outside  the  lines, 
courting  the  widow  ?"  "  Who  threw  dried  apples  in  the  chimney 
place  ?  "  "  Who  plays  the  spy  ?  "  "  Who  keeps  a  black  list  to 
report  at  Washington  ?  " 

Q.  Why  is  Libby  like  a  literary  institution  ?  A.  Because 
it  is  a  lyceum.  Some  slow  thinker  responds :  "  I  don't  see 
ttm."  Another  shouts  :  "  No,  but  you  feel  um,  all  the  same." 
Jokes  of  this  kind  made  the  evenings  more  or  less  merry. 

At  night  we  usually  lay  in  rows,  in  close  order  ;  two  narrow 
pathways  leading  from  front  to  rear  of  each  room,  between 
the  rows  of  heads  and  feet.  Woe  to  the  man  who  made  a 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  77 

noise  at  the  bath-tub  during  the  night  hours !  Sticks,  old  ham 
bones,  boot-jacks,  chunks  of  old  corn-bread  hard  as  bricks, 
would  fly  at  his  unprotected  form.  As  numbers  increased, 
nightly  wanderings  through  the  lodging  rooms  became  scarcely 
possible,  while  in  the  cook-room  there  was  but  little  space  to- 
spare,  not  absorbed  by  the  long,  stationary  pine  tables  with 
their  accompanying  benches,  and  by  the  stoves  and  stove  pipes. 
The  stoves  and  benches  stood  for  a  time  as  monumental  bur- 
lesques upon  our  empty  larder  and  stomachs,  until  they  became 
so  aggravating  that  we  broke  them  up  for  firewood. 

Occasionally  a  funny  fellow  among  the  sentinels  who  did 
night  duty  about  the  prison,  would  sing  out  as  he  called  the 
hour,  in  that  drawling  high-keyed,  peculiarly  Southern  tone 
something  intended  to  be  facetious.  For  example:  "One 
o'clock,  and  all 's  well,  old  Beast  Butler  whipt  like  hell,  and 
all 's  well."  "  Two  o'clock,  Yankee  gunboats  up  the  river,  all  a 
sell,  and  all 's  well." 

While  restlessly  tossing  upon  the  hard  floor  softened  only 
by  a  single  blanket,  and  dreaming  of  friends  at  home,  tables 
laden  with  home  goodies,  to  be  thus  roused  to  dreary  realities, 
and  then  to  lie  awake  perhaps  for  hours  trying  to  peer  through 
the  gloom  into  the  future,  was  not  a  cheering  situation,  even 
if  a  funny  sentry  did  provoke  an  occasional  laugh. 

Minstrel  performances  were  sometimes  had  in  the  kitchen, 
burned  cork  being  used  to  blacken  the  faces,  and  the  rebels 
furnishing  apparel  for  the  performers  who  took  the  ladies'  parts. 
These  were  announced  by  highly  illustrated  programmes  stuck 
about  the  walls.  The  Glee  Club  gave  lively  entertainments, 
particularly  at  news  of  victory  for  our  arms,  or  rumors  of 
speedy  exchange.  On  such  occasions,  spirits  rose  high,  and  the 
grand  old  war-songs,  such  as  "  John  Brown's  Body,"  "  We  are 
coming,  Father  Abraham,  etc.,  awoke  a  rousing  chorus  ;  the 
rebels  usually  tolerating  it  for  the  sake  of  the  music. 

No  clothing  was  furnished  us  by  the  rebels  from  their  own 
stores.  Such  as  came  from  our  Sanitary  and  Christian  Com- 
missions, for  the  most  part,  was  delivered  to  our  boys  on  Belle 
Isle,  and  as  that  which  came  in  private  boxes  designed  for  the 


78  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

officers  was  usually  confiscated,  the  one  suit  worn  by  each  of 
us  on  arriving  at  the  prison,  soon  degenerated  from  gentility 
to  extreme  shabbiness,  so  that  a  light  shirt  and  a  thin  pair  of 
trousers  became  the  conventional  mode  for  all  occasions,  even 
for  roll-call,  when  we  were  formed  into  line,  in  what  was  termed 
"  dress  parade." 

During  the  first  few  months,  when  skinny  and  livid  beef, 
rice,  or  beans  were  sometimes  issued,  groups  of  twenty  or  there- 
abouts were  formed  into  messes,  so  called,  each  member  taking 
his  turn  as  cook.  In  those  days  a  common  cry  was,  "  Fall  in,  mess 
number  ten,  for  your  wormy  beans  "  ;  or,  "  Fall  in,  mess  two, 
for  your  beef  bones  and  rice,"  but  the  use  of  the  same  kettles, 
for  boiling  meat  and  for  boiling  clothes,  together  with  the 
diminishing  quantity  of  meat  rations,  soon  made  the  big-mess 
system  intolerable  and  useless. 

Afterwards,  small  messes  of  two  or  three  came  into  vogue, 
and  then  "  riot "  is  the  only  word  to  properly  describe  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  the  cook-room  below.  The  boiling  and 
baking  utensils  were  mostly  old  oyster  and  tomato  cans,  or  old 
pans  or  cans  of  other  descriptions  brought  in  by  friendly 
darkies,  and  the  efforts  of  several  hundred  cooks,  each  trying 
to  fight  his  way  to  a  stove  to  get  his  little  pan  or  can  over  the 
fire,  and  to  keep  it  there,  caused  a  regular  pandemonium  ; 
the  noises  from  below  at  such  times  being  like  to  voices  com- 
ing  up  from  an  infernal  pit. 

The  earliest  daily  exercise  was  to  strip  off  the  shirt,  and 
make  an  excursion  down  the  seams  for  the  little  animalculae  or 
microbes,  and  then  to  extinguish  them  between  the  finger  nails. 

These  little  fellows  would  stick  closer  than  a  brother.  It 
was  not  altogether  poetic  license  on  the  part  of  the  rhymer 
who  said 

"  Each  little  flea  has  smaller  flea  upon  his  back  to  bite  him, 
This  smaller  flea,  still  lesser  flea,  and  so  adinfinitum" 

While  engaged  in  this  sanguinary  pastime,  "  Old  Smoke  " 
(a  grizzled  old  darky  with  a  skillet  of  charcoal)  generally 
made  his  rounds.  Shortly  after,  "  Old  Ben,"  another  darky 
with  a  small  supply  of  morning  papers  (lucky  if  he  sold  more 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  79 

than  one  or  two),  would  tramp  about,  crying :  "  Wake  up,  all  you 
Yanks,  grate  news  in  de  papers  grate  news  from  Virginty." 
"  All  about  the  way  General  Bragg  flinked  the  Yanks  at  the 
grate  battle  ob  Chickenmauger,  far  in  the  souf  west."  "  Grate 
news  from  de  place  whar  de  war  is,  grate  news  from  eberywhar." 

One  morning  some  jokers  in  our  room  got  Ben  to  sing  out 
at  the  head  of  the  stairs  above  us,  a  joke  specially  aggravating 
to  the  comrades  in  that  room  (directed  against  the  army  corps 
to  which  most  of  them  belonged),  whereupon  he  was  uncere- 
moniously hustled  down  the  stairs,  and  came  tumbling  down 
in  a  great  fright,  his  papers  scattered  about  on  the  floor. 
Picking  them  up,  he  said  :  "  Dorg  gone  dose  Yanks  up  dar. 
Ise  jist  gwine  to  quit  dat  room  up  dar.  Ise  not  gwine  up  dar 
no  mo  !  no  mo  !  " 

"  Fall  in,  sick,  and  go  down,"  was  the  familiar  drawling  cry, 
every  morning,  of  the  rebel  sergeant  when  he  came  in  to  gather 
up  the  sick  and  escort  them  to  the  hospital  below.  Those 
who  died,  were  carted  away  to  graves  in  what  was  then  a 
Potter's  field  for  Union  soldiers,  which  was  located  beyond  the 
colored  suburb  known  as  "  Rocketts." 

Now  it  is  one  of  our  national  cemeteries,  but  most  of  the 
boys  taken  there  for  burial,  from  Belle  Isle,  from  the  hospitals 
on  the  first  floor  of  Libby,  or  from  other  warehouses  in  Rich- 
mond used  as  prisons,  have  now  no  inscription  over  their  graves 
except  the  word  "  Unknown." 

Perhaps  the  most  repulsive  feature  about  Libby  was  the 
lack  of  privacy.  There  was  a  constant  jostle  of  one  man 
against  another.  Confinement  in  private  cells  for  a  few  hours 
of  each  day  would  have  been  a  boon  !  Hence  Libby  was  of  all 
places  a  rare  place  for  character  study.  The  ruling  traits  of  a 
man  could  not  be  concealed,  and  if  repulsive  they  stood  out  in 
naked  deformity.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  wonderful  how 
little  such  direful  surroundings  could  depress  one  of  a  happy 
and  hopeful  temperament.  Nothing  seemed  to  daunt  him,  and 
his  sanguine  spirit  seemed  to  rise  superior  to  every  emergency. 

Illustrations  were  not  wanting  of  the  saying  that  "  the  ruling 
passion  is  strong  in  death." 


80  IN  AND   OUT  OF   CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

Some  of  the  comrades  were  naturally  jolly,  and  they  were 
bound  to  be  jolly  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances. 
They  were  as  pertinacious  about  it  as  the  incorrigible  punster 
who,  being  informed  when  on  his  deathbed  that  his  next-door 
neighbor,  a  widow,  had  fallen  into  a  well,  raised  his  head  sud- 
denly from  his  pillow  with  the  inquiry,  "  Did  she  kick  the 
bucket  ? " 

The  tunnel  from  which  one  hundred  and  nine  officers  escaped 
early  in  February,  1864,  was  under  way  for  about  two  months, 
and  was  designed  and  carried  out  mainly  under  the  directions  of 
Col.  Thos.  E.  Rose  of  the  77th  Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  cap- 
tured at  Chickamauga  (who  has  since  been  a  Major  in  the  regu- 
lar service),  and  Major  A.  G.  Hamilton  of  the  I2th  Kentucky 
Cavalry.  They  were  aided  by  a  working  party,  at  first  of  about 
twelve,  afterwards  increased  to  about  twenty.  The  fact  that 
the  work  was  in  progress  was  known  to  perhaps  less  than  two 
hundred  out  of  the  whole  number  of  prisoners.  It  was  kept 
as  secret  as  possible,  not  so  much  from  distrust  of  other  com- 
rades, but  lest  the  jailers  might  get  suspicious  if  the  matter  was 
bruited  about  too  generally. 

The  tunnel  proper  extended  from  under  the  east  wall  of  the 
east  cellar  about  five  feet  below  the  surface  of  a  vacant  lot 
some  sixty  feet  wide  next  east  of  the  prison,  and  had  its  exit 
in  a  wagon  shed  which  stood  upon  the  north  end  of  the  second 
lot  to  the  east.  This  shed  had  its  open  side  looking  south 
toward  a  small  warehouse  that  stood  on  the  rear  of  the  lot, 
which  latter  had  a  double-door  gangway  leading  through  it  to 
the  street  in  the  rear ;  there  being  a  space  of  about  fifty  feet 
between  the  shed  and  the  warehouse.  By  arrangement  with  a 
friendly  darky,  the  doors  of  the  warehouse  were  left  unfast- 
ened. The  most  laborious  and  delicate  part  of  the  scheme,  in 
view  of  the  risk  of  detection,  was  the  cutting  of  a  hole  into  the 
back  of  one  of  the  chimney-places  in  the  cook-room  and  thence 
diagonally  down  through  the  wall,  so  that  it  afforded  access, 
not  into  the  middle  cellar  below  the  kitchen,  but  into  the 
most  easterly  of  the  three  cellars,  known  in  prison  parlance  as 
"  Rat  Hell." 


IN   AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  8 1 

This  initial  part  of  the  work  was  done  by  night,  by  aid 
of  a  trowel  and  case-knives ;  the  mortar  being  picked  out 
little  by  little  and  then  the  bricks  one  by  one.  Access  was 
had  through  that  hole  into  the  east  cellar  by  means  of  a  long 
rope  ;  short  sticks  being  knotted  into  it,  to  serve  as  a  ladder. 
After  reaching  the  east  cellar,  the  working  party  sank  a  shaft 
to  get  below  the  foundations  of  the  east  wall,  then  cut  away 
the  spiles  supporting  the  foundations,  and  then  burrowed  out 
the  tunnel,  which  led  through  a  gravelly  and  hard-pan  soil,, 
and  was,  when  completed,  about  sixty-three  feet  long,  and 
twenty-two  inches  by  twenty-four  in  diameter.  It  was  carried 
by  an  easy  grade  toward  the  surface,  until  it  found  its  exit 
under  the  shed  before  described.  During  the  first  few  weeks 
the  work  was  carried  on  by  night,  but  later,  urgency  required 
a  few  of  the  party  to  remain  in  the  cellar,  and  work  by  day. 
The  dirt  scooped  out  was  placed  under  piles  of  loose  straw, 
which  abounded  in  large  quantities  at  the  back  or  north  end 
of  the  cellar. 

The  success  of  this  whole  plan,  wonderful  as  it  was  for  in- 
genuity of  design  as  well  as  pluck  and  perseverance  in  execu- 
tion, was  attributable  to  the  fact  that  the  north  end  of  the  east 
cellar  from  which  the  tunnel  led,  was  not  used,  and  was  but 
rarely  visited  by  any  of  the  rebel  officers  or  guards.  It  was  a 
dark,  noisome  place,  partly  filled  with  straw  and  abounding  in 
rats,  while  the  south  end  of  the  cellar,  which  had  a  stairway 
leading  from  the  hospital  above,  and  a  doorway  opening  on  the 
street  in  the  rear  of  the  prison,  was  used  by  the  officials  as  a 
temporary  morgue  for  dead  Union  soldiers  brought  from  the 
hospital  above.  So  there  was  little  occasion  for  the  jailers  to 
go  back  into  the  dark  northerly  end  of  that  cellar,  from  which 
the  tunnel  led. 

Although  only  a  few  remained  in  the  cellar  to  prosecute 
the  work  by  day,  it  was  necessary  for  their  confederates  in  the 
room  above  to  deceive  the  rebel  officials,  so  that  whenever 
a  count  was  made  it  would  show  the  same  number  present 
each  morning. 

This  was  done  by  a  process  of  what  we  called  "  repeating," 

6 


82  IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

which  was  a  plan  whereby  some  of  the  comrades  in  the  tunnel 
secret  would  get  counted  twice  or  more.  But  sometimes 
this  plan  did  not  work,  and  then  there  was  fun. 

"  Fall  in,  yer  Yanks,  in  four  rows,"  had  been  the  usual  order 
for  the  roll-call,  when  conducted  by  little  Ross,  the  prison 
clerk,  and  for  a  time  repeating  was  done  by  dropping  out  from 
the  right  of  the  line  after  being  counted  and  falling  in  again 
on  the  left  to  be  again  counted.  But  this  being  at  some  times 
impossible  without  detection,  the  result  was  that  the  total 
number  counted  might  vary  somewhat  from  day  to  day. 

When  this  occurred,  Ross  would  get  fearfully  exasperated, 
and  his  inability  to  make  a  correct  count  would  seem  at  times 
likely  to  dethrone  his  reason.  On  one  occasion,  having  counted 
and  recounted  the  column  perhaps  a  dozen  times,  with  a 
change  each  time  in  the  result,  he  broke  out  with  the  cry, 
"  Now  I  am  suah  there  is  more  than  a  dozen  of  you  damn 
Yanks  yer,  who  aint  yer."  At  this  sally,  there  was  a  roar  of 
laughter  from  the  prisoners  that  shook  the  rafters. 

This  trick  being  discovered,  Major  Turner  devised  the  plan 
of  driving  the  prisoners  from  the  east  room  on  the  second 
floor  to  the  middle  room  on  the  same  floor,  counting  them  as 
they  passed  through  the  doorway.  But  the  boys  were  more 
than  equal  to  the  occasion,  for  some  of  them,  ascending  to  the 
third  floor  and  thence  out  through  a  scuttle  hole  on  to  the 
roof  over  the  middle  section,  would  come  down  again  through 
another  scuttle  hole  in  the  roof  over  the  east  section,  and, 
passing  again  through  the  same  doorway,  would  be  again 
counted.  If  I  mistake  not,  this  device  was  never  discovered, 
at  least  not  prior  to  the  time  of  the  escape,  and  subsequently 
it  was  abandoned. 

When  you  visit  Libby  at  Chicago,  and  go  onto  the  top 
floor  you  can  see  the  veritable  scuttle  holes,  over  what 
are  now,  as  the  prison  stands,  the  north  and  the  middle 
rooms. 

In  Richmond  the  prison  stood  facing  the  north,  but  as  it 
now  stands  facing  the  west,  what  was  in  our  day  the  east  end, 
is  now  the  north  end.  So  that  at  Chicago  you  will  find  the 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS.  83 

entrance  to  the  tunnel  in  the  northerly  side  of  the  present 
north  cellar. 

The  original  plan  was  to  have  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  go  out  the  first  night  in  squads  of  ten  to  fifteen  and 
the  tunnel  was  then  to  be  closed  at  both  ends,  so  that 
another  party  could  take  leave  on  future  occasions  if  prac- 
ticable. But  a  notion  that  the  jailers  were  getting  suspi- 
cious, led  to  the  flight  a  night  or  two  earlier  than  originally 
planned.  This  led  to  disorder  in  the  whole  arrangement, 
so  that  after  a  few  of  the  working  party  had  made  their 
way  out,  others  who  knew  of  the  scheme  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity, and  it  became  practically  a  strife  between  seventy-five 
and  one  hundred  of  us,  to  see  if  we  could  force  our  way  out 
and  who  could  get  out  first.  As  one  of  this  crowd  that  had 
gathered  in  the  kitchen  from  the  lodging  rooms  above,  I  was 
pushing  and  squeezing  forward  and  was  pushed  and  squeezed 
very  slowly,  towards  the  hole  in  the  fireplace.  It  was  long 
after  "  taps,"  but  before  midnight,  when  an  alarm  was  shouted 
from  the  stairway  to  indicate  that  the  guard  was  coming  into 
the  prison.  This  proved  to  be  a  false  alarm,  but  it  caused  a 
fearful  racket  and  a  scattering  of  many  from  the  cookroom, 
toward  the  stairway,  and  thence  up  the  stairs;  the  rush  in  the 
darkness  being  accompanied  by  much  stumbling  and  falling 
upon  or  over  the  stoves,  stove-pipes,  tables,  or  benches  that 
crowded  the  room,  or  over  the  prostrate  forms  of  other  com- 
rades, for  some  of  the  comrades,  including  myself,  had  dropped 
upon  the  floor,  and  there  we  lay  for  a  time  to  await  develop- 
ments. The  suspicion  of  the  guards,  wonderful  to  tell,  seemed 
not  to  be  excited  by  such  a  tremendous  midnight  episode,  noisy 
as  it  was,  so  that  within  half  an  hour  those  of  us  remaining  in 
the  cookroom  roused  up  one  by  one,  and  began  again  to  crowd 
toward  the  hole  in  the  chimney,  and  work  down  through  it 
feet  foremost  into  the  cellar.  I  crawled  through  that  suffocat- 
ing underground  hole  at  about  2  A.M.,  and  being  joined  in  the 
shed  by  the  comrade  who  emerged  next  in  order  from  the  hole 
(Lieutenant  Pierce),  we  passed  through  the  yard,  and  thence 
over  the  gangway  of  the  warehouses  to  the  doorway  opening 


84  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

into  the  street  in  the  rear.  There  we  stood  for  a  brief  moment, 
watching  and  waiting  until  the  sentinel  who  paced  the  beat  at 
the  rear  of  the  prison  should  face  about  and  retrace  his  steps. 
As  he  turned  to  the  westward  we  crept  along  stealthily  under 
the  shadow  of  the  warehouses  in  the  opposite  direction,  until 
turning  the  first  corner  and  going  north,  we  were  at  length  at 
large  in  the  public  streets. 

We  took  an  easterly  course  toward  the  Chickahominy,  avoid- 
ing the  highway  to  Bottoms  Bridge,  because  of  the  risk  of  be- 
ing intercepted  by  rebel  pickets,  and  keeping  the  way  for  the 
most  part,  through  woods  or  thickets,  and  sometimes  through 
swamps. 

Being  exhausted  the  next  morning,  and  much  too  weak  to 
attempt  then  to  cross  the  Chickahominy  River,  we  put  back 
shortly  after  daylight  to  a  point  perhaps  a  mile  and  a  half  to 
the  west  of  the  river,  and  there  got  into  a  dense  thicket  of 
scrub  pines  where  we  sought  a  place  for  rest  and  hiding,  under 
a  low  and  wide-spreading  tree. 

Shortly  after  noon  we  were  aroused  from  sleep  to  look  into 
the  muzzle  of  an  old-fashioned  Colt's  revolver  held  by  a  Con- 
federate scout,  who  ordered  us  out  and  put  us  on  the  march 
before  him.  Unarmed,  and  enfeebled  by  long  imprisonment  we 
could  not  very  well  resist,  and  were  thus  led  southward  to  the 
highway  leading  to  Richmond.  There  we  came  up  with  a  party 
of  about  thirty  others  who  had  been  recaptured  in  much  the 
same  way,  and  being  put  in  charge  of  a  band  of  troopers  at  about 
nightfall  we  again  beheld  the  grimy  face  of  grim  old  Libby. 

As  we  stood  upon  the  pavement  of  Carey  Street  and  gazed 
up  at  our  late  comrades  peering  out  at  us  through  the  bars,  it 
was  indeed  a  gloomy,  heart-sickening  moment.  At  the  first 
entrance  to  that  dungeon,  what  might  be  in  store  for  us  was 
only  conjecture,  but  at  this,  our  second  entrance,  we  knew  that 
a  slow  process  of  starvation  awaited  us,  for  we  knew  that  we 
must  again  struggle  from  day  to  day,  to  preserve  health  and 
life  without  food  or  drink  sufficiently  nourishing  to  aid  us  in 
the  struggle,  and  it  was  a  prospect  gloomy  enough  to  appall 
any  one ! 


IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  85 

It  seems  as  if  the  sense  of  humor  would  not  desert  some 
men,  even  when  in  the  jaws  of  death,  so  to  speak. 

This  was  illustrated  in  our  case  in  a  very  pointed  way  when 
some  of  the  boys  at  the  barred  windows  overhead,  shouted  out 
at  us,  "  Fresh  fish  !  Fresh  fish  !  When  were  you  captured  ?  " 
"  How  were  you  captured  ?  "  "I  told  you  so,"  etc.  From  the 
street  we  were  conducted  to  the  middle  cellar,  and  there  placed 
in  cells,  and  others  recaptured  during  the  next  three  days  were 
put  with  us,  bringing  up  the  number  to  about  fifty.  Each  cell 
was  about  ten  feet  by  twelve  in  size  and  was  partitioned  off 
with  boards  from  the  cellar  proper,  and  had  no  light  except 
such  as  was  derived  from  the  ciark  cellar,  through  a  small  hole 
in  the  door  ;  they  were  veritable  dungeons.  Here  to  the  num- 
ber of  about  a  dozen  in  a  cell,  we  sat  and  slept  upon  the  damp 
ground  of  the  cellar  bottom,  rendered  peculiarly  damp  and 
mouldy,  because  the  cellar  was  subject  at  times  to  overflow 
from  the  canal,  which  ran  about  sixty  feet  distant  from  the 
rear  of  the  prison.  At  the  end  of  a  week  we  were  restored  to 
former  privileges ;  that  is  to  say,  to  the  parlor  floor  above. 
During  the  incarceration  in  the  cells,  rations  were  even  more 
meagre  than  usual,  as  each  of  us  had  but  one  loaf  per  day  of 
hard  corn-bread,  and  this,  with  muddy  water  from  the  James 
River,  constituted  the  entire  supply  of  food  and  drink. 

"On  horror's  head,  horrors  accumulate."  In  March,  1864, 
at  the  time  of  the  Kilpatrick  and  Dahlgren  raid  on  Richmond, 
when  the  latter  was  killed,  Major  Turner  provided  us  with 
two  sleepless,  nerve-trying  nights,  by  advising  us  that  the 
prison  had  been  mined  with  kegs  of  powder  placed  in  the 
cellar,  and  that  should  any  attempt  be  made  to  escape,  when 
the  Union  cavalry  force  assaulted  the  town  (as  it  was  believed 
that  it  would  do),  the  prisoners  should  go  out  by  way  of  the  roof. 

Confederate  records  discovered  since  the  war  have  dis- 
closed that  he  told  the  truth  as  to  the  mining  business. 

Several  officers  captured  on  this  raid,  were  placed  in  close 
confinement  for  two  months,  in  cells  built  in  the  cook-room ; 
some  colored  soldiers  captured  from  our  army  being  confined 
with  them. 


36  IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

In  April,  1864,  through  the  intervention  of  friends,  I  was 
one  of  about  twenty  officers  chosen  to  be  sent  north  in  ex- 
change for  a  like  number  of  rebel  officers  brought  up  to  Fort 
Darling  (near  Richmond)  by  the  flag-of-truce  boat.  We  de- 
scended to  the  first  floor  and  had  all  signed  the  parole,  when 
little  Ross,  the  prison  clerk,  came  out  of  the  office  announcing 
that  "  Major  Turner  says  that  all  you  'uns  who  was  in  yer 
tunnel  business  can't  go  nohow,  and  must  get  back  out  of 
yer  to  your  quarters."  Of  the  three  unfortunates  then  returned 
to  the  lodging  rooms  above,  I  was  one.  To  be  thus  deprived 
of  liberty,  when  it  was  almost  within  grasp,  was  a  renewed 
disappointment,  too  keen  for  description. 

At  about  this  time  General  John  Morgan,  the  rebel  cavalry 
leader  who  had  escaped  from  confinement  at  Columbus,  Ohio 
(where  he  was  confined  after  capture  upon  his  raid  through 
Ohio),  visited  Libby,  and  we  listened  to  his  vivid  account 
of  his  escape  and  adventures  before  he  regained  the  rebel 
lines  in  Tennessee. 

It  was  not  an  unusual  thing  for  rebel  officers  of  rank  to  stroll 
through  the  rooms  of  the  prison  under  escort  of  some  of  the 
prison  officials,  but  as  a  rule  they  had  little  to  say. 

The  prison  was  not  visited  during  my  imprisonment,  that 
I  was  aware  of,  either  by  Jeff.  Davis  or  by  any  of  his  Cabinet, 
or  by  General  Winder,  the  official  who  was  chief  in  charge  of 
the  prisoners,  nor  by  Mr.  Ould,  the  Commissioner  for  Exchange 
of  Prisoners.  I  saw  President  Davis,  however,  on  several  occa- 
sions driving  past  the  prison  in  a  one-horse  Jersey  wagon, 
accompanied  by  members  of  his  family,  on  his  way  to  the 
steamboat  at  "  Rocketts,"  a  landing  place  on  the  James  River, 
a  little  below,  or  to  the  east  of,  Libby.  I  have  his  appear- 
ance in  my  mind's  eye  at  this  moment.  He  sat  very  erect 
upon  the  front  seat,  wore  a  high  silk  hat  and  high  collar,  and 
drove  along  in  a  leisurely  way  with  an  old  plug  of  a  horse,  but 
never  so  much  as  cast  an  eye  toward  the  prison,  to  see  how  his 
wards  were  getting  along. 

Before  dawn  on  the  second  day  of  May,  the  rebel  sergeant 
shouted  through  the  prison,  "  Pack  up,  all  ye  Yanks,  and  fall  in 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS.  8/ 

to  go  south."  We  were  shortly  marched  out  to  the  railroad 
depot,  and  there  packed  into  box  freight  cars,  and  shipped  to 
Danville,  Va.  There  we  remained  five  days,  quartered  in  some 
old  cotton  warehouses,  and  from  thence  were  marched  on  foot 
about  twenty-five  miles  to  Greensboro,  N.  C.  The  day  was 
very  stormy  and  the  pathway  a  very  muddy  one,  being  part  of 
the  way  upon  a  newly  built  embankment  for  a  railroad  to 
connect  Danville,  Va.,  with  Greensboro,  N.  C. 

The  fact  that  a  gap  of  that  length  was  permitted  to  remain 
till  May,  1864,  in  a  trunk  railroad  line  between  Richmond  and 
the  south,  in  fact  the  most  direct  route  for  bringing  troops 
and  supplies  to  Richmond,  affords  a  good  idea  of  the  lack  of 
business  methods  that  prevailed  in  the  rebel  quartermasters' 
department. 

Arriving  at  Macon,  Georgia,  we  were  put  into  an  enclosure 
of  about  one  and  a  half  acres  that  had  been  set  off  from  an 
old  State  fair  grounds  by  a  high  board  fence,  or  stockade.  A 
stream  of  water  crossed  its  lower  end,  and  a  low  picket  fence, 
about  ten  feet  inside  the  stockade,  served  as  a  dead  line,  so 
called. 

About  seventy-five  officers  had  preceded  us  to  this  place, 
who  had  been  captured  in  April  at  Plymouth  in  eastern  North 
Carolina. 

At  about  this  time,  also,  our  boys  to  the  number  of  about  ten 
thousand  were  sent  down  from  Belle  Isle  at  Richmond,  where 
they  had  spent  the  winter,  to  Andersonville,  Georgia,  located 
about  seventy-five  miles  to  the  southwest  of  Macon.  Within 
our  stockade  were  rough  sheds  consisting  mainly  of  a  roof, 
with  two  or  three  widths  of  siding  tacked  on  to  the  supporting 
posts,  near  to  the  roof.  These  afforded  some  shelter  when  the 
storms  were  directly  overhead,  but  none  to  speak  of  against 
driving  storms  of  wind  and  rain,  when  we  suffered  greatly. 
Under  these  sheds  we  constructed  rough  bunks  of  boards, 
raised  from  the  ground  upon  short  stakes.  Beneath  the  floor 
timbers  of  an  old  structure  standing  within  this  stockade  was 
a  space  about  three  feet  in  height,  where  for  the  first  few  days 
some  of  the  officers  found  lodgings,  and  there,  to  afford  more 


88  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

room  vertically,  they  burrowed  out  long  grave-shaped  trenches, 
having  slopes  leading  down  into  them  from  the  surface  of  the 
ground  at  the  sides  of  the  building. 

By  the  aid  of  these  sloping  trenches  they  could  get  under 
the  sills  supporting  the  sides  of  the  building,  and  once  under- 
neath they  would  use  the  ground  at  either  side  of  the  trenches 
for  bedroom  at  night  and  as  sitting-places  by  day  ;  the  trenches 
serving  for  leg  and  foot  room.  But  at  the  first  hard  storm  the 
trenches  became  full  of  water,  and  the  human  rats  being  thus 
drowned  out,  they  forsook  the  trenches  and  sought  for  spare 
lodgings  in  the  sheds. 

Two  tunnels,  a  large  and  a  small  one,  were  soon  under  way, 
entrance  shafts  thereto  being  opened  under  bunks  in  the  sheds, 
the  work  of  digging  being  zealously  pushed  at  night,  and  the 
entrance  ways  being  covered  up  by  day ;  the  earth  therefrom 
being  taken  in  bags  by  night,  to  the  stream  at  the  foot  of  the 
grounds.  A  party  of  ten,  to  which  I  belonged,  worked  at  the 
smaller  of  the  two  tunnels,  which  was  designed  to  be  about 
thirty  feet  long.  It  was  near  completion,  when  the  existence 
of  both  becoming  known  to  Captain  Davis,  the  rebel  official  in 
charge,  he  one  morning  sent  in  a  guard,  drove  the  prisoners  to 
a  remote  corner  of  the  stockade,  and  bringing  in  a  squad  of  men 
with  picks  and  shovels  caused  the  shafts  of  both  tunnels  to  be 
filled  up.  On  entering  the  stockade  he  led  the  squad  directly 
to  the  entrance  of  both  tunnels,  indicating  that  he  knew  the 
precise  location,  and  that  we  had  been  "  betrayed  in  the  house 
of  our  friends." 

A  cavalry  officer  was  paroled  shortly  after,  to  whom  this 
treachery  was  generally  attributed.  His  parole  probably  saved 
his  neck,  as  suspicion  had  already  been  excited  respecting  him. 
He  was  a  native  of  Missouri  but  a  member  of  an  Illinois  cav- 
alry regiment. 

Captain  Powell,  of  the  I46th  New  York,  and  myself  made 
little  ladders,  loosened  some  pickets,  and  watched  for  a  chance 
to  get  through  the  fence,  or  dead  line,  and  to  scale  the  stock- 
ade, but  the  guards  were  too  vigilant  for  us. 

The  Captain  (afterwards  Major  Powell)  has  lately  written  a 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  89 

letter  which  is  attached  to  this  paper,  referring  to  this  attempt, 
and  also  to  my  escape  from  the  column  a  few  weeks  later,  when 
the  prisoners  were  marched  out  from  the  Macon  stockade. 

Some  malicious  shooting  was  done  ;  a  lieutenant  from  New 
York  being  killed,  and  several  others  wounded,  for  touching  or 
approaching  the  picket  fence.  In  the  case  of  the  lieutenant, 
he  had  washed  his  clothes  at  the  stream,  and  hung  some  of 
them  upon  the  picket  fence,  when  a  sentinel  without  provoca- 
tion shot  him  dead. 

Fourth  of  July  was  celebrated  with  speeches  and  songs,  one" 
officer  producing  and  waving  a  tiny  United  States  flag.  This 
ceremony  the  rebs  threatened f to  interfere  with,  but  we  per- 
severed and  gave  them  some  hearty  Union  songs. 

Fifty  officers  were  sent  from  Macon  to  Charleston,  and 
placed  under  range  of  our  shells  there,  in  hopes  that  it  would 
compel  Uncle  Sam  to  forego  shelling  that  city, — but  this  seem- 
ing misfortune  proved  to  be  a  blessing  in  disguise,  for  we 
learned  that  the  party  was  shortly  after  specially  exchanged  in 
return  for  a  like  number  of  rebels. 

A  committee  came  to  Macon  from  the  boys  at  Anderson- 
ville  prison  early  in  July,  1864,  and  they  with  many  of  the  offi- 
cers joined  in  a  petition,  which  was  sent  to  President  Lincoln,  set 
ting  forth  their  condition  and  our  own,  and  praying  in  the  name 
of  God  and  Humanity  for  immediate  exchange,  but  it  was  never 
heard  from.  Another  special  object  of  this  visit  of  the  boys,  was 
to  take  counsel  with  the  officers  regarding  the  punishment  of 
certain  bad  ones  among  the  boys  at  Andersonville,  who  were 
robbing  and  maltreating  their  comrades,  and  General  Winder 
was  said  to  have  permitted  the  visit  for  this  special  purpose. 

"  Fresh  fish  "  were  constantly  arriving  from  our  army  in 
Virginia,  from  Sherman's  army  then  north  of  Atlanta,  and 
from  other  points  along  the  contending  lines,  some  even  from 
Louisiana,  so  that  the  number  of  prisoners  at  Macon  on  the  28th 
of  July,  1864,  reached  upwards  of  seventeen  hundred,  all  com- 
missioned officers.  The  fact  that  so  many  Union  officers  were 
ever  held  as  prisoners  at  any  one  time  has  invariably  excited 
surprise,  when  stated,  but  it  is  not  the  less  a  fact.  Indeed,  the 


90  IN  AND   OUT   OF   CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

number  increased  from  that  time  on,  and  was  somewhat  larger 
when  we  were  removed  to  Charleston,  and  rose  to  upwards  of 
eighteen  hundred  early  in  October,  1864,  when  we  reached 
Columbia,  S.  C. 

Because  of  rumors  that  a  cavalry  force  was  coming  from 
Sherman's  army,  six  hundred  officers  were  on  the  night  of  the 
27th  of  July  marched  out  of  the  stockade  at  Macon,  through 
the  city  streets,  to  the  railroad  station,  and  thence  were  sent  in 
box  freight  cars  to  Savannah,  and  a  similar  party  was  brought 
out  the  next  night,  for  the  same  destination.  Captain  Powell 
and  myself  were  in  this  latter  party. 

Passing  along  in  column  of  fours  with  Captain  Powell  and 
other  friends,  through  a  densely  shaded  street,  and  noting  a 
want  of  vigilance  on  the  part  of  the  old  men  and  boys  acting 
as  guards,  who  walked  at  each  side  of  the  column  at  irregular 
intervals  of  from  twenty  to  forty  feet,  I  skipped  from  the  col- 
umn, at  first  to  a  place  behind  one  of  the  large  trees  at  the  side 
of  the  road,  then  across  the  sidewalk  and  over  the  fence,  and 
then  through  gardens  and  dooryards  to  the  next  street. 

It  was  a  mystery,  as  Captain  Powell  says,  that  I  was  not 
fired  upon,  but  it  must  remain  so,  for  I  can't  explain  it. 

With  an  old  slouch  hat,  the  original  top  replaced  with  a 
piece  of  bagging,  and  a  blanket  pinned  with  a  stick  that  served 
to  conceal  my  blue  coat,  I  made  a  presentable  regulation  rebel, 
well  disguised,  except  for  the  blue  pants,  which  however  were 
faded,  ragged,  and  dirty. 

A  lead-pencil  tracing  of  a  map  of  Georgia,  a  diary  and 
pencil,  and  a  few  hard  tack,  baked  in  anticipation  of  escape 
through  the  tunnel,  comprised  my  entire  possessions,  except  a 
stern  determination,  if  Providence  would  permit,  to  reach  the 
Union  lines,  which  were  then  on  the  Chattahoochee,  south- 
west of  Atlanta,  and  about  seventy-five  miles  distant. 

At  Vineville,  at  the  north  end  of  Macon,  I  passed  a  group 
of  hospital  tents,  where  the  attendants  were  moving  about  with 
lights,  some  of  them  torches  of  pitch  pine.  These  torches, 
flaring  here  and  there  in  the  darkness,  seemed  to  my  excited 
nerves  to  have  an  unearthly  glare,  as  if  borne  by  demons  just 
up  from  the  pit. 


IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  9! 

A  little  farther  out,  but  a  little  in  advance  of  me,  I  dis- 
covered guards  picketing  the  highway,  who  were  so  stationed 
evidently  in  anticipation  of  a  raid  from  Stoneman's  cavalry. 
I  came  near  running  right  up  to  them,  but  discovered  them  in 
time  to  make  a  detour  through  the  fields. 

Tramping  mostly  by  night  and  keeping  the  woods  by  day,  I 
was  watchful  at  all  points  where  roads  intersected,  and  also  at 
bridges,  and  took  special  care  to  avoid  passing  through  settle- 
ments, usually  going  entirely  around  a  settlement  by  the  fields 
or  woods,  rather  than  run  the  risk  of  meeting  anyone  on  the 
highway. 

The  season  was  dry  and  water  very  scarce.  Once  at  about 
midnight  when  I  was  thirsty  beyond  endurance,  I  climbed  over 
into  a  tank  that  stood  upon  a  high  platform  at  a  railway  sta- 
tion, in  which  I  found  but  little  water,  and  that  very  stale,  but 
I  took  deep  drafts  of  it,  foul  as  it  was.  It  was  with  great  diffi- 
culty that  I  got  out  of  the  tank,  and  succeeded  in  doing  so  only 
by  finding  a  place  where  I  got  a  bearing  for  the  toe  of  my  foot. 
For  a  few  moments  when  standing  in  the  water  in  that  tank,  I 
thought  the  game  was  up  !  The  water  was  so  nauseous  that  I 
became  deathly  sick  shortly  after,  and  had  not  only  to  forego 
marching  but  lay  by  in  the  woods  for  the  rest  of  the  night,  and 
the  better  part  of  the  next  day,  having  no  food  but  dry  crack- 
ers and  no  water. 

My  course  was  at  first  northwesterly  toward  Atlanta  along 
the  line  of  the  Georgia  railroad  and  near  to  Barnesville  and  For- 
syth,  but  from  north  of  the  latter  place  I  took  a  more  westerly 
course,  along  or  near  a  highway  leading  westerly  from  Griffin 
towards  Noonan,  Georgia,  to  and  across  the  Chattahoochee 
River.  Before  leaving  Macon,  I  had  learned  that  cavalry  from 
Sherman's  army  was  stationed  at  the  fords  along  the  right 
bank  of  the  Chattahoochee,  for  twenty  to  thirty  miles  below,  or 
to  the  southwest  of,  Atlanta ;  and  my  purpose  was  to  reach  and 
cross  the  river,  and  find  the  cavalry. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  fourth  or  fifth  day  out  from  Macon, 
I  was  aroused  from  my  sleep  by  a  white  man  driving  two  cows 
out  of  the  wood,  but  as  he  seemed  to  be  about  as  much  fright- 


92  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS. 

ened  as  I  was,  we  got  together  and  had  a  talk.  He  claimed  to 
be  a  Union  man,  and  said  that  he  had  been  pressed  into  the 
rebel  service  for  a  time,  but  got  out  because  of  disability.  We 
finally  struck  a  bargain,  whereby  he  was  to  give  me  a  rebel 
jacket,  something  to  eat,  and  $25  in  Confederacy  currency,  in 
exchange  for  my  blue  officer's  coat,  to  which  he  took  a  fancy, 
although  it  was  worn  quite  threadbare.  I  was  suspicious  of 
him,  but  went  with  him  to  the  edge  of  the  "  clarin,"  where  I 
watched  him  while  he  went  to  his  house  and  returned  with  the 
goods.  The  jacket  proved  to  be  a  dangerous  acquisition.  The 
same  day  I  sat  down  and  wrote  with  a  pencil,  on  a  slip  of  paper 
from  my  diary,  what  purported  to  be  a  furlough  to  a  rebel 
soldier  who  had  been  an  inmate  of  a  hospital  at  Griffin,  which, 
as  I  learned  from  the  man  who  got  my  blue  coat,  was  a  place 
near  by,  to  which  the  sick  and  wounded  from  Hood's  army  at 
Atlanta  were  brought  for  treatment. 

At  about  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  having 
kept  the  highway  till  too  late  an  hour  (in  haste  to  reach  the 
Chattahoochee  River,  then  about  ten  miles  distant  to  the  west), 
a  rear  scout  of  three,  one  of  whom  was  a  commissary  sergeant 
came  riding  towards  me  from  the  west,  around  a  bend  in  the 
road  ;  and  the  road  being  fenced,  with  cleared  fields  at  each 
side,  there  was  no  chance  to  avoid  them.  I  pleaded  that  I  was 
a  soldier  on  furlough.  They  asked  me  for  my  "  showance," 
and  remarked  that  the  surgeon  was  a  damn  fool  to  write  a 
showance  with  a  lead  pencil.  Another  noted  my  blue  pants, 
and  said,  "You  all  aint  none  of  we  uns.  Peers  like  yer  one  of 
these  Yankee  spies,  got  over  the  river  yer,  and  lost  yer  horse," 
and  he  proposed  to  hang  me  to  a  tree,  to  make  me  disclose  who 
I  was.  The  sergeant  made  a  suggestion  more  acceptable  to  me, 
and  said  that  he  would  take  me  to  the  captain,  who  it  seemed 
was  with  the  company  a  few  miles  distant  back  toward  Griffin. 
His  view  prevailed,  and  I  mounted  his  horse  behind  him  ex- 
plaining to  him  on  the  way  who  I  was. 

Coming  up  with  the  company,  and  accepting  a  temporary 
parole,  I  joined  its  officers  in  a  square  meal  at  a  farmhouse.  A 
large  bowl  of  apple  butter,  and  piles  of  good  corn-bread,  smok- 


IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  93 

ing  hot,  loom  up  to  mind  to-day  as  the  big  features  of  that 
delicious,  not-to-be-forgotten — meal,  the  first  veritable  square 
meal  for  over  a  year. 

Arriving  at  Griffin  and  parole  withdrawn,  I  was  placed  that 
night  with  a  party  of  rebel  deserters  held  as  prisoners,  on  the 
second  floor  of  a  small  dwelling  then  used  as  a  guard-house  ; 
one  guard  constantly  in  the  room,  and  others  below  at  the 
entrance. 

One  of  the  guards  who  came  on  duty  in  the  guard-room 
getting  to  sleep  after  midnight,  I  made  an  attempt  to  drop 
from  a  side  window,  but  was  detected  and  thrust  forcibly  back 
to  my  bench,  and  the  next  day  J.  was  sent  back  by  rail  under 
guard  to  Macon,  leaving  Griffin  quite  full  of  sick  and  wounded 
rebels,  from  the  battles  at  Atlanta. 

Arriving  at  the  stockade,  I  gave  Captain  Davis  the  most 
entertaining  description  possible  regarding  the  escape,  to  get 
him  in  good  humor,  lest,  instead  of  being  returned  to  the 
stockade  he  might  order  me  to  be  lodged  in  the  local  jail,  a 
kind  of  afterclap  not  infrequent  upon  recapture,  but  one  much 
to  be  dreaded.  The  danger  of  being  lodged  in  some  local  jail,  if 
recaptured,  was  one  of  the  things  that  deterred  many  from 
making  any  attempt  to  escape,  on  the  principle  of  "  Better  let 
well  enough  alone." 

Returning  to  the  stockade,  I  found  that  the  remainder  of 
its  former  occupants,  except  a  few  "  hospital  rats,"  had  also 
been  sent  on  to  Savannah  or  Charleston. 

It  is  not  kind  to  speak  of  our  sick  or  convalescing  comrades 
in  such  a  way,  but  it  was  common  to  the  prison  vernacular, 
and  it  is  used  here  for  that  reason. 

General  Stoneman,  and  about  forty  officers  of  his  command 
who  had  been  captured  near  Macon  two  or  three  days  before 
(while  on  a  raid  designed  for  the  release  of  the  officers  from 
Macon  and  the  boys  from  Andersonville),  were  among  the  new 
arrivals,  and  being  well  dressed  and  in  vigorous  health  and 
good  spirits,  were  quite  a  contrast  to  the  few  dirty  and  ragged 
"  old  fish  "  present  to  greet  them. 

This  little  party  of  "  old  fish  "  and  "  fresh  fish  "  was  de- 


94  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS. 

spatched  from  Macon  about  the  I2th  of  August  to  Charleston, 
by  the  usual  freight-car  method — guards  at  the  side  doors  and 
on  the  top. 

There  we  were  placed  in  the  "  Penitentiary  "  adjoining  the 
burned  district,  and  there  we  found  that  the  seventeen  hundred 
officers  who  had  preceded  us  from  Macon  by  way  of  Savannah 
two  or  three  weeks  before  were  already  in  occupation,  and  that 
they  filled  to  repletion  the  "  Penitentiary,"  the  adjacent  "  Nig- 
ger Jail,"  and  the  "  Roper  "  and  "  Marine  Hospital "  buildings  ; 
and  that  the  fifty  officers  who  had  been  first  to  leave  Macon 
for  Charleston  six  weeks  before  had  meanwhile  been  specially 
exchanged. 

During  our  six  weeks'  stay  at  Charleston  the  booming  of 
the  "  Swamp  Angel "  and  other  big  guns  of  the  Yankee  bat- 
teries on  Morris  Island,  and  the  singing  of  the  big  shells  through 
the  air,  with  the  noises  when  bursting,  and  the  crash  and  rattle 
of  the  fragments  as  they  struck  in  the  town,  relieved  the  nights 
from  monotony. 

Late  in  September  yellow  fever  prevailed  in  the  city,  and 
invaded  the  prisons,  about  ten  officers  from  our  building  having 
been  removed  to  hospitals  and  on  the  4th  of  October  Captain 
Grier,  the  rebel  officer  in  charge,  fell  a  victim,  so  at  the  demand 
of  the  citizens  the  prisoners  were  all  despatched  by  rail  to 
Columbia,  S.  C.  Arriving  there,  we  were  placed  under  a 
strong  guard  in  an  open  field  about  two  miles  west  of  the 
city,  near  the  Saluda  River,  the  field  being  bordered  on  the 
south  by  a  piece  of  woods. 

The  story  of  my  third,  and  successful  attempt  at  escape 
deserves  treatment  in  a  separate  paper  to  do  it  justice,  as  the 
thirty-four  days'  journey  we  took  from  the  prison  pen  at  "  Old 
Camp  Sorghum,"  Columbia,  to  the  Union  lines  in  Tennessee, 
were  brimful  of  thrilling  incidents,  escaping  recapture  as  we 
did  on  two  occasions  only  by  most  merciful  providences.  Of 
this  escape,  I  will  give  but  a  brief  outline. 

I  premise  with  the  statement  that  about  eighteen  hundred 
Union  officers  were  then  confined  at  Old  Camp  Sorghum  at  Co- 
lumbia, S.  C.,  and  that  our  party  of  five  was  the  first  to  escape 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS.  95 

from  that  prison,  and  that  the  total  number  who  escaped 
from  there  subsequently,  and  prior  to  the  spring  of  1865, 
when  the  officers  were  taken  from  Columbia  to  Wilmington, 
N.  C.,  for  final  exchange,  was  about  fifty. 

Lieutenant  George  S.  Hastings  of  the  23d  New  York  Bat- 
tery, a  long-time  friend  of  mine,  and  three  officers  of  the  85th 
New  York  Volunteers,  all  four  of  whom  were  comparatively 
"  fresh  fish  "  (as  they  had  been  captured  at  Plymouth,  N.  C,  in 
the  April  previous),  together  with  the  writer,  an  "  old  fish," 
lay  out  for  several  nights  near  to  the  dead  line  at  a  point 
opposite  and  near  to  a  piece  of  woods,  watching  for  an  oppor- 
tunity to  cross  the  dead  line  an4  guard  line. 

The  others  had  money,  and  with  it  had  purchased  of  the 
sutler  some  corn-meal,  salt,  and  matches,  and  of  a  friendly 
darky,  some  garlic  and  a  bottle  of  turpentine.  The  dead  line 
was  marked  by  a  row  of  stakes  and  was  about  thirty  feet  inside 
the  line  for  the  guards,  who  were  stationed  less  than  one  hun- 
dred feet  apart.  On  the  fourth  night  the  guards  built  little  fires, 
and  we  took  note  of  the  fact  that  gazing  at  the  fire  had  the  effect 
of  making  the  surrounding  darkness  seem  more  dense.  Occa- 
sionally they  halted  at  the  fires  to  converse.  Seizing  the 
opportunity  presented  when  two  guards  were  conversing  at 
one  of  the  fires,  and  another  was  sitting  at  the  next,  and  moved 
by  a  common  impulse,  we  crouched  down,  and  stealthily 
crossed  the  space  between  the  dead  line  and  guard  line,  cross- 
ing the  latter  about  midway  between  the  fires,  and  thence 
crept  forward  into  the  woods.  That  we  were  not  detected,  or 
heard,  or  fired  upon,  was  something  little  short  of  miraculous. 

Losing  our  bearings,  we  made  but  little  progress  that  night, 
and  lay  in  the  woods  next  day  at  a  point  dangerously  near, 
for  we  could  hear  the  music  of  the  guard  mounting  at  the 
camp. 

We  trusted  to  friends  in  camp,  by  the  process  of  repeating 
at  roll-call,  to  keep  our  exit  from  the  knowledge  of  the  jailers. 

Avoiding  the  highways,  we  struck  off  next  night  in  a  north- 
westerly direction,  following  the  general  course  of  the  Saluda 
River.  Having  stopped  to  dig  at  a  sweet-potato  patch,  and 


96  IN   AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

going  perhaps  two  miles  beyond,  we  heard  behind  us  the  yelp- 
ing of  dogs,  and  were  soon  convinced  that  we  were  followed. 
Then  began  a  race  for  life  and  liberty  for  five  or  six  miles, 
dashing  through  the  woods  and  brush  and  crossing  ravines  and 
streams. 

Finally,  the  dogs  gaining  rapidly  upon  us,  we  struck  abroad 
"  clarin  "  used  as  a  ^cornfield,  where  the  corn  stood  in  stacks. 
Here  we  put  turpentine  and  garlic  on  our  pants  and  shoes,  and 
on  the  far  side  of  this  "  clarin  "  we  fortunately  struck  a  deep 
stream,  bordered  beyond  by  dense  woods.  This  we  crossed 
in  water  waist  deep,  and  plunged  into  the  woods.  At  or 
about  the  stream  the  dogs  entirely  lost  the  trail,  as  we  soon 
became  convinced  by  a  loud  chorus  of  disappointed  yelping, 
that  gradually  became  less  and  less  distinct  as  we  advanced, 
and  pushing  forward  for  two  or  three  miles  farther,  the  whole 
party  sank  to  the  ground  completely  exhausted. 

We  kept  the  trail  at  night,  lying  by  during  the  day,  and  as 
hunger  and  privation  did  not  entirely  extinguish  the  spark  of 
sentiment  and  romance  within  us,  we  attached  to  each  day 
camp  some  appropriate  name,  symbolic  to  some  extent  of  our 
special  experiences  there. 

So,  on  the  third  day  out,  having  encountered  a  tall  lean  white 
woman,  by  name  Mrs.  Cook,  with  two  daughters  still  more 
attenuated,  who  were  gathering  corn  in  a  field  near  by  (the 
old  lady  promising  out  of  sympathy  not  to  betray  us,  as  she 
had  two  darling  boys  in  the  rebel  army,  who  might  get  into 
like  danger),  we  called  that  spot  "  Camp  Cook." 

The  next  was  "  Camp  Saluda,"  and  the  next  "  Scrub  Oak 
Camp,"  and  the  next  about  fifty  miles  from  Columbia,  where 
we  secured  sweet  potatoes,  and  where  we  had  a  fine  bath  and 
a  good  rest,  we  termed  "  Camp  Repose." 

The  next  camp  near  to  the  railroad  leading  to  Greenville 
we  called  "  Railroad  Camp,"  and  the  next,  where  we  found 
Uncle  Charles,  who  supplied  us  at  nightfall  with  corn-bread, 
bacon,  and  a  bottle  of  sorghum  (with  our  blessings  upon  the 
old  darky),  we  called  "  Camp  Mercy." 

A  camp   in   a  thicket  was  "  Camp   Laurel,"  and  another 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS.  97 

near  the  railroad  leading  from  Columbia  to  Greenville  we 
called  "Camp  98,"  it  being  not  far  from  a  station  of  that 
name.  Near  there  I  had  the  great  misfortune  to  lose  a  diary 
containing  daily  notes  of  a  year-and-ten-months'  camp  and 
prison  service;  the  record  of  the  ten  months  of  1864  being 
written  across  the  pages  of  the  record  for  the  previous  year. 

So  on,  from  point  to  point,  skirting  Greenville,  we  ap- 
proached Jones's  pass,  which  is  a  very  deep  defile  through  the 
Blue  Ridge,  made  by  a  stream  which,  flowing  southeasterly 
through  the  mountains  into  South  Carolina,  from  the  higher 
tablelands  of  North  Carolina  joins  the  Saluda  at  a  point  near 
Greenville,  S.  C. 

A  merciful  Providence  again  protected  us  at  this  point,  for 
exhausted  we  turned  into  the  woods  long  before  night,  whereas, 
had  we  gone  but  a  few  rods  farther,  we  would  have  come  upon 
a  group  of  men  acting  as  sentries  at  a  picket  post,  guarding 
the  entrance  to  that  deep  defile. 

We  had  just  fallen  into  a  deep  sleep  when  we  were  quickly 
roused  by  hearing  distinctly  and  quite  near  to  us  the  loud  call : 
"  Corporal  of  the  guard,  Post  No.  I." 

Startled  beyond  expression,  we  picked  up  our  duds  and 
crept  back  into  the  woods,  where  we  shortly  afterwards  fell  in 
with  "  Uncle  John  Turner,"  a  free  colored  man,  who  supplied 
us  with  provisions,  and  the  next  night,  under  his  guidance,  we 
made  a  big  circuit  of  that  picket  post  and  struck  up  into  the 
pass.  This,  our  last  stop  in  South  Carolina,  we  called  "  Camp 
Deliverance."  It  was  a  dangerous  and  long  defile,  and  we 
dreaded  lest  we  should  be  intercepted,  for  once  in  it,  there 
was  no  way  out  except  to  go  clear  through,  as  we  did,  without 
any  adventure  except  a  terrific  storm  of  rain.  The  pass  was 
so  lengthy  and  the  situation  so  perilous,  because  of  the  pre- 
cipitous walls  that  precluded  any  escape  by  its  sides,  that  we 
held  a  council  of  war,  with  the  result  that  two  voted  to  go 
back  and  find  another  way,  and  three  to  go  on,  so  we  pro- 
ceeded, and  travelling  partly  by  day,  we  reached  higher  ground 
in  North  Carolina  the  next  evening. 

Here,  having  a  rebel  jacket,  I  acted  as  scout  for  the  party, 


98  IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

and  in  quest  of  information  followed  a  light  into  the  woods, 
where  I  discovered  in  a  low  hovel  a  white  woman  and  three 
or  four  daughters,  living  in  the  very  depths  of  destitution  ;  the 
only  food  in  the  place  being  corn  on  the  ear,  and  two  stones  on 
the  hearth  their  only  means  for  grinding  or  crushing  it. 

In  the  guise  of  a  rebel  soldier  home  on  furlough,  I  learned 
from  them  the  route  to  the  house  of  "  Uncle  Billy  Case,"  a 
white  man,  whom  "  Uncle  John  Turner  "  had  described  to  us 
as  "  a  froo  Union  man,  who  libs  a  right  smart  walk  fro'  the 
mouf  of  de  pass,  way  up  yer  on  de  mountain-side,  in  Norf 
Carolina."  "  I  knowed  him,"  he  said,  "  from  way  back  afo'  de 
war."  And  I  learned  from  the  women  also  that  we  would 
meet  with  a  picket  post  "  a  right  smart  bit  down  de  road, 
whar  de  road  splits  up,  and  whar  de  fire  is." 

Trudging  along  through  the  storm  we  found  the  picket 
post  at  the  crossroads  sure  enough,  the  men  sitting  at  the 
door  of  a  shanty,  around  a  low  fire ;  and  giving  it  a  wide  range 
we  pressed  on  several  miles  till  we  reached  Uncle  Case's. 
Learning  who  we  were,  he  roused  his  wife,  little  son,  and  two 
colored  women,  put  up  blankets  at  the  windows,  and  the  boy 
outside  as  sentry,  and  we  had  a  sumptuous  meal.  Under  the 
guidance  of  the  lad  we  trudged  on  that  night,  still  in  the  storm, 
and  upon  a  miry  road,  at  many  points  intersected  and  flooded 
by  a  bordering  stream,  till  we  brought  up  at  daylight  at  the 
home  of  a  Union  woman,  whose  husband  was  serving  as  a  con- 
script in  the  rebel  army,  but  who  had  two  faithful  blacks  at 
home.  They  led  us  to  a  secluded  den  in  the  woods  on  the 
mountain-side,  and  supplied  us  with  food,  and  there  we  lay  for 
the  day.  During  the  day  we  had  a  near  view  of  a  squad  of 
rebel  cavalry  that  rode  up  to  the  house  and  barns  in  quest  of 
forage,  and  had  a  visit  at  our  den  from  a  Union  white  man, 
well  armed,  who  was  lying  out  in  the  mountains,  fearing  for 
his  life  if  he  remained  at  home. 

Next  night  the  two  blacks  led  us  on  by  by-paths  and  mount- 
ain-trails till  we  reached,  just  before  daylight,  a  house  away  up 
in  a  "  clarin'  "  in  a  bowl  on  the  wooded  mountain-side,  where 
lived  Uncle  Bob  Hamilton,  late  Sheriff  of  Transylvania  County. 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE  PRISONS.  99 

On  the  way  there,  and  to  obtain  a  brief  shelter  from  the  driv- 
ing storm,  our  guides  led  us  up  by  a  narrow  mountain-trail  to  a 
hut  in  a  gulch,  where  a  few  colored  people  had  gathered  who 
had  been  apprised  of  our  coming.  It  was  lighted  with  a  single 
tallow  dip,  and  with  the  storm  roaring  without  and  the  dim 
light  within,  it  seemed  indeed  a  ghostly  place.  As  soon  as  we 
arrived  they  fell  to  praying,  and  prayed  "  dat  de  good  Lord 
might  see  dese  blessed  Yankees  safe,  all  de  way  froo,  to  de 
promised  land  of  freedom."  "  Uncle  Bob  "  was  tall  and  gaunt 
in  stature  and  big  of  heart,  and  his  text-books  were  the  Bible 
and  a  worn  copy  of  the  History  of  the  United  States.  At  the 
close  of  the  war  we  sent  "  Uncle  Bob,"  God  bless  him,  a  goodly 
box  of  things  needful  for  body  and  mind. 

After  five  days  here,  lying  in  a  cove  in  the  mountain  by 
day,  and  for  meals  going  to  and  from  the  house  by  night,  and 
our  sojourn  being  enlivened  by  a  supper  party  at  Sheriff 
Neals,  two  miles  away  (when  Neals's  family  caught  their  first 
sight  of  genuine  Yankees,  the  women  admitting  that  they  had 
verily  believed  we  had  horns),  we  started  to  cross  the  Alle- 
ghanies  towards  Knoxville,  Tenn. 

Strange  to  relate,  another  party  of  five,  officers  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  New  York  troops,  that  had  escaped  from  the  cars 
while  en  route  from  Charleston  to  Columbia,  was  brought  over 
to  us  from  Buncombe,  the  adjoining  county,  coming  by  what 
was  called  down  there  "  the  underground  road,"  but  in  fact 
by  abandoned  trails  along  near  the  tops  of  the  mountains  and 
mountain  ridges.  This  party  had  struck  directly  north  into 
North  Carolina  from  the  point  of  escape  on  the  railroad  in 
South  Carolina,  and  had  made  their  journey  mostly  in  North 
Carolina,  and  had  met  with  fewer  obstacles  than  we  did.  We 
were  also  joined  by  a  nondescript  party  of  nineteen  and  a 
guide,  some  of  them  Union  men  and  others  deserters  from  the 
rebel  army,  who  had  been  lying  out  in  the  neighboring  mount- 
ains, and  they  eagerly  caught  at  the  chance  of  getting  through 
with  us  to  our  lines.  Five  or  six  of  this  party  were  indiffer- 
ently armed,  but  their  presence  with  us  heightened  the  danger. 

A  home  guard  of  rebel  militia  got  after  us  as  we  were  leav- 


100  IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

ing  the  Mills  River  valley,  near  Ashville,  wounded  one  of  those 
with  us  and  captured  him  with  two  others,  but  the  rest  of  us, 
striking  at  once  up  the  wooded  side  of  the  mountain,  and  avoid- 
ing all  trails,  by  the  aid  of  favoring  darkness  and  a  drenching 
storm,  eluded  pursuit.  The  guide  proved  of  little  service,  as 
our  presence  in  the  mountains  being  known,  to  avoid  being 
intercepted  we  left  the  main  trails  and  followed  chiefly  the 
leading  ridges  and  obscure  paths,  remote  from  the  valleys,  and 
around  and  near  the  peaks  of  the  mountains. 

For  six  days  and  nights  we  continued  in  the  Alleghany 
Mountains,  without  sight  of  a  human  being,  before  reaching 
the  low  lands  in  Tennessee.  It  was  a  time  of  extreme  hard- 
ship, for  the  bread  rations  that  we  got  at  Hamilton's  were  soon 
exhausted,  having  become  soaked  by  the  rain  that  prevailed 
for  the  first  few  days,  so  that  for  the  last  three  we  subsisted 
mainly  on  chestnuts. 

One  night,  when  far  up  above  the  line  of  vegetation  on  the 
side  of  Mount  Pisgah,  and  when  it  was  too  dark  and  dangerous 
to  advance,  we  lay  with  the  rocks  for  a  bed,  and  the  storm  and 
water  from  the  crags  above  poured  down  upon  us  in  copious 
and  in  continual  streams,  some  of  us  wellnigh  perishing  with 
cold. 

Upon  the  loth  of  November,  a  clear  day,  and  the  very  day 
when  Lincoln  was  elected  President  for  the  second  term,  we 
stood  upon  the  highest  ridge  of  the  "  Smoky  Range,"  when  a 
vision  of  natural  beauty  burst  upon  us,  hardly  to  be  equalled 
upon  this  side  of  the  Rockies.  The  whole  of  eastern  Tennessee 
lay  before  us,  its  picturesque  rolling  lands,  intersected  by  the 
French  Broad,  the  Holston,  and  the  Big  and  Little  Pigeon 
rivers,  all  flowing  on  toward  Knoxville  and  forming  the  Tenn- 
essee ;  and  across  the  broad  valley  and  far  beyond,  the  blue 
mountains  of  the  Cumberland  Range  loomed  up  toward  the 
sky,  bounding  on  the  north  that  expansive  and  beautiful  terri- 
tory known  as  the  valley  of  the  Tennessee. 

We  were  not  yet  free  from  dangers,  as  bands  of  rebel 
troopers  ranged  throughout  all  the  low  lands  of  that  section, 
but  we  now  strode  on  rapidly,  avoiding  main  highways,  and 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  IOI 

at  all  camping  spots,  whether  by  day  or  night,  we  threw  out 
pickets. 

We  passed  en  route  a  small  party  of  armed  Union  men, 
digging  a  grave  for  an  aged  Unionist,  who  had  been  shot  by 
rebel  brigands  at  his  own  doorway,  only  the  day  before. 

The  deserters  being  still  with  us,  we  formed  a  ragged  and 
unsightly  party,  and  the  gravediggers,  believing  us  to  be  another 
band  of  rebel  cut-throats,  on  our  approach  dropped  their  spades 
and  fled  to  the  hills,  armed  as  they  were,  and  we  only  got 
speech  with  them  after  a  long  parley,  and  by  sending  forward 
one  of  our  number  as  a  truce  maker. 

On  a  Sabbath  morning,  just  after  light,  and  thirty-four  days 
out  from  prison,  we  reached  Strawberry  Plains,  twenty  miles 
east  of  Knoxville ;  the  guards  upon  the  work  suspecting  us  to 
be  a  party  of  Johnnies,  not  permitting  us  to  approach  till  after 
summoning  their  officers. 

Here  the  hospitable  4th  Michigan  Cavalry  spread  for  us, 
under  the  trees,  a  royal  repast ;  and  here  and  at  Knoxville 
some  of  the  refugees  of  our  party  enlisted  in  the  Union  Army. 

We  rode  on  that  night  to  Knoxville  under  cavalry  escort, 
and  being  the  first  prisoners  who  had  arrived  from  the  south  by 
the  mountain  route,  we  were  received  with  much  enthusiasm  by 
the  citizens,  and  by  the  large  Union  force  then  in  occupation. 
Some  of  us  then  enjoyed  a  hotel  table,  a  bath  in  a  tub,  and  a 
sleep  between  sheets,  for  the  first  time  in  nearly  two  years. 

A  famous  writer  speaks  of  "  Liberty,  eternal  spirit  of  the 
chainless  mind,  [as]  brightest  in  dungeons."  We  found  her 
brightest  and  best,  as  we  felt  her  breath  in  the  mountains,  as 
we  looked  over  the  green  fields  and  smiling,  sunny  valleys  of 
East  Tennessee,  beckoning  us  on  still  nearer  to  our  goal ;  and 
the  keen  sense  of  Liberty  was  still  more  intense,  as  we  lay 
upon  the  grassy  slopes  at  Strawberry  Plains,  gazing  upon  that 
brightest  emblem  of  Liberty  the  whole  world  over,  "  The  Star- 
Spangled  Banner." 


IO2  IN  AND   OUT   OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS. 

76  Jefferson  Ave.  Grand  Rapids,  Mich., 

May  2d,  1892. 
MR.  GEO.  H.  STARR  : 

My  Dear  Friend  :  Your  letter  has  come  almost  too  late  for  a 
reply.  I  have  hardly  ten  minutes  before  it  must  be  mailed,  and  can 
of  course  say  but  little  and  that  very  hastily. 

Twenty-eight  years  is  a  long  time  to  remember  details.  But 
some  things  were  so  burned  into  memory  that  all  eternity  will  not 
erase  the  scars.  Among  them  are  many  prison  horrors  and  incidents  ; 
and  I  will  also  add  many  examples  of  heroism  on  the  part  of  fellow 
prisoners.  I  well  remember  that  old  Macon  stockade  with  its  dead 
line  of  picket  fence,  and  its  brass  cannon  looking  hungrily  down 
upon  us,  and  its  guard,  some  of  whom  were  proud  to  shoot  an 
unarmed  Yankee,  and  our  4th  of  July  celebration,  the  memory  of 
which  even  now  makes  my  blood  tingle.  We  made  a  flag  of  such  old 
rags  as  we  could  get  hold  of,  fastened  it  to  a  stick,  and  the  stick  to 
the  top  of  a  tree  that  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  grounds.  Then  all  wha 
were  able  to  stand,  and  some  who  were  not,  gathered  about  the  tree  ; 
such  speeches,  such  songs,  such  cheers  as  went  up  from  that  company 
were  worthy  of  the  birthday  of  Liberty. 

The  commandant  of  the  camp  was  angry  and  ordered  the  flag 
down.  He  was  told  to  take  it  down  if  he  could  or  dared.  He 
called  out  his  guards,  shotted  his  brass  guns,  and  once  more  ordered 
the  flag  down.  Not  a  man  flinched,  but  dared  him  to  take  it  down 
or  even  make  the  attempt.  It  was  not  taken  down,  and  for  aught  I 
know,  floats  there  still. 

And  I  also  well  remember  planning  an  escape  with  one  Captain 
Geo.  H.  Starr,  an  old  college  friend  with  pluck  enough  for  any  emer- 
gency. We  made  a  little  ladder  with  which  we  proposed  scaling  the 
high  fence  outside  the  dead  lines  some  dark  night,  and  slipping  be- 
tween the  guards  while  on  duty.  We  also  loosened  a  number  of  pickets 
on  the  "  dead  line  "  so  as  to  be  able  to  pass  it  without  delay.  This 
was  done  by  prying  them  off  at  the  bottom,  and  was  accomplished 
with  great  risk,  for  to  touch  that  fence  was  to  become  a  target. 

This  plan  would  surely  have  been  attempted  had  not  the  discov- 
ery of  a  tunnel  dug  with  great  toil  been  made,  which  resulted  in  an 
increase  of  guards  as  well  as  of  watchfulness. 

Our  attempt  was  also  made  impracticable  by  the  removal  of  a 
number  of  us  to  Charleston,  S.  C.  While  that  removal  was  being 


IN  AND   OUT  OF  CONFEDERATE   PRISONS.  103 

made,  or  when  we  were  being  marched  under  guard  from  the  stock- 
ade to  the  cars,  I  well  remember  how  you  slipped  out  of  the  ranks 
and  in  some  unaccountable  manner  made  your  escape.  Just  how 
you  dared  must  be  told  by  yourself,  and  just  why  you  were  not  per- 
forated with  bullet  and  bayonet  is  an  unexplained  mystery. 

But  I  must  stop  or  lose  the  mail.  Excuse  haste.  I  have  not  a 
moment  to  revise,  or  to  express  myself  save  in  the  most  hasty  man- 
ner. In  haste, 

Sincerely  yours, 

I.  P.  POWELL, 

Maj.  i46th,  N.  Y.  V. 


THE  NAVY  IN  THE  BATTLES  AND  CAPTURE 
OF  FORT  FISHER. 

A  Paper  Read  by  Lieutenant-Commander  JAMES  PARKER,  late  U.  S.  Navy, 
October  5,  1892. 


AXTHO  of  us  can,  or  would,  ever  forget  the  storm  of  patri- 
otic  indignation  that  swept  over  the  land  on  the  I3th 
of  April,  1  86  1,  when  the  news  was  published  that,  for  the  first 
time  in  its  history,  the  flag  of  the  Union  had  been  lowered 
in  shame,  at  the  demand  of  those  who  should  have  remem- 
bered Sergeant  Jasper  and  been  its  stoutest  defenders. 

In  a  moment  all  distinction  of  party,  all  differences  of  opin- 
ion, that  had  swayed  us  in  the  past,  were  swept  away  ;  and 
the  whole  North  stood  forth  as  one,  in  the  determination  to 
put  that  flag  back  again.  And  there  it  floats,  where  a  re- 
united people  may  almost  see  upon  its  glorious  folds  the 
legend  inscribed  by  the  eloquence  of  Webster  :  "  Liberty 
and  Union,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable." 

I  was  then  a  young  fellow  in  Cincinnati,  trying  to  make  a 
living  at  the  law  for  myself,  my  wife,  and  three  children. 

I  was,  as  I  still  am,  an  ardent  Democrat  in  politics.  I  had 
married  a  Virginia  girl.  But  Uncle  Sam,  at  his  naval  school, 
had  educated  me  to  be  one  of  his  defenders  in  any  such  strait 
as  then  confronted  him.  I  had  already  served  him  in  the 
Mexican  War  as  a  midshipman,  under  that  greatest  of  all  naval 
commanders  —  who  has  honored  this  Commandery  of  the  Loyal 
Legion  as  its  presiding  officer  —  David  G.  Farragut. 

My  duty  was  too  plain  to  admit  of  doubt  or  delay  ;  and  I 
on  that  day  (two  days  before  President  Lincoln's  call  for  vol- 
unteers) sent  my  offer  to  resume  my  old  place  as  an  officer  of 

104 


THE  NAVY  IN  THE   CAPTURE  OF  FORT  FISHER.          10$ 

the  navy.  When  I  went  home  to  dinner  I  told  my  Virginia 
wife  what  I  had  done.  All  her  family,  friends,  and  relatives 
were  in  the  South.  We  talked  the  matter  over,  and  then, 
after  a  short  silence,  she  said :  "  Well,  my  husband,  you  have 
done  what  you  thought  was  right,  and  though  all  I  love,  ex- 
cept you  and  the  children,  will  be  on  the  other  side,  do  you 
do  your  duty  and  I  will  do  all  I  can  to  help  you  do  it,"  and, 
God  bless  her  !  she  faithfully  kept  her  word. 

And  here  let  me  speak  a  few  words  for  those  whose  devo- 
tion and  self-sacrifice  are  so  much  a  matter  of  course  that  I 
fear  they  are  not  always  rightly  appreciated. 

To  us  men,  performance  *of  duty  brings  little  rending  of 
heart-strings.  Ambition,  excitement,  patriotic  impulses,  carry 
us  on  and  support  us.  If  we  are  called  upon  to  make  the  last 
sacrifice,  't  is  but  a  pang  ere  't  is  over ;  but  the  women,  with 
streaming  eyes  and  anguished  hearts,  saw  their  husbands, 
fathers,  lovers,  and  brothers  march  away ;  and  they  lived,  dur- 
ing their  whole  absence  through  those  dreadful  years,  in  a 
constant  agony  of  apprehension  lest  they  should  see  the  faces 
of  their  loved  ones  no  more  in  this  life.  The  self-sacrifice, 
great  as  it  was,  of  the  men  is  not  to  be  compared  to  theirs ; 
and  I  say  God  bless  the  mothers,  sweethearts,  wives,  and 
daughters  who  blessed  us  as  we  stepped  to  the  front  in  those 
days  of  doubt  and  fear,  of  alternating  hopefulness  and  despair ! 

In  the  fall  of  1864,  it  was  evident  that  the  end  of  the  Civil 
War  was  at  hand.  In  July,  1863,  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  and 
the  capture  of  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson  (which  had  opened 
the  Mississippi  from  "  Cairo  to  the  sea  ")  had  stayed  the  flood- 
tide  of  Confederate  hope :  there  were  a  few  moments  of  slack- 
water  (so  to  speak),  during  which  the  armies  at  the  East  rested 
preparatory  to  the  final  struggle  that  the  opening  of  1864  was 
sure  to  bring  ;  but  the  reverses  which  the  Confederates  had  met 
with  all  through  the  campaign  of  the  latter  year,  at  the  West 
as  well  as  in  the  East,  had  turned  the  tide  into  full,  strong  ebb. 

It  is  true  that  the  Confederates  claimed  every  great  battle 
of  that  year  as  a  victory  for  their  arms  (and  if  there  is  any 
comfort  to  them  in  that  belief  I  shall  not  endeavor  to  deprive 


IO6         THE   NAVY   IN   THE   CAPTURE   OF   FORT   FISHER. 

them  of  it)  ;  but  the  fact  remains  that,  whether  victorious  in 
detail  or  not,  the  doomed  Confederacy  had  at  last  been 
"  brought  to  bay." 

Grant  and  Meade  with  the  "  Army  of  the  Potomac"  gripped 
Lee  and  his  half-famished  battalions,  as  in  a  vice,  before 
Petersburg. 

Sherman,  after  beating  and  scattering  all  that  remained  of 
the  Confederate  armies  of  the  Southwest,  was  about  to  set  out 
upon  his  march  of  fire  and  destruction  through  Georgia  and 
the  Carolinas,  and  Lee's  veterans  from  those  States  felt  a 
double  twinge  of  despair  as  they  added  to  their  own  distress 
the  certainty  that  their  wives  and  children  would  soon  be  with- 
out shelter  or  food. 

Ever  since  the  battle  of  the  Alma  the  military  world  has 
gazed  with  admiration  at  the  "  thin  line  of  red  that  stood  to 
receive  the  charge  of  Russian  cavalry."  Think  as  we  may  of 
their  cause,  no  grander  example  of  devotion  to  any  cause  was 
ever  given  than  that  by  Lee's  army  during  all  that  winter  of 
1864-5.  Hopeless,  ragged,  despairing,  it  stood  and  stretched 
out  its  thin  line  of  defence,  until  at  last  it  broke  from  very 
weakness  ;  and  when  those  veterans  surrendered  at  Appomattox 
they  were  without  food,  and  almost  the  first  of  General  Grant's 
orders  concerning  them  was  to  feed  them. 

Only  two  ports  remained  to  them — Charleston  and  Wil- 
mington. We  knew  that,  as  Sherman's  army  marched  to  its 
rear,  the  birthplace  of  the  rebellion  must  fall  without  blood- 
shed ;  but  Wilmington  could  hold  out  until  Johnston  and  Lee 
joined  forces,  unless  meantime  it  were  taken  by  a  combined 
naval  and  military  attack ;  and,  until  so  taken,  through  it  the 
dying  Confederacy  could  be  stimulated  and  its  ebbing  life  pro- 
longed by  supplies  of  arms  and  military  stores. 

Its  capture  was  determined  upon  by  the  Navy  Department 
as  early  as  September,  1864 ;  but  it  was  not  until  the  early  part 
of  December  that  the  expedition  departed  from  Hampton 
Roads  for  Beaufort,  N.  C.,  the  place  of  rendezvous. 

The  command  of  the  fleet  was  offered  to  Admiral  Farragut, 
but  his  arduous  service  in  the  Gulf  and  Mississippi  River  had 


THE   NAVY   IN  THE   CAPTURE   OF   FORT   FISHER.         IO/ 

worn  him  out,  and  he  was  reluctantly  compelled  to  decline  the 
honor.  Rear-Admiral  David  D.  Porter  was  appointed  in  his 
stead.  That  distinguished  officer  came  of  a  fighting  lineage. 
His  father,  Commodore  David  Porter,  after  fighting  every 
British  foe  he  could  find  in  the  War  of  1812,  fought  with  the 
Navy  Department  and  resigned  his  commission ;  took  service 
with  the  Mexicans  to  fight  the  Spaniards ;  after  a  while  fought 
with  the  Mexican  authorities  and  resigned  from  that  service. 
General  Jackson  then  offered  to  restore  him  to  the  navy,  but 
he  declined  on  a  punctilio ;  and  was  finally  sent  as  Charg6 
d'Affaires  to  Constantinople.  But  he  was  never  fairly  con. 
quered  until  death  became  his<victor  there  ;  and  his  body,  even 
then,  was  brought  home  in  a  fighting  ship  to  lie  peacefully  at 
last.  I  expect  that  when  the  last  trumpet  sounds,  he  will  arise 
in  war  paint,  and  insist  upon  fighting  his  fate  (if  he  does  n't 
like  it)  before  the  judgment  seat. 

After  some  delays  the  fleet  and  the  transports,  with  about 
seven  thousand  soldiers,  arrived  off  Fort  Fisher  on  Dec.  i8th. 
A  heavy  gale  set  in  and  for  three  days  "  blew  great  guns."  The 
military  contingent  was  commanded,  as  you  know,  by  General 
B.  F.  Butler,  of  whom,  in  my  judgment,  it  may  be  truthfully 
said,  "  his  pen  was  mightier  than  his  sword."  A  new  engine  of 
war  was  to  be  employed  that,  it  was  expected,  would  make  the 
work  of  the  reduction  of  the  fort  comparatively  easy.  I  allude 
to  the  famous  powder  boat  before  which  we  expected  its  walls 
to  fall  down  as  promptly  as  did  those  of  Jericho  before  the 
"  trumpets  of  rams'  horns  "  of  the  Israelites.  But  we  could 
not  "  compass  the  wall  for  seven  days,"  as  they  did,  and  al- 
though we  did,  with  the  opportune  help  of  that  gale  of  wind, 
"  blow  lustily,"  the  thing  proved  a  great  failure.  Who  sug- 
gested this  powder-boat  scheme  is  not  now  known.  We  all 
believed  in  it,  however,  from  the  Admiral  down  ;  but  when  it 
proved  so  laughable  a  failure  we  of  the  navy  lied  its  pater- 
nity upon  General  Butler.  It  was  exploded  on  the  night  of 
Dec.  23d.  It  did  n't  make  much  of  a  noise  ;  and  as  to  its  effect 
upon  the  fort,  I  am  informed  by  a  prominent  lawyer  of  this 
city,  who  was  a  Confederate  midshipman  in  the  fort,  that  a 


IO8         THE  NAVY  IN  THE  CAPTURE   OF  FORT  FISHER. 

green  North  Carolina  "tarheel"  sentinel  reported,  when  his 
relief  came  around,  that  he  "  reckoned  one  of  them  Yankee 
gunboats  off  thar  had  done  busted  her  biler." 

The  fleet  moved  in  next  morning  to  the  attack.  There 
lay  the  fort,  as  grim  as  ever.  The  ironclads  first  took  position, 
and  then  the  wooden  ships  followed,  the  frigate  Minnesota  (of 
which  I  was  executive  officer)  leading.  It  was  my  first  experi- 
ence in  battle.  The  Minnesota  was  a  slow-moving  ship,  drew 
twenty-four  and  one-half  feet  of  water,  and  great  caution  was 
requisite  lest  she  should  get  aground.  The  fort  had  received 
the  fire  from  the  ironclads  in  silence ;  but  as  the  Minnesota 
passed  into  clear  view  a  puff  from  the  centre  of  the  fort,  fol- 
lowed by  others  all  along  the  line,  showed  that  our  time  of 
trial  had  come. 

A  few  seconds  later  the  shriek  of  the  shells  and  their  explo- 
sion made  music  very  disagreeable  to  my  ear.  I  confess  that 
I  did  n't  like  the  situation.  Was  I  scared  ?  Well,  no  ;  but  I 
did  n't  want  my  wife  to  become  a  widow,  you  know. 

As  fast  as  the  ships  came  into  line  they  anchored,  until  the 
whole  formed  nearly  a  semicircle,  distant  about  half  a  mile 
from  the  fort.  The  Admiral  in  his  flag-ship  (with  my  friend, 
our  amiable  companion,  Aaron  Vanderbilt,  as  his  signal  officer) 
steamed  up  and  down  the  line.  The  fire  kept  up  all  that  day 
was  terrific.  In  a  little  while  that  from  the  fort  ceased  ;  but 
the  ships  kept  it  up  until  nightfall.  After  a  consultation,  it 
was  arranged  that  the  troops  should  be  landed  next  day,  and 
assault,  under  cover  of  the  naval  fire,  in  the  afternoon.  The 
next  morning  the  reserve  vessels  were  sent  in  to  protect  and 
assist  in  the  landing;  and  the  fleet  moved  up  again  to  the 
attack.  By  two  or  three  o'clock  about  five  thousand  men  had 
landed  and  marched  up  toward  the  fort.  The  fleet  kept  up 
the  bombardment  all  day,  momentarily  expecting  that  the 
assault  would  be  made.  It  was  Christmas  Day — the  birthday 
of  the  Prince  of  Peace.  At  home  the  children  were  rejoicing 
over  the  wealth  that  Santa  Claus  had  bestowed  ;  and  there, 
many  thousands  of  men,  who  would  have  felt  insulted  to  be  told 
that  they  were  not  Christians,  were  engaged  in  fratricidal  warfare* 


THE   NAVY  IN  THE   CAPTURE  OF  FORT  FISHER.          109 

About  six  o'clock  it  was  seen  that  the  troops  were  re-em- 
barking, and  upon  inquiry  it  was  learned  that  General  Butler 
had  determined  that  the  fort  could  not  be  taken  and  that  the 
military  part  of  the  expedition  would  be  withdrawn  to  Fort- 
ress Monroe. 

All  remonstrance  addressed  to  him  was  in  vain.  In  vain 
our  companion,  brave  General  Curtis,  begged  to  be  allowed  to 
make  an  effort  to  capture  the  fort.  Butler  persisted  in  his 
determination  to  take  the  troops  away,  and  away  they  all 
went  that  night  accordingly. 

This  is  neither  the  time  nor  place  to  discuss  the  propriety 
of  this  action.  We  could  only  do  as  sailors  are  wont  to  do 
(occasionally),  and  if  that  doughty  warrior  does  n't  find  out 
the  full  meaning  of  "  sheol,"  it  won't  be  for  want  of  the  prayers 
of  the  officers  and  men  of  that  fleet  in  their  behalf. 

During  the  progress  of  the  battle  on  Christmas  Day  I  heard 
a  captain  of  a  nine-inch  gun  say  :  "  Boys,  I  'm  going  to  shoot 
down  that  rebel  flag  on  the  left  of  that  fort."  He  fired  the 
gun.  I  watched  the  flight  of  the  shell  and  saw  it  cut  the  flag- 
staff in  two  and  the  flag  fall.  It  was,  of  course,  a  chance  shot. 

That  flag  was  never  raised  again  ;  and  one  of  General 
Curtis's  soldiers  went  into  the  fort,  and,  unmolested,  brought 
it  away  in  safety.  If  this  could  be  done,  the  uneducated 
mind,  not  so  profoundly  versed  in  the  military  science  as  was 
General  Butler,  may  be  pardoned  a  belief  that  more  soldiers 
might  have  followed  that  one  into  that  fort. 

We  of  the  navy  had  come  there  to  take  Fort  Fisher ;  a 
big  growl  went  up  to  Washington,  and  when  General  Grant 
learned  of  Butler's  retreat  he  sent  the  same  troops  back  rein- 
forced, but  under  command  of  Major-General  Alfred  H.  Terry, 
and  so  promptly  was  action  taken  that,  on  Jan.  12, 1865,  the  fleet 
and  the  transports  reappeared  off  Fort  Fisher.  The  Confeder- 
ates had  in  the  meantime  not  been  idle,  and  the  fort,  as  well 
as  its  garrison,  had  been  greatly  strengthened. 

Inasmuch  as  General  Butler  had  insinuated  that  the  navy 
had  not  done  all  that  had  been  expected  of  it  in  the  previous 
attack,  Admiral  Porter  had  determined  that  now  we  would  not 


IIO         THE  NAVY  IN  THE   CAPTURE   OF  FORT   FISHER. 

only  do  our  duty,  but  that  we  would  send  an  assaulting  party 
ashore,  and  help  the  soldiers  do  their  work.  Accordingly, 
about  two  thousand  three  hundred  officers  and  men  had  been 
detailed  for  that  purpose. 

Colonel  William  Lamb,  the  Confederate  commander  of  the 
fort,  and  I  had  been  acquaintances  before  the  war.  He  has 
described  the  fort  thus,  saying  : 

"  The  plans  were  my  own,  and  the  work,  as  it  progressed,  was 
approved  by  French,  Raines,  Longstreet,  Beauregard,  and  Whiting 
(all  eminent  engineers).  The  total  length  of  the  two  faces  of  the 
work  was  about  2850  yards  (about  a  mile  and  three  quarters).  The 
land  face  (extending  diagonally  across  the  peninsula  between  the 
Cape  Fear  River  and  the  sea)  mounted  twenty  of  the  heaviest  sea- 
coast  guns  and  was  682  yards  long.  The  sea  face,  with  twenty-four 
equally  heavy  guns,  was  1898  yards  long.  The  land  face  began  on  the 
left  and  included  Shepherd's  battery,  which  I  doubled  in  strength. 

"  Unfortunately,  to  save  labor,  I  followed  its  lines  for  my  left 
salient — the  weak  point  of  the  work.  The  land  face  extended  from 
this  battery  to  the  N.  E.  redan,  the  line  being  a  series  of  isolated 
gun  chambers  with  revetments  five  feet  nine  inches  high,  parapet 
thirty  feet  thick,  and  traverses  sixty  by  fifty  and  twenty-five  feet 
high. 

"  From  the  N.  E.  redan  (which  was  forty  feet  high),  the  work 
extended  to  the  mound  battery,  which  was  sixty  feet  high,  and 
mounted  two  very  heavy  guns.  A  palisade  was  erected  to  prevent 
a  sudden  landing  and  assault  by  a  boat  party  and  sub-terra  batteries 
were  placed  there  for  the  same  purpose." 

At  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  I3th  the  whole  fleet 
(except  the  ironclads  which  opened  fire  on  the  fort)  anchored 
in  a  semicircle  around  the  transports,  and  our  boats  proceeded 
to  land  the  troops.  At  the  Admiral's  suggestion,  no  boats  for 
that  purpose  had  been  brought  by  the  quartermaster.  By  three 
P.M.  we  had  landed  eight  thousand  men,  with  their  proper  sup- 
plies and  military  stores. 

When  this  was  done,  our  Admiral  was  heard  to  say  (sotto 
voce,  of  course)  :  "  Now,  if  those  soldiers  want  to  get  back  to 


THE   NAVY   IN   THE   CAPTURE  OF  FORT  FISHER.         Ill 

their  ships  they  '11  have  to  swim,  for  I  '11  be  d d  if  I  '11  let 

them  have  any  boats  to  come  off  in."  If  he  had  known  that 
gallant  and  accomplished  soldier  and  patriot,  Terry,  as  well  as 
we  know  him  now,  he  would  have  been  saved  the  necessity  of 
any  such  remark,  for  he  and  all  his  men  had  determined  to 
take  that  fort  this  time,  or  leave  their  bodies  for  burial  on  that 
beach. 

After  landing  the  troops,  the  fleet  moved  up  to  the  bom- 
bardment. All  that  day  and  night,  and  all  the  next,  the  fire 
was  kept  up,  during  which  the  troops  were  taking  position. 
On  the  morning  of  the  I5th,  at  eleven  o'clock,  the  naval  assault- 
ing party  landed.  Imagine  the  beauty  of  the  sight.  As  lovely 
a  day  as  ever  brightened  the  earth  ;  a  placid  sea,  whose  waves 
danced  and  shone  like  liquid  silver ;  fifty-eight  ships,  gaily 
dressed  with  flags  at  each  masthead  and  peak  and  bowsprit, 
enveloped  by  the  smoke  from  three  hundred  guns,  whose  roar 
deafened  the  ear;  more  than  a  hundred  boats  of  every  size, 
each  carrying  the  flag  of  the  Union,  and  loaded  to  the  gun- 
wale with  men  eager  to  do  and  dare  to  plant  the  flag  in  victory 
upon  the  fort.  Could  there  be  a  more  magnificent  spectacle  ? 

The  military  had  naturally  selected  the  left  salient  (described 
by  Colonel  Lamb  as  "  the  weakest  part  of  the  work  ")  for  their 
point  of  assault,  and  their  approach  was  covered  by  woods  and 
sand  hills  to  within  a  short  distance  of  the  salient.  The  order 
of  Admiral  Porter  directed  the  naval  party  to  assault  the  centre, 
which  was  located  within  about  three  hundred  feet  of  the 
water's  edge.  We  were  thus  compelled  to  march  from  our 
landing  place  for  about  a  mile  on  a  sandy  beach  as  flat  as  the 
floor  of  this  room,  without  any  trees  or  other  protection.  The 
fire  from  the  ships  had  been  so  effective  that  not  a  single  gun 
(except  one  small  Napoleon  field-piece)  could  be  fired  at  the 
army,  while  nearly  all  the  guns  on  the  sea  face  could  be,  and 
were,  used  against  us  from  the  moment  we  began  our  march. 

Of  the  effect  of  the  naval  fire  from  the  ships,  Colonel  Lamb 
has  said  : 

"  Before  the  assault  fifty  thousand  shells  had  expended  their  fury 
upon  the  work.  Every  gun  was  destroyed,  except  one  ;  every  wire 


112  THE  NAVY   IN  THE  CAPTURE   OF  FORT   FISHER. 

leading  to  the  mines  plowed  up,  and  the  palisade  made  such  a  wreck 
as  actually  to  afford  a  protection  to  some  of  the  assailants.  The  ter- 
rific fire  in  front,  rear,  and  enfilade  from  the  fleet  upon  the  land  face, 
rendering  the  salient  practicable  for  assault,  forced  me  to  cover  by 
bombproof  all  the  troops  on  the  land  face,  except  the  sharpshooters 
protected  by  the  traverses.  There'  were  in  the  western  salient  about 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men." 

These  were  all  that  were  to  resist  the  attack  of  more  than 
six  thousand  veterans  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

It  had  been  arranged  that  we  were  to  assault  when  we  saw 
the  army  rushing  in,  and,  as  they  gave  no  sign,  we  lay  down 
(after  moving  up  sufficiently  near)  on  the  shore,  where  the 
shelving  of  the  beach  gave  some  shelter,  to  await  their  attack. 
In  this  position  the  shells  of  the  fleet  flew  over  us  on  the  way 
to  the  fort,  and  the  noise  they  and  the  guns  made  would  have 
done  no  discredit  to  pandemonium  itself ;  while,  occasionally, 
a  shell  would  burst  prematurely  and  scatter  its  murderous  frag- 
ments in  our  midst.  About  three  o'clock  the  troops  were  seen 
to  emerge  from  the  woods  and  rush  to  the  assault.  In  an 
instant  the  fire  from  the  fleet  ceased  ;  fifty-eight  steam  whistles 
set  up  a  dismal  shriek  (I  verily  believe  that  those  "  trumpets 
of  rams'  horns  "  were  not  such  an  absurd  means  of  warfare 
after  all).  We  sprang  up  and  made  an  effort  to  obey  the 
Admiral's  order  to  "  board  the  fort  in  a  seamanlike  manner." 
It  was  an  impossible  task.  The  rush  up  was  gallantly  made,  but 
we  found  the  fort  to  be  forty  feet  high,  and  as  nearly  perpen- 
dicular as  a  sand  fort  could  be  made.  The  enemy  treated  us 
to  liberal  doses  of  grape  (I  never  before  fully  appreciated  the 
force  of  General  Taylor's  order,  "  A  little  more  grape,  Captain 
Bragg  "),  while  one  thousand  two  hundred  men  were  posted 
on  the  ramparts  to  fire  down  upon  us.  Naval  history  may  be 
searched  in  vain  for  another  such  instance  of  assault  by  sailors. 
There  had  been  instances  where  sailors  had  landed  close  under 
small  batteries  (Teneriffe,  where  Nelson  lost  his  arm,  is  one 
such  case),  but  never  before  had  such  a  force  been  landed, 
without  organization,  or  plan,  or  knowledge  of  the  work  to  be 
done,  to  attempt  such  an  assault.  I  don't  believe  it  will  ever 


THE  NAVY   IN   THE   CAPTURE   OF  FORT  FISHER.         113 

be  tried  again.  The  fire  from  the  parapet  was  terrific  and  we 
had  pistols  only  to  reply.  It  was  a  mere  slaughter-house,  and 
after  taking  in  the  utter  impossibilty  of  any  further  effort, 
Jack  sensibly  concluded  that  the  next  best  and  most  seaman, 
like  thing  he  could  do  would  be  to  get  out  of  that,  and,  suiting 
the  action  to  the  word,  the  whole  of  the  force  that  could  do  so 
scudded  away  down  the  beach,  like  ships  before  the  wind,  as 
fast  as  their  legs  could  carry  them.  They  were  not  panic- 
stricken,  not  a  bit  of  it,  but  they  knew  that  nothing  else  could 
save  them  from  annihilation. 

About  sixty  of  us,  including  myself,  took  refuge  behind  the 
stockade,  and  there  remained*  until  the  fort  surrendered.  As 
we  lay  there  and  looked  at  the  beach,  a  woful  sight  was  seen. 
Four  officers  and  seventy-four  men  had  been  killed ;  fifteen 
officers  and  two  hundred  and  thirteen  men  had  been  wounded 
— nearly  one-seventh  of  the  whole  force. 

After  our  repulse,  Colonel  Lamb  drew  his  men  away  to 
endeavor  to  dislodge  the  army.  The  fight  was  kept  up  most 
gallantly  on  both  sides  ;  the  Ironsides,  with  her  eleven-inch 
guns  firing  upon  the  Confederates  on  their  side  of  a  traverse 
and  driving  them  out,  and  thus,  when  all  the  Confederate  com- 
manding officers  had  fallen,  the  fort  was  taken.  About  ten 
o'clock  at  night  we  sailors  (who  had  been  all  this  time  lying 
under  the  stockade  wondering  which  of  the  southern  prisons 
was  to  be  our  fate)  learned  from  the  joyous  sounding  of  the 
steam  whistles  of  the  fleet  that  the  fort  had  surrendered.  A 
glorious  full  moon  had  risen  and  shed  her  soft  light  upon  the 
scene  of  the  struggle ;  the  waves  rippled  gently  upon  the 
strand  ;  the  lights  of  the  fleet  were  reflected  brightly  on  the 
almost  calm  sea  ;  the  ships  soon  became  resplendent  with  fire* 
works  burned  in  honor  of  the  victory,  and  the  whole  scene 
was  as  brilliant  as  the  beach  at  Coney  Island  on  a  summer's 
night,  but  the  music  was  the  groans  of  the  wounded  and  dying, 
whose  blood  had  stained  the  white  sand  to  a  crimson. 

There  were  four  or  five  lives  laid  that  day  upon  the  altaf 
of  duty,  to  which  I  would  call  attention.  Two  young  lieu- 
tenants, S.  W.  Preston  and  B.  F.  Porter,  had  been  captured  by 


114         THE   NAVY   IN  THE  CAPTURE   OF   FORT   FISHER. 

the  enemy  in  the  attempt  that  the  navy  made  (Sept.  8,  1863) 
to  replant  the  flag  on  the  ruins  of  Fort  Sumter,  were  held  in 
southern  prisons  for  a  long  time,  were  exchanged  shortly  before 
the  Fort  Fisher  expedition  sailed,  came  North  and  remained 
only  long  enough  to  recruit  a  little  and  fit  themselves  out  with 
gorgeous  new  uniforms,  applied  for  service  in  that  fleet,  volun- 
teered to  take  part  in  the  assault,  were  both  shot  dead  almost 
at  the  same  moment,  and  died  within  a  few  yards  of  each  other. 
Though  nearly  twenty-eight  years  have  passed,  I  can  see  Porter's 
quivering  body  stretching  out  in  the  last  composing  agonies  of 
death  as  I  passed  it  lying  on  the  white  sand.  He  was  a  splen- 
did specimen  of  young  manhood  ;  and,  acting  in  the  chivalrous 
spirit  which,  of  old,  required  officers  to  dress  for  battle  in  full 
uniform,  he  had  attired  himself  in  all  his  new  glories  of  blue 
and  gold,  and  he  formed  a  shining  mark. 

Before  Preston  went  ashore  to  take  part  in  the  assault,  he 
expressed  a  presentiment  that  he  would  be  killed,  but  he  went 
solemnly  and  unflinchingly  to  what  he  felt  was  to  be  his  death 
in  the  discharge  of  duty.  Over  such  dead  ones  a  mourning 
country  may  well  utter  the  pathetic  lamentation  which  David 
made  over  Saul  and  Jonathan :  "  They  were  lovely  and  pleas- 
ant in  their  lives,  and  in  their  deaths  they  were  not  divided." 

Assistant  Surgeon  William  Longshaw,  from  the  Minnesota 
(who  had  greatly  distinguished  himself  in  battle  off  Charleston), 
volunteered  to  go  ashore  to  attend  to  the  wounded.  I  found  his 
dead  body  on  the  beach  the  next  morning  with  a  bullet  hole  in 
the  back  of  his  head,  lying  upon  the  body  of  another  dead  man, 
whose  needs  he  had  evidently  been  ministering  to  when  he  was 
killed.  Both  bodies  had  been  stripped  naked.  Some  ghouls 
from  our  own  forces  had  done  this  foul  deed,  for  no  Confeder- 
ate had  been  near  the  spot. 

;  Those  members  of  this  Commandery  who  had  the  pleasure 
last  year  of  listening  to  Companion  J.  M.  Harlan,  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  will  remember  how  vividly 
he  described  the  struggles  through  which  those  who  lived  in 
the  "Border  States"  passed  in  1861,  how  the  line  of  duty 
wound  in  and  out  through  families,  friends,  lovers,  separating 


THE   NAVY  IN  THE   CAPTURE  OF  FORT  FISHER.          115 

those  nearest  and  dearest  into  hostile  camps  to  fight  and  die  in 
defence  of  hostile  flags  and  principles. 

When  I  came  to  the  Navy  Department  at  Washington,  in 
1861,  I  met  there,  in  the  corridor  before  the  door  of  Secretary 
Welles,  my  old  friend,  wearing  his  uniform  as  lieutenant  in  the 
navy,  Joseph  D.  Danels.  We  cordially  greeted  each  other, 
and  as  we  walked  back  and  forth,  talking  of  current  events,  I 
animadverted  pretty  strongly  upon  the  conduct  of  those  officers 
who  had  resigned  their  commissions  to  fight  against  the  flag. 
He  listened  in  silence  for  a  time,  and  then,  calling  me  by  my 
old  familiar  name,  said  :  "  You  must  not  be  too  hard  on  us 
poor  devils." — "  My  God,  Joe  Danels,  you  have  n't  deserted 
the  flag!  "  said  I,  as  I  looked  at  him  in  amazement.  He  then 
explained  that,  being  a  lieutenant  on  board  the  ship  stationed 
at  Baltimore  (which  was  his  home  and  that  of  his  wife  and 
children  and  all  dear  to  him),  and  knowing  that  at  any  time  he 
might  be  called  on  to  fire  on  that  city,  he  felt  that  it  was  a 
duty  he  could  not  perform,  and  so  feeling,  he  thought  that  as 
an  honorable  man  he  had  no  right  to  retain  his  commission  ; 
but  he  had  no  sympathy  with  the  rebellion,  and  would  never 
raise  his  hand  against  the  flag,  and  was  there  to  try  and  get  the 
Secretary  to  permit  him  to  withdraw  his  resignation.  Mr. 
Welles  refused  his  request,  and,  dismissed  him  from  the  navy 
in  common  with  all  others  who  had  resigned.  He  had  after- 
ward been  appointed  in  the  volunteer  navy,  and  when  the 
assault  occurred  was  an  "  Acting  Volunteer  Lieutenant  Com- 
mander "  and  the  executive  officer  of  the  Vanderbilt.  He  had 
meanwhile  contracted  consumption  and  rose  from  his  sick  bunk 
to  come  and  lead  his  men.  When  he  reported  to  me,  I  said  to 
him  :  "  Joe,  why  did  you  come  here  ?  You  are  too  weak  for 
the  work  of  to-day."  "  Parker,"  he  replied,  "  do  you  remem- 
ber what  you  said  to  me  in  the  Navy  Department  four  years 
ago  ?  " — "  Perfectly,  Joe," — "  You  did  n't  know  how  your  words 
stung  me,  though  you  did  n't  mean  them  for  me.  This  is  the 
first  chance  I  have  had  since  then  to  redeem  that  fatal  mistake 
and  demonstrate  my  love  for  the  Union.  Do  you  think  I 
could  let  it  go  by  ?  " — "  No,  Joe  ;  you  're  right.  Go  with  your 


Il6         THE  NAVY   IN  THE   CAPTURE   OF  FORT  FISHER. 

men."  As  we  marched  to  the  front  I  saw  him  fall  out  of  line. 
I  went  to  him,  and  he  said,  with  the  bitterness  of  an  overwhelm- 
ing disappointment :  "  My  strength  is  gone,  and  with  it  my 
last  hope,'*  and  he  laid  his  head  on  my  shoulder  and  cried  as 
though  his  heart  was  breaking.  I  put  my  arm  around  him,  and 
we  stood  thus  for  a  little  while,  I  comforting  him  all  I  could, 
and  I  said  to  him :  "  Turn  round,  Joe  ;  keep  your  face  to  the 
foe,  and  if  I  come  out  of  this  alive  I  '11  see  that  justice  is  done 
you." 

It  was  no  fault  of  his  that  he  was  not  in  the  front  of  the 
fray. 

He  went  from  that  field  to  his  home  and  his  dying  bed  at 
Baltimore,  from  which  he  never  rose  again ;  but  such  reports 
were  made  about  him,  by  myself  and  others,  that  he  was  re- 
stored to  his  old  place  in  the  regular  navy,  and  he  died  know- 
ing that  his  fault,  if  it  was  a  fault,  had  been  forgiven  him  by 
his  country.  He  had  been  informed  that  he  had  been  rein- 
stated, and  had  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  He  died  in  the 
morning  about  eight  o'clock ;  and  half  an  hour  later  the  post- 
man brought  his  commission.  His  wife  told  me  that  she  laid 
it  in  his  dead  hand.  It  was  a  strange  fatality  which  brought 
him  and  me  together  on  two  such  occasions,  so  widely  sepa- 
rated by  time  and  place  ;  and  I  have  never  since  been  incredu- 
lous about  the  pathetic  sorrow  that  gives  such  power  to  Hale's 
story  of  Philip  Nolan,  the  Man  without  a  Country.  May  God 
bless  Joe  Danels's  memory  and  keep  it  ever  green  ! 

A  few  days  thereafter  three  blockade  runners  came  over  the 
bar  and  anchored.  The  officers  and  passengers  of  one  of  them 
had  gone  in  the  cabin  to  rejoice  at  their  safe  arrival. 

In  the  midst  of  their  congratulations,  and  the  popping  of 
corks,  there  was  a  knock  at  the  door.  It  was  opened,  and  an 
officer  in  the  uniform  of  the  navy  stepped  in.  "  Gentlemen,"  he 
said,  "  I  beg  pardon  for  interrupting  you  to  say  that  you  are  all 
prisoners  and  this  vessel  a  prize  ;  but  if  you  're  willing  I  '11  join 
you  in  a  glass  of  wine." — "  Prisoners  ?  Prize  ?  " — "  Yes  ;  Fort 

Fisher  was  captured  a  couple  of  days  ago." — "  Well  I  'm ! 

But,  Yank,  here 's  to  you." 


THE   NAVY   IN  THE   CAPTURE   OF  FORT  FISHER.         1 1/ 

The  battle  of  Fort  Fisher  was  a  "  glorious  victory."  Of  the 
depressing  effect  of  its  capture  upon  the  Confederates  there 
can  be  no  question. 

Two  days  after  its  fall,  General  Butler  sat  in  the  witness 
chair  before  the  "Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War"  at 
Washington,  explaining  his  failure  to  assault  the  fort  on  Christ- 
mas Day.  He  had,  to  his  own  satisfaction,  demonstrated  the 
impossibility  of  its  capture.  As  he  finished,  the  guns  of  the 
Navy  Yard  began  a  salute  ;  a  messenger  entered  and  handed  a 
paper  to  the  chairman,  who  read  it  and  handed  it  to  his  associ- 
ates, who,  in  turn  read  it  and  handed  it  to  the  General. 

The  paper  bore  these  words  : 

"  NAVY  DEPARTMENT,  Jan.  17,  1865. 

Fire  a  national  salute  in  honor  of  the  capture  on  the  i5th  instant 
of  the  rebel  works  on  Federal  Point  (Fort  Fisher),  near  Wilmington, 
N.  C.,  by  a  combined  attack  of  the  army  and  navy. 

"  GIDEON  WELLES,  Secretary  of  the  Navy." 

The  General  gazed  at  it  and  said — nothing ;  of  his  thoughts, 
we  have  no  record.  Perhaps  it  gave  him  a  new  idea  of  the 
meaning  of  the  expression,  The  sword  of  the  Lord,  and  of 
Gideon. 


ADMIRAL  FARRAGUT'S  PASSAGE  OF  PORT 
HUDSON. 

An  Address  Delivered  by  WILLIAM  T.  MEREDITH  (Late  of  the  U.  S.  Navy), 
December  7,  1892. 

T^ELLOW  members  of  the  Loyal  Legion,  a  friend  of  mine, 
when  he  was  a  midshipman  in  the  navy  during  the  early 
days  of  the  war,  was  serving  in  an  old-fashioned  sailing  frigate 
under  an  old-fashioned  commander,  on  the  coast  of  Texas.  It 
was  dreary  work  up  and  down  the  desolate  coast,  a  great  big 
ship  with  a  crew  of  three  hundred  men,  and  nothing  to  do  but 
sail  a  bit,  take  in  sail,  and  anchor  a  bit,  day  after  day  and 
month  after  month.  Every  one  on  board  was  cross  and  tired 
of  the  monotonous  life  and  anxious  to  get  away  from  the  coast 
of  Texas.  The  commodore  kept  himself  busy  maintaining 
the  strictest  discipline.  What  a  well  disciplined  ship  he  had  ! 
The  crew  did  nothing  but  exercise  at  the  guns  and  scrub 
and  paint  from  morning  till  night. 

One  of  the  great  delights  of  the  old  commodore  was  to 
have  the  decks  holy-stoned  with  sand  ;  and  when  the  sand  gave 
out  he  would  send  a  boat  ashore  along  the  coast  to  replenish 
the  sand  lockers  from  the  beach.  My  friend  the  midshipman 
was  always  selected  to  command  this  sand  boat.  The  coast  of 
Texas,  you  know,  has  a  shoal  shore.  It  was  often  a  pull  of 
two  miles  and  more  for  the  boat's  crew  to  get  the  sand.  My 
friend  the  midshipman  grew  accustomed  to  a  pull  of  two  miles 
for  sand.  But  one  morning  when  the  vessel  lay  at  anchor  four 
miles  off  the  beach,  the  commodore  made  up  his  mind  sud- 
denly that  he  would  have  some  sand,  and  so  he  summoned  the 
midshipman  and  told  him  to  take  a  boat's  crew  and  go  on  the 

118 


ADMIRAL  FARRAGUT'S  PASSAGE  OF  PORT  HUDSON.     119 

usual  errand.  My  friend  felt  lazy  that  day  and  he  said,  "  Com- 
modore, I  protest  against  going  four  miles  and  through  a  bad 
surf  for  a  boat  load  of  sand."  "  Very  good,  Mr.  Midshipman," 
replied  the  commodore,  "you  can  protest  as  much  as  you- 
please,  but  you  will  go  after  the  sand."  And  he  did  go  after 
sand. 

So  it  was  with  me,  fellow  members  of  the  Loyal  Legion  : 
when  I  was  told  I  must  spin  a  yarn  on  the  war  for  the  Loyal 
Legion,  I  said  it  was  a  long  time  off  to  the  war ;  but  my  com- 
manding officer  said  I  must  go  after  sand,  and  so  here  I  am, 
and  I  hope  I  have  the  sand  to  entertain  you. 

I  want  to  tell  you  about  the  passage  of  Port  Hudson  on 
the  night  of  March  the  I4th,  1863,  where  I  was  on  the  flag-ship 
Hartford.  The  recollection  of  that  engagement  has  been  a 
little  dimmed  in  our  minds  as  time  has  passed  on,  but  it  really 
forms  a  very  important  point  in  the  history  of  our  great  Ad- 
miral. The  naval  battle  of  Port  Hudson  was  midway  between 
the  capture  of  New  Orleans  and  the  battle  of  Mobile  Bay, 
about  a  year  after  New  Orleans  and  about  eighteen  months 
before  the  battle  of  Mobile  Bay,  and  it  marks  the  beginning  of 
the  end  of  the  Mississippi  River  rights — the  battles  that  opened 
the  great  river  from  source  to  mouth  and  broke  the  backbone 
of  the  Rebellion. 

Farragut  had  long  been  anxious  to  open  the  river  with  his 
fleet.  In  fact,  he  had  fought  his  way  up  past  Vicksburg  not 
long  after  the  capture  of  New  Orleans,  but  his  land  forces  were 
insufficient  to  hold  any  ground,  and  the  attempt  was  given  up 
at  that  time. 

But  a  year  later  General  Grant  had  risen,  the  star  of  the 
nation's  hope,  in  the  West — the  greatest  of  our  soldiers  as 
Farragut  was  the  greatest  of  our  sailors ;  and  at  the  time  of 
which  I  speak  Grant  was  advancing  down  the  river  accom- 
panied by  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Porter,  to  attack  Vicksburg. 
Now  was  the  time,  Farragut  thought  (for  he  took  the  responsi- 
bility himself ;  the  Navy  Department  had  not  the  courage  to 
order  him  to  go), — now  was  the  time,  he  thought,  to  dash  up 
the  river  past  Port  Hudson  and  meet  Grant  and  Porter  at 


I2O     ADMIRAL  FARRAGUT*S   PASSAGE   OF  PORT   HUDSON. 

Vicksburg,  and  then  by  patrol  of  the  Mississippi,  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Red  River  to  Port  Hudson,  he  would  cut  off  the 
Confederate  supply  boats  bound  to  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hud- 
son while  the  armies  laid  siege  to  both  places. 

So  it  was  all  arranged  to  be  carried  out  by  Farragut,  and 
on  the  night  of  the  I4th  of  March,  1863  (twenty-nine  years 
ago,  think  of  it,  members  of  the  Loyal  Legion,  with  gray 
heads  and  large  families), — it  was  on  the  night  of  the  I4th  of 
March,  1863,  I  say,  that  Farragut  lay  at  dusk  with  his  fleet 
just  below  Port  Hudson  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi, 
two  hundred  miles  above  New  Orleans,  ready  to  attack  ;  while 
in  the  rear  of  Port  Hudson,  General  Banks  had  marched  a 
force  intended  to  scare  the  garrison  by  making  a  show  of  a 
land  attack.  But  they  did  n't  scare  a  bit. 

It  was  dark  and  calm.  The  air  was  heavy  and  moist. 
Beyond  us  stretched  the  black  Mississippi,  swirling  down  with 
its  tremendous  current  under  the  dark  cliffs  a  hundred  feet 
high,  where  on  the  river's  east  bank  the  Confederate  batteries 
lay  ready  to  redden  the  night  with  their  guns.  Anchored 
near  us  were  the  Essex  and  six  mortar  schooners,  ready  at  the 
signal  for  our  advance  to  open  fire  on  Port  Hudson  with  mor- 
tars and  long-range  guns. 

There  we  lay  not  far  out  of  line,  as  the  night  fell.  First 
the  Hartford,  with  the  gunboat  Albatross  lashed  to  her  port 
side ;  then  the  Richmond  with  the  Genesee  alongside ;  then  the 
Monongahela  with  the  Kineo ;  and  last,  without  a  consort, 
the  old  frigate  Mississippi  with  her  big  side-wheels,  a  grand  old 
ship  that  had  sailed  in  every  clime  of  the  world,  commanded 
that  night  by  the  brave  Admiral  Melanchton  Smith,  who  still 
lives,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  members  of  this  Com- 
mandery. 

Just  after  dark  the  Hartford  ran  up  a  red  lantern,  and 
then  came  the  low  click,  click  of  the  capstans  as  the  anchors 
came  up.  It  is  as  quiet  as  death.  The  men  are  standing  at 
their  stations  at  the  guns ;  slowly  the  screws  of  the  big  ships 
revolve;  slowly  the  fleet  gets  into  line,  lashed  two  and  two, 
with  the  Mississippi  last.  And  now  they  are  off  under  full 


ADMIRAL  FARRAGUT'S  PASSAGE  OF  PORT  HUDSON.    121 

steam  through  the  dark  night ;  every  man  waiting  in  his  place 
to  play  his  part  when  the  enemy  shall  open  fire.  On,  on  they 
go,  against  the  current  under  the  frowning  cliffs.  Suddenly  a 
rocket  springs  high  above  the  river  from  the  bank ;  and  then 
there  is  a  vivid  flash  of  light,  with  a  deafening  roar  of  guns 
from  the  batteries  ahead,  with  whistling  of  shot  and  bursting 
of  shells  over  the  Hartford.  A  shell  comes  tearing  and  whiz- 
zing through  the  hammock  nettings  and  explodes  over  the 
Albatross.  Quick  the  Hartford  replies  with  her  whole  star- 
board battery,  and  as  she  steams  ahead  through  the  brilliant 
flashes  of  battle,  the  whole  squadron  follows,  and  battery  after 
battery  is  ablaze.  For  a  mintfte  it  is  as  light  as  day,  but  soon 
the  smoke  settles  down  round  the  ships,  and  shore  and  fleet  are 
hidden.  But  the  flashes  of  light  pierce  the  smoke,  and  the 
roar  of  the  guns  stuns  the  ear.  Up  in  the  sky  you  can  see  the 
floating  clouds  that  reflect  the  light  from  the  battle  and  the 
glare  from  an  immense  fire  that  the  Confederates  have  lighted 
on  the  low  bank  of  the  river  opposite  the  batteries,  to  expose 
the  line  of  the  attacking  fleet. 

And  now  on  every  ship  there  are  dead  men  stretched  side 
by  side  and  bloody  decks  and  splinters  and  shattered  boats. 
The  guns  jump  in  as  they  are  fired,  quick  they  are  loaded  and 
run  out,  and  fired  again.  You  do  not  hear  the  reports  now. 
The  ear  in  the  roar  of  battle  has  lost  the  power  to  distinguish 
separate  sounds.  When  a  shell  crashes  through  the  ship,  it  is 
all  over  with  some  poor  fellow,  but  most  of  the  shot  fly  over 
us  through  the  rigging,  and  every  now  and  then  a  shower  of 
splinters  from  aloft  comes  tumbling  down  on  deck. 

Fellow  members  of  the  Loyal  Legion,  you  all  know  by 
experience  that  there  is  nothing  that  is  rhetorical  in  a  battle 
while  it  is  going  on.  It  is  the  recollection  of  it  that  becomes 
dramatic  or  poetical.  A  battle  is  a  very  practical  piece  of 
business,  where  every  brave  man  tries  to  do  his  duty,  wishing 
himself  safe  and  sound  with  credit  to  himself,  a  whole  skin, 
and  honor  and  victory  for  his  country.  So  let  us  stop  the 
description  of  mere  appearances  and  try  to  tell  only  what  took 
place  that  was  of  importance  in  bringing  about :  first,  the  pas- 


122      ADMIRAL   FARRAGUT'S   PASSAGE   OF   PORT   HUDSON. 

sage  of  Port  Hudson  by  the  Hartford  and  Albatross  ;  second, 
the  loss  of  the  grand  old  ship  Mississippi;  and  third,  the  fail- 
ure of  the  Richmond  and  Monongahela,  with  their  consorts,  to 
follow  Farragut. 

Looking  up  the  stream  from  the  point  where  Farragut  first 
encountered  the  fire  from  the  bluffs  that  night,  the  river  is 
straight  for  about  a  mile,  with  a  high  bluff  of  80  feet  on  the 
east  side  and  a  low  flat  plain  on  the  west  side.  At  the  end  of 
this  mile  there  is  a  sharp  turn  in  the  river  to  the  west,  almost 
a  right  angle.  Along  the  bluff  and  beyond  the  turn  in  the 
river,  the  rebel  batteries  were  scattered  here  and  there  for  the 
whole  distance.  There  were  no  guns  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
river ;  on  that  side  of  the  shore,  the  Confederates  had  piled  up 
huge  heaps  of  brushwood,  and  when  the  attack  began  these 
were  set  on  fire,  the  light  from  the  burning  brush  plainly  reveal- 
ing the  forms  of  the  ships  to  the  Confederate  gunners  on  the 
opposite  bank.  Of  course  the  ships,  having  to  meet  the  enemy's 
guns  from  the  east  side  of  the  river,  would  only  fire  their  star- 
board batteries.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  Farragut  first 
carried  out  his  idea  of  lashing  a  gunboat  alongside  a  large  ship, 
where  the  enemy's  guns  were  only  on  one  side.  The  gun- 
boat, while  thus  receiving  protection  from  her  heavy  consort, 
could  also  be  of  use  in  pulling  the  big  ship  through  if  her 
machinery  should  be  disabled,  and  in  case  the  larger  ship 
should  run  aground,  the  gunboat's  timely  assistance  might  get 
her  afloat.  And,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Monongahela  was  act- 
ually saved  from  destruction  that  night  by  her  consort,  the 
Kineo.  The  little  gunboat  pulled  the  frigate  off  when  she  was 
hard  and  fast  aground,  right  under  the  shore  batteries.  Farra- 
gut adopted  this  plan  of  lashing  his  vessels  in  pairs,  at  the 
battle  of  Mobile  Bay,  where  the  guns  of  Fort  Morgan  were 
also  on  the  starboard  hand  of  the  fleet. 

Along  the  east  bluff  of  the  river  that  we  have  been  describ- 
ing, the  current  sweeps  down  with  a  speed  of  about  four  miles 
an  hour,  and  the  channel  is  close  under  the  bluff.  At  the  turn 
in  the  river,  just  opposite  the  small  hamlet  of  Port  Hudson,  a 
bad  shoal  runs  out  from  the  west  shore,  and  it  was  there, 


ADMIRAL  FARRAGUT'S  PASSAGE  OF  PORT  HUDSON.    123 

right  under  the  last  batteries,  that  the  Mississippi  met  her 
doom. 

It  is  plain  to  be  seen  that  in  an  attempt  to  breast  this  swift 
running  stream  in  the  dark  night,  made  darker  still  by  the 
heavy  smoke  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  guns,  the  most  import- 
ant man  on  a  ship  was  the  pilot.  Every  ship  in  the  squadron 
carried  two  of  these  men — civilians,  professional  river  pilots 
engaged  by  the  Government  at  great  cost.  The  pilot  of  the 
Hartford  was  a  cool,  experienced  fellow.  Farragut  had  a  very 
high  opinion  of  this  man's  skill  and  knowledge  of  the  river, 
and  he  always  said  he  believed  it  was  his  ability  and  coolness 
that  kept  the  Hartford  in  the  channel  that  night  and  pulled 
us  through. 

But  let  us  return  to  the  description  of  the  events  of  the 
battle.  It  was  twenty  minutes  after  n  P.M.  when  the  first 
battery  opened  on  the  Hartford,  and  in  ten  minutes  the  whole 
fleet  was  engaged  and  pushing  its  way  up  the  river.  In  the 
darkness  and  smoke,  the  ships  soon  lost  sight  of  each  other. 
The  Hartford  fought  her  way  slowly  but  steadily  on  for  an 
hour,  keeping  clear  of  the  shore  and  not  once  touching  bottom 
till  she  reached  the  turn  in  the  river  opposite  the  last  battery. 
There  her  bow  just  grazed  the  shore.  But  her  head  was  turned 
round,  she  was  soon  in  deep  water,  and  with  a  parting  broad- 
side at  the  Confederate  battery,  she  bore  up  the  river  out  of 
range.  Farragut  had  accomplished  the  passage  of  Port 
Hudson. 

But  the  old  hero  looked  back  in  vain  for  his  fleet  to  follow 
him.  Far  down  the  stream,  he  saw  the  fire  of  the  shore  bat- 
teries directed  at  a  ship  that  was  in  flames.  Now  it  was  plain 
to  him  that  the  Hartford  and  Albatross  had  alone  been  success- 
ful in  the  battle  ;  the  rest  of  his  fleet  had  either  been  beaten 
back  or  destroyed.  What  had  been  their  fate,  he  could  not 
hope  to  know  till  news  came  to  him  through  the  enemy,  for 
the  Hartford  and  Albatross  were  alone  in  the  heart  of  the  Con- 
federacy, cut  off  from  the  brave  fleet  they  had  sailed  with  early 
that  night,  by  the  guns  of  Port  Hudson. 

I  remember  well  that  just  as  the  ship  came  to  an  anchor 


124      ADMIRAL  FARRAGUT'S   PASSAGE   OF   PORT  HUDSON. 

after  the  battle,  we  were  sending  up  rockets  from  the  poop 
deck,  in  the  vain  endeavor  to  open  communication  with  the 
fleet  below.  The  light  fell  on  Farragut's  face  as  he  stood  there 
looking  anxiously  down  the  river,  with  his  arm  on  the  shoulder 
of  Lieutenant  Loyal!  Farragut,  his  son,  now  a  member  of  this 
Commandery,  and  I  shall  never  forget  the  expression  of  anxiety 
and  woe  in  the  old  hero's  face.  If  he  could  only  know  what 
had  happened  to  his  fleet.  But  alas,  he  could  not  know,  we 
were  in  the  enemy's  country,  and  with  daylight  the  Hartford 
and  Albatross  must  push  on  up  the  swift  river,  if  Farragut 
would  wrest  any  advantage  for  his  cause  and  his  country  from 
that  disastrous  night. 

Well,  and  what  had  happened  to  the  rest  of  the  fleet  ?  It 
is  soon  told ;  it  was  short  and  sharp.  At  the  bend  in  the  river, 
a  shot  cut  away  one  of  the  Richmond's  steam  pipes ;  she  could 
no  longer  stem  the  river  current,  even  with  the  aid  of  her  con- 
sort, the  Genesee  ;  and  she  was  compelled  to  turn  and  fight  her 
way  slowly  back  past  the  batteries.  Just  before  the  Richmond 
was  disabled,  Lieutenant  Commander  Cummings  was  mortally 
wounded,  and  on  the  passage  back  a  shot  swept  down  nearly  a 
whole  gun's  crew  of  marines. 

The  Monongahela  came  close  behind  the  Richmond,  with 
the  Kineo,  both  fighting  gallantly ;  but  in  the  dense  smoke  she 
ran  aground  under  the  batteries.  Her  captain  (McKinstry) 
was  wounded.  It  was  hard  work  for  the  Kineo  to  pull  the 
Monongahela  off,  but  she  did  it.  When  they  were  afloat,  it 
was  found  that  the  Monongahela  s  engines  would  not  work,  and 
there  was  nothing  to  be  done  but  to  fight  their  way  back,  which 
they  finally  succeeded  in  doing,  all  cut  and  torn. 

Last  of  all  came  the  Mississippi,  commanded  by  our  fellow 
member,  Admiral  Melancthon  Smith.  She  had  no  consort. 
The  old  ship  had  to  feel  her  way  through  a  dense  pall  of  smoke 
that  had  drifted  along  the  surface  of  the  river  from  above. 
She  was  struck  many  times,  but  gave  it  back  to  the  Confeder- 
ates with  a  will  from  her  starboard  guns.  At  last  she  had 
fought  her  way  up  to  the  fatal  shoal  at  the  turn  where  the 
Monongahela  had  grounded.  On  this  shoal,  right  opposite  the 


ADMIRAL  FARRAGUTS   PASSAGE   OF   PORT   HUDSON.      125 

heaviest  rebel  battery,  the  Mississippi  ran  hard  and  fast 
aground.  She  had  no  consort  to  pull  her  off.  She  fought  her 
guns  hard,  and  backed  and  twisted  her  brave  old  keel  in  her 
frantic  efforts  to  get  afloat,  while  the  Confederate  shot  swept 
her  decks  and  mowed  down  her  men.  It  was  no  use  ;  Admiral 
Smith  saw  his  ship  was  doomed.  He  must  abandon  her  and 
set  her  on  fire.  Under  the  heavy  fire  from  the  shore,  with  men 
falling  on  every  side,  the  wounded  were  embarked,  and  then 
all  that  were  left  of  the  ship's  company  were  crowded  into 
three  boats,  the  only  boats  that  had  not  been  destroyed  by  the 
enemy's  shot  ;  and  thus  they  escaped  under  cover  of  the  dark- 
ness down  the  river.  Before  abandoning  the  Mississippi,  Ad- 
miral Smith  had  fired  his  ship  in  four  places.  Soon  she  was  on 
fire  from  stem  to  stern.  Fierce  the  flames  ascended  as  her  port 
guns  went  off.  And  then  with  a  roar  that  was  heard  a  hundred 
miles  away,  the  Mississippi  was  no  more. 


"IN   THE  COMPANY   STREET." 

A  Paper  Read  by  CHARLES  E.  SPRAGUE,  February  i,  1893. 

HP  HE  true  history  of  a  nation  is  not  merely  the  deeds  of 
kings  and  ministers,  of  parliaments  and  princes,  but  the 
growth  of  the  people  ;  the  annals  of  the  brilliant  few  are  not 
more  important  than  the  unrecorded  movements  of  the  obscure 
many.  So  in  an  army,  there  are  other  points  of  view  than 
that  of  the  commanding  officer.  Interesting  as  are  our  discus- 
sions of  grand  tactics  and  strategy,  it  may  also  be  profitable 
to  study  the  soldier  himself,  his  thoughts  and  feelings,  his 
home-life  in  the  big  family  of  the  company  and  in  the  big 
neighborhood  of  the  regiment ;  to  turn  our  attention  from  the 
select  circles  of  headquarters  to  the  proletariat  of  the  company 
street.  In  short,  as  has  often  been  remarked,  the  need  is  for 
sketches  of  and  by  the  obscure ;  and  this  I  can  help  to  supply, 
for  in  this  brilliant  organization  I  can  lay  claim  to  be  con- 
spicuous for  my  obscurity. 

How  some  things  appeared  to  a  boy  of  nineteen,  who  lived 
in  a  company  street  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  is  gathered 
from  his  memory  and  from  the  letters  he  wrote  to  his  mother. 

One  Monday  late  in  November,  over  thirty  years  ago,  our 
company  came  pulling  ourselves  along,  at  the  finish  of  about 
fifteen  miles  of  rather  tough  travel,  and  after  dark  turned  into 
a  piece  of  woods,  stacked  arms,  and  were  told  to  "bivouac  in 
rear  of  stacks,  ready  to  march  at  daybreak."  Now  it  was  a 
rule  we  soldiers  learned  to  recognize,  that  if  you  camped  down 
at  night  with  strict  injunctions  to  be  ready  to  march  on  at 
daybreak,  with  advice  from  your  officers  that  you  'd  better 
not  waste  any  time  in  getting  up  comfortable  shelter  because 

126 


"IN   THE   COMPANY   STREET."  12? 

this  was  the  most  temporary  kind  of  a  halt,  then  for  a  certainty, 
if  you  followed  this  advice,  you  were  going  to  be  kept  right 
in  that  bivouac  long  enough  to  repent  not  going  to  work  at 
getting  comfortably  housed.  So,  after  some  experience,  we 
never  took  any  stock  in  assurances  of  brief  stay;  we  went 
right  to  work  at  house  building  on  the  assumption  that  we 
should  stay  a  month  ;  if  we  marched  next  day  no  great  harm 
was  done,  but  if  we  stayed  a  week,  we  were  well  paid  for  our 
trouble. 

The  pine  trees  were  thick  around  us  that  night,  in  the 
morning  we  could  scarcely  see  the  nearest  regiment ;  but 
instead  of  marching  at  daybreak  we  stayed  and  stayed  and 
went  away  and  came  back  agaia  and  stayed  again  until  the 
company  street  first  traced  by  our  stacks  of  arms  seemed  like 
a  home,  and  till  the  thick  woods  had  disappeared  ;  every  tree 
was  cut  down,  first  wastefully  and  extravagantly,  at  shoulder 
height,  then  down  to  a  decent  stump,  then  this  stump  was 
cut  to  the  very  quick,  and  finally  we  had  no  wood  at  all,  hav- 
ing grubbed  up  the  very  roots.  We  stuck  up  our  shelter  tent 
that  night  and  Eugene  and  Wilcox  and  I  crawled  under.  The 
next  morning  after  reveille,  the  first  business  was,  of  course,  to 
settle  bets  on  the  sun.  You  see,  in  our  company,  when  we 
got  to  camp  after  dark,  we  usually  had  a  debate  as  to  which 
way  was  north.  Some  of  us  were  good  at  keeping  in  their 
heads  the  points  of  the  compass  in  spite  of  the  meanderings 
of  Virginia  paths ;  the  rest  of  us  thought  we  were  equally 
smart,  until  the  sun  arose  and  we  found  our  bets  were  lost. 
As  I  have  said,  we  knew  we  should  probably  stay  some  time 
on  account  of  the  notification  we  had  had,  and  sure  enough 
symptoms  of  the  kind  soon  broke  out,  some  agreeable,  such 
as  the  arrival  of  the  sutler,  others  rather  unpleasant,  such  as 
the  posting  of  a  regular  camp  guard. 

We  soon  had  enough  to  do  in  complying  with  all  that  the 
unceasing  drum-beats  suggested  and  compelled,  but  the  im- 
provement of  our  domestic  architecture  filled  a  large  place  in 
our  thoughts.  We  built,  tore  down,  and  rebuilt  on  the  self- 
same spot  until  our  shanty  seemed  a  part  of  ourselves,  and  of 


128  "  IN   THE   COMPANY   STREET." 

all  the  homes  that  I  have  ever  loved  and  left  there  is  none 
which  has  left  so  deep  an  impression  as  that  little  hut  of  one 
room,  built  of  pine  logs,  sticks,  sods,  mud,  and  canvas.  It  was 
built  by  days'  work — a  good  many  days, — and  Eugene  and  I 
(the  third  man  having  fallen  out  sick)  were  its  architects,  build- 
ers, masons,  carpenters,  sanitary  engineers,  and  walking  dele- 
gates. 

This  residence  of  ours  was  situated  in  the  State  of  Virginia. 
As  nothing  in  that  region  is  described  by  any  closer  geograph- 
ical limit  than  a  county,  a  Virginian  would  merely  have  said 
that  it  was  "  Stahf'd  "  County,  but  we  could  define  our  location 
more  accurately.  Our  township  was  the  Fifth  Army  Corps  ; 
our  village  was  the  Third  Brigade,  First  Division  ;  our  ward 
was  the  44th  N.  Y. ;  and  our  street  was  Company  E.  As  it 
turned  out  we  were  not  far  from  Falmouth  and  near  the  rail- 
road at  a  point  which  thenceforward,  and  possibly  to  this  day, 
became  known  as  "  Stoneman's  Switch."  Stafford  County  never 
had  so  large  a  population  up  to  the  night  we  arrived,  and  pro- 
bably never  will  have  again.  In  our  regiment  they  were  not 
so  strenuous  for  uniformity  of  architecture  as  in  some  com- 
mands, and  allowed  scope  for  individuality  ;  as  long  as  the 
line  of  front  doors  was  pretty  straight  down  the  company 
streets,  we  could  build  our  shanties  of  size  and  style  to  suit 
our  tastes.  Ours  in  its  final  form  was  about  as  follows  :  There 
was  first,  a  cellar  dug  the  full  size  of  the  ground  plan,  about 
two  feet  deep.  Next  came  a  wall  of  split  pine  logs,  resting 
on  the  ground  and  held  up  by  stakes,  carrying  up  the  cellar  wall 
to  a  height  of  five  feet  in  all.  Now,  the  roof  was  of  canvas, 
made  of  several  of  the  little  shelter  tents,  fastened  together 
and  stretched  over  a  ridge-pole,  which  was  supported  by  two 
stout  uprights  in  front  and  rear.  The  front  or  door  was  also 
of  canvas  until  we  got  our  chimney  built  later  on.  Our  next 
step  was  to  caulk  our  wall  with  mud.  Glorious  Virginia  mud  ! 
The  one  product  of  which  there  was  always  enough.  Plastic 
as  butter,  but  tough  as  spruce  gum  when  dried  :  for  architect- 
ural purposes,  admirable  ;  for  pedestrian  uses,  vile.  We  plas- 
tered our  wall  pretty  tightly  with  this  natural  stucco,  and 


I29 

banked  up  the  lower  edge.  We  ditched  around  our  house, 
and  conducted  the  waters  into  the  company  gutter.  Our  bed, 
which  comprised  all  our  furniture,  being  also  chair,  sofa,  and 
table,  was  our  next  care.  It  was  a  spring  bed.  We  split  long 
straight  pine  saplings  and  laid  them  crosswise  of  the  shanty 
on  supports  which  held  them  about  level  with  the  surface  of 
the  ground.  The  bed  was  about  three  feet  wide.  Eugene 
and  I  were  both  slender.  When  sitting  on  the  edge  of  the 
bed  our  feet  rested  against  the  front  wall  of  our  mansion. 
Here  we  talked  ;  here  we  smoked  ;  here  we  read  ;  in  pleasant 
weather,  with  our  front  canvas  fastened  back,  we  conversed 
with  our  neighbors,  discussing  every  subject  under  heaven  ; 
and  here  we  sat,  Eugene  and  I,  by  our  own  fireside  after  the 
chimney  was  built. 

Our  chimney  was  a  picturesque  structure  of  sods.  The 
mortar  which  held  together  these  substitutes  for  brick  was 
the  aforesaid  mud.  An  open  fireplace  faced  the  right-hand 
man  of  the  two  inmates  who  sat  on  the  bed,  and  that  man 
did  the  cooking  from  that  position.  Our  chimney  was  a  large 
one,  covering  more  than  half  the  front  of  the  house  and  form- 
ing our  front  wall.  A  wooden  mantel  defined  the  top  of  the 
fireplace.  Above  this  the  chimney  tapered  somewhat  and 
ended  in  a  barrel.  Some  of  our  comrades  had  double-barrelled 
chimneys,  but  we  found  it  hard  enough  to  steal  one  barrel 
at  a  time  to  supply  those  which  caught  fire  ;  total  loss  ;  no 
insurance. 

This  was  our  home  in  the  company  street,  as  finished,  but 
its  evolution  was  gradual.  It  began  as  a  mere  tent ;  it  ended 
in  a  house.  To  what  further  flights  of  architecture  we  might 
have  gone,  cannot  be  known. 

Our  first  exodus  was  to  Fredericksburg.  We  had  begun 
to  take  root  a  little  in  our  company  street ;  the  trees  were 
pretty  well  thinned  out,  the  street  itself  was  graded  and 
drained,  our  drill  was  regained,  and  it  was  evident  we  were 
now  in  camp.  A  sure  sign  was  the  fact  that  there  was  time 
to  waste  in  court-martials,  for  the  adjutant  read  us,  at  day 
parade,  long  stories  of  certain  soldiers,  who  had  "  on  or  about " 


130  "IN  THE  COMPANY   STREET." 

such  a  time,  "at  or  near"  such  a  place,  done  or  said  some- 
thing, or  "  words  to  that  effect." 

But  one  Thursday,  December  nth,  we  broke  camp,  never 
again,  we  supposed,  to  see  the  old  street.  The  old  shanty  was 
dismantled  to  the  music  of  that  long  and  solemn  call  which 
every  soldier  knew  as  "  Strike  tents."  First  the  brigade  bugler 
had  given  it  to  us,  after  twice  repeating  a  preface,  or  heading 
as  it  were,  to  his  proclamation,  which  to  every  Third  Brigade 
man  seemed  to  chant  the  name  of  our  old  commander  thus : 

Dan!  Dan!  Dan!  Butterfield  !  Butterfield ! 

The  angel  Gabriel  in  his  musical  capacity  is  always  as- 
sociated with  General  Butterfield  in  the  mind  of  any  soldier  of 
our  brigade.  If  the  bugler  was  not  at  hand,  "  Dan  "  could 
even  sound  the  call  himself  and  blow  his  own  trumpet. 

Mike,  the  regimental  bugler,  next  lifts  his  old  battered 
copper  horn  to  his  good-natured  mouth,  and  easy  as  a  bird  out 
floats  his  little  song.  His  preliminary  call  was  different  and 
addressed  to  the  44th  alone.  The  buglers  of  the  other  regi- 
ments had  each  sounded  his  own  tune,  and  about  the  same 
moment  was  ringing  through  the  whole  brigade  the  long- 
drawn  exhortation, 

Come  !  Come  !  Come !  Come ! 

Strike  your  tents  !  Strike  your  tents !  Strike  your  tents  !  Strike 

your  tents  ! 

Down  came  the  ponchos,  and  the  camp  looked  like  the 
skeleton  of  itself.  We  used  to  call  our  pieces  of  shelter-tent 
"  ponchos*,"  through  some  confusion  of  terms,  for  really  the 
poncho  was  a  rubber  thing  with  a  slit  to  put  your  head  through. 
Out  first  sergeant  had  made  us  pack  up  everything  beforehand, 
and  now  we  sat  around  on  our  wordly  possessions  having  de- 
stroyed what  we  could  not  carry,  for  we  never  expected  to  see 
that  camp  again.  Pat  Riley,  our  next  neighbor  in  the  street, 
threw  back  his  head  and  sang  some  ancient  Irish  lays  in  a  voice 
up  near  his  skull,  with  never  a  pause  till  the  end,  when  his 
spare  wind  blew  itself  off  like  that  of  a  bagpipe.  Pat,  being 


"IN   THE  COMPANY   STREET."  131 

of  bardic  ancestry,  was  doubtless  intoning  a  war-song,  but  it 
was  unpleasantly  like  a  dirge  and  did  not  inspirit  us,  except  to 
throw  things  at  Pat.  The  day  was  well  advanced  when  we 
finally  got  the  assembly,  which  we  welcomed  with  a  shout,  for 
it  meant  doing  something  and  not  waiting  in  suspense.  If  I 
wanted  to  take  all  the  spunk  out  of  a  lot  of  soldiers,  I  should 
get  them  all  ready  to  go  somewhere,  or  do  something,  and 
then — not  do  it.  We  were  marched  down  in  sight  of  Fred- 
ericksburg  and  spent  two  days  as  lookers-on,  watching  the 
explosive  puffs  of  smoke  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  At  night 
we  retired  to  the  woods  to  sleep,  regretting  the  old  camp  we 
had  just  left,  and  the  spare  blankets  that  were  there.  Saturday 
afternoon  came  a  change.  Our  division  headed  for  the  pon- 
toons and  we  knew  where  we  were  going,  for  we  had  seen  a 
good  many  cross  but  few  come  back.  One  of  the  first  who 
came  back,  a  man  from  a  new  regiment,  was  well  escorted.  He 
was  supported  by  a  comrade  on  each  side  and  another  behind 
carried  guns  and  knapsacks.  The  whole  group  of  four  must 
have  gone,  not  wishing  to  confuse  their  company  by  counting 
off  anew.  The  wounded  man's  injury  was  in  one  of  his  fingers. 
Our  company  kept  straight  on,  though,  and  not  a  man  dropped 
out.  After  getting  through  the  town,  Mike's  bugle  sounded 
"  Lie  down,"  and  here  I  came  to  grief.  The  butt  of  my  gun 
slipped,  and  the  whole  lock  went  into  a  puddle  and  was 
covered  with  wet  mud.  I  felt  sure  that  I  could  not  fire  it,  and 
I  did  not  want  a  gun  that  would  not  shoot.  My  gun  was 
very  bright  outside  and  in ;  so  elegant  looking,  that  I  hoped  to 
get  the  vacant  sergeancy  soon  on  the  strength  of  its  exquisite 
polish.  Pretty  soon  we  went  ahead,  and  I  was  on  the  lookout 
for  another  weapon.  I  found  one  alongside  of  a  soldier  among 
some  piled  timber.  He  looked  and  acted  as  if  he  needed  some 
quinine  and  his  gun  was  n't  the  kind  that  could  bring  promo- 
tion, but  I  took  it  from  him  and  went  on.  I  might  just  as  well 
have  had  the  old  rifle  into  whose  surface  so  much  rubbing  had 
gone,  for  firstly,  we  had  no  chance  to  shoot  at  all,  merely  ex- 
cellent facilities  to  be  shot  at ;  secondly,  when  I  investigated 
his,  I  found  a  cartridge  in  it  bottom  side  up.  Finally,  the 


132  "IN  THE   COMPANY   STREET." 

owner  of  the  gun  had  cut  his  initials,  which  were  T.  M.,  on  the 
left  side  of  the  stock, — a  most  flagrant  crime  against  military 
propriety.  I  had  afterwards  to  explain  away  those  deeply  cut 
letters,  to  the  first  sergeant,  to  the  captain,  to  the  adjutant,  to 
the  officer  of  the  day,  to  the  major,  and  to  the  colonel,  each  in 
turn  ;  and  at  last  when  Inspector-General  Webb  inspected  us 
in  person,  I  caught  it  again.  By  this  time,  I  had  become  a 
sergeant,  in  spite  of  the  musket,  which  I  had  scoured  up  to  a 
pretty  good  shine,  but  the  carving  was  there  still.  Of  course 
I  was  out  in  front,  in  plain  sight,  little  finger  on  the  seam  of 
the  pantaloons,  body  erect  on  the  hips,  inclining  a  little  for- 
ward, eyes  gazing  into  futurity  with  a  stony  stare.  Expres- 
sionless as  I  made  my  face,  there  must  have  been  guilt  in  it.  I 
thought,  "  Will  he  see  it  ? "  (If  it  were  now,  I  should  have 
said,  "  Will  he  get  onto  it  ?  "  but  in  those  days  our  language 
was  more  correct.)  See  it  ?  Get  onto  it  ?  General  Webb 
looked  right  through  that  gun  stock  and  saw  the  letters  on  the 
opposite  side.  I  stood  at  "  inspection  arms."  He  turned  the 
musket  right  over,  read  T.  M.'s  autograph,  looked  through  my 
eyes  into  my  back  hair,  and  proceeded  to  scrutinize  every 
inch  of  the  piece,  concluding  by  jingling  the  rammer  up  and 
down  and  trying  to  soil  his  glove  with  the  end  of  it,  while  I 
was  wondering  how  soon  I  should  be  the  subject  of  the  ad- 
jutant's recital — "said  Sergeant  Sprague,  wilfully,  maliciously 
at  or  near  Falmouth,  Va.,  on  or  about — letters  T.  M.  or  words 
to  that  effect,"  and  ending  up  with  "  Fort  Wool,  Rip  Raps, 
Hampton  Roads,  Virginia."  But  probably  there  was  no  ring 
of  rust  on  the  glove.  There  was  a  rusty  ring  in  his  voice  though 
when  he  burst  forth — "  Sergeant,  what  do  you  mean  by  cutting 
your  name  on  your  rifle  ?  "  I  rattled  off  my  now  well  learned 
explanation  :  "  Did  not  cut  it,  sir  ;  not  my  name,  sir  ;  could  not 
fire  my  rifle  at  Fredericksburg,  sir ;  dropped  it,  and  picked  up 
this  one,  sir."  Then  he  threw  it  into  my  hand  so  that  it  stung, 
with  the  advice, in  a  much  lower  tone,  "Swop  again,  sergeant." 
He  did  n't  touch  another  gun  in  our  company — no  other  man 
had  guilt  in  his  eye. 

But  I  am  wandering.     We  got  over  the  broken  ground  and 


"IN   THE   COMPANY   STREET.  133 

out  into  a  field  in  front  of  the  enemy  or  of  a  place  where  sheet 
lightning  seemed  to.be  playing.  On  we  went,  right  towards 
that  lightning.  Pat  Riley  came  to  the  front,  he  jumped  about 
six  feet  forward  and  swung  his  rifle  circularly  above  his  head, 
dropping  in  a  moment  all  the  manual  that  had  been  drilled 
into  him,  and  reverting  to  ancestral  instincts.  I  think  we  were 
now  beyond  the  point  where  there  was  any  distinction  between 
courage  and  cowardice  ;  we  were  thoroughly  insane  and  would 
have  run  right  into  that  sheet  lightning  if  little  Major  Knox 
had  let  us.  But  instead,  he  wheeled  the  battalion  to  the  right. 
Why,  I  don't  know,  but  I  distinctly  remember  that  our  regi- 
ment wheeled  in  line  of  battle  at  double-quick.  I  remember 
how,  in  my  delirium,  with  all  the  pedantry  of  a  corporal  who 
has  studied  the  tactics  and  knows  it  all,  I  said  to  myself, 
"  There  's  no  such  thing  in  Casay  as  '  Battalion,  right  wheel.' 
It  ought  to  have  been,  *  Change  direction  to  the  right.'  ' 

It  was  not  more  than  ten  minutes  from  the  time  I  swopped 
guns,  when  we  were  lying  behind  a  hill  and  Captain  Larrabee 
of  Company  B  was  saying  in  his  cheery  voice,  "  Major,  these 
two  left  companies  are  under  an  enfilading  fire."  Major  Knox 
replied,  "  Move  them  more  to  the  right."  Then,  as  I  still  had 
a  touch  of  insanity,  I  said  to  myself :  "  Enfilading.  Never 
heard  that  word  pronounced  before,  though  I  have  read  it  all 
my  life.  Now,  first  time  I  hear  it,  I  am  enfiladed.  Practical 
example,  like  Squeers's  teaching  at  Dotheboys  Hall." 

Now  we  were  in  a  queer  box,  but  we  did  not  know  it  till 
morning.  We  slept  a  little  during  the  night,  not  knowing  but 
that  we  were  in  a  very  desirable  location.  It  turned  out  at 
sunrise  that  we  were  just  barely  hidden  from  the  rebels,  who 
could  just  graze  the  air  a  few  feet  above  us.  It  was  possible 
to  get  your  head  blown  off  by  standing  up  ;  it  was  possible  to 
remain  alive  by  close  contact  with  the  earth.  We  chose  to 
spend  a  very  quiet  Sunday.  Twenty-four  hours  we  lay  there 
until  it  was  as  dark  as  it  had  been  when  we  came.  Then  we 
put  our  tin  cups  in  our  haversacks,  and  fixed  everything  so  it 
would  not  rattle.  We  departed  very  unostentatiously,  not 
with  the  pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance  with  which  we  came 


134  "IN  THE  COMPANY   STREET." 

there  Saturday  afternoon.  That  night  we  slept  on  the  side- 
walk of  Fredericksburg ;  the  next  night,  oh,  most  joyful 
change,  we  went  to  bed  in  a  house.  The  house  had  been  ven- 
tilated with  some  cannon  balls,  but  some  of  the  roof  was  there 
still  and  it  could  not  be  denied  that  we  were  sleeping  in  a 
house.  It  did  not  quite  meet  our  anticipations,  but  it  sounded 
well.  At  midnight  we  were  waked  up  again,  and  very  quietly 
taken  out  of  the  town  to  a  place  very  much  like  our  Sunday's 
lodging,  relieving  the  66th  N.  Y.  Before  daylight,  we  crept 
back  to  the  town  even  more  quietly,  and  in  the  grey  of  the 
morning,  recrossed  the  pontoons  with  the  usual  cold  rain  in 
our  faces.  Although  it  seemed  too  good  to  be  true,  we  were 
headed  for  the  old  camp — home  again.  We  prodigal  sons 
could  now  appreciate  the  comforts  of  a  home,  and  were  willing 
to  dispense  with  the  veal  cutlets. 

We  had  picked  up  a  good  deal  of  plunder  at  Fredericks- 
burg,  but  all  I  had  brought  back  was  a  bad  cough.  Eugene 
and  I  went  into  the  house-building  again.  We  had  our  logs 
cut  and  in  position,  when  about  the  last  day  of  the  year  1862, 
there  was  another  pulling  up  of  stakes — no,  we  did  n't  pull  up 
many  stakes  this  time.  We  may  come  back,  thought  we,  or 
else  some  other  fellow  may,  and  we  '11  leave  these  sticks  and 
things  as  they  are.  Our  departure  this  time  was  part  of  a 
movement  I  never  have  seen  mentioned  in  any  history.  We 
marched  up  the  river  about  fifteen  miles  and  camped  in  the 
snow,  spending  New  Year's  Day  in  a  bitterly  cold  place,  and 
then  tramped  back  again.  The  manoeuvre  of  getting  back  to 
the  old  camp  was  one  we  could  now  perform  without  tunes  or 
motions.  Again,  after  this  interruption,  we  settled  down  to 
our  regular  professional  work  as  architects. 

Our  next  trip  was  the  famous  "  stick-in-the-mud,"  that 
mixture  of  mud,  misery,  pack-mules,  and  profanity,  where 
wretchedness  was  carried  to  such  a  point  that  it  became  over- 
whelmingly funny.  This  time  we  left  all  standing  and  soon 
came  back  to  find  several  inches  of  water  in  the  cellar  of  our 
shanty.  Things  were  soon  got  to  rights,  however,  and  our 
dwelling  made  more  comfortable  than  before.  The  street  was 


"IN  THE  COMPANY   STREET."  135 

jolly,  gossipy,  buzzing  with  jokes,  full  of  rumors  readily  be- 
lieved. Boxes  from  the  north,  letters  from  home,  soft  bread, 
and  furloughs  for  a  favored  few  brightened  us  up,  and  before 
we  knew  it  we  felt  cheery  and  hopeful ;  it  was  no  longer  fash- 
ionable to  growl.  Fashion  had  a  good  deal  to  do  with  the 
prevailing  tone  of  the  street ;  we  were  bullish  or  bearish  like 
other  streets.  After  Antietam,  the  correct  thing  was  to  say, 
"  Well,  you  just  let  me  get  out  of  here  once  and  you  '11  never 
see  me  a  soldier  again."  After  we  had  left  Warrenton,  this 
change  to  the  "  bold,  bad  man  "  style,  "  Oh,  I  'm  so  used  to 
this  sort  of  thing,  that  Uncle  Sam  can't  spare  me  ;  if  I  felt  like 
it,  I  could  lick  anything."  After  Fredericksburg,  "  I  'm  a  sad- 
eyed,  unappreciated  martyr."  Now,  a  few  weeks  after  the 
mud  campaign,  optimism  was  in  the  ascendant  again,  especially 
after  we  found  that  Joe  Hooker  was  working  for  us  soldiers, 
was  thinking  of  us.  That  is  what  the  soldier  appreciated — 
not  so  much  what  was  done  for  him,  as  the  fact  that  some  one 
was  interested  in  him,  was  sympathizing  with  him.  So  our 
sullenness  disappeared  and  Joe  Hooker  might  have  quoted  the 
proverb,  "  Soft  bread  turneth  away  wrath."  As  it  was  under- 
stood that  a  clean  and  handsome  camp  was  a  credential  for 
furloughs,  we  policed  our  street  so  that  you  would  have 
thought  Tom  Brennan  expected  a  Tammany  parade  to  pass 
that  way.  Cleanliness,  in  camp,  was  'way  ahead  of  godliness. 
The  regiment  had  a  pretty  good  guard-house  and  resolved  to 
erect  a  creditable  church.  I  suppose  the  idea  was,  instead  of 
enlarging  the  guard-house,  to  cut  off  its  supply  of  material. 
This  was  a  grand  lark  for  some  of  the  boys,  going  off  with  the 
quartermaster's  mules  into  the  thick  woods  and  hauling  logs 
for  the  church.  Then  we  started  another  enterprise  ;  the  boss 
flag-staff  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  There  was  a  tall  tree 
standing  right  on  the  parade  ground  ;  some  of  our  best  axe- 
men went  out  and  cut  another  pine,  the  tallest  and  straightest 
they  could  find.  This  was  trimmed  down  to  a  mast,  dragged 
in  to  camp,  fitted  with  halliards,  hoisted  up  through  the 
branches  of  the  standing  tree,  lashed  to  its  top ;  then  its 
branches  were  cut  away,  leaving  a  flag-staff  of  two  lengths,  the 


136  "IN  THE   COMPANY   STREET." 

I 

lower  part  rooted  in  the  ground.  Our  zouave  uniforms  were 
sent  down  from  Washington  where  they  had  been  stored  for 
many  months,  and  with  white  leggings  and  gloves,  dress  parade 
became  a  thing  of  beauty.  These  measures  restored  our  spir- 
its, and  the  company  street  became  cheery,  chatty,  and  chaffy. 

We  had  only  one  heavy  snowstorm  that  I  remember.  Just 
at  reveille  one  morning  in  February,  I  opened  my  eyes  upon  a 
cone-shaped  mound  of  white  snow  in  our  fire-place,  tall  and 
slender,  extending  upward  till  its  apex  was  invisible.  At  the 
same  instant  I  became  conscious  that  fine  snow  was  sifting 
through  the  cracks,  and  that  Eugene  would  soon  be  snowed 
under.  Just  then,  boom  went  a  cannon  somewhere  in  the  dis- 
tance, and  boom,  boom,  was  repeated  in  a  lively  cannonade. 

This  was  disgusting.  To  get  up  in  a  snowstorm  was  bad 
enough,  but  here  was  somebody  inconsiderate  enough  to  start 
a  fight  in  such  uncomfortable  weather,  and  doubtless  the  Fifth 
Corps  would  be  turned  out  in  a  few  minutes.  The  language 
used  up  and  down  our  company  street  did  not  at  all  agree  in 
temperature  with  the  snow.  In  a  minute,  some  fellow  who 
was  an  expert  on  the  almanac,  shouted  out,  "  Washington's 
birthday."  What  a  groan  of  relief  echoed  along  the  street 
when  we  remembered  that  it  was  February  22d.  If  it  had 
been  in  these  latter  days,  we  should  have  enquired  what  was 
the  matter  with  Washington,  and  explained  who  he  was;  but 
in  those  times,  we  merely  said,  "  Bully  for  George,"  and  "  How 
are  you,  Washington  ?  "  These  two  formulas,  together  with 
"big  thing,"  and  "can't  see  it,"  were  about  the  only  witticisms 
we  knew  in  1863. 

We  did  have  a  fight  before  that  snow  vanished,  but  it  was 
with  snowballs,  and  the  i^th  New  York  was  the  enemy. 

So  the  days  passed  till  the  middle  of  April,  when  it  was 
evident  that  something  was  going  to  happen.  Our  fancy  uni- 
forms were  sent  away  and  we  lightened  in  advance  the  loads 
we  were  to  carry  through  the  summer.  About  two  weeks 
were  passed  in  suspense,  losing  something  of  the  good  feeling 
which  had  been  so  skilfully  cultivated.  Then  off  to  Chancel- 
lorsville,  making  the  fourth  time  we  had  assembled  in  the  com- 


"IN   THE   COMPANY   STREET."  137 

pany  street  for  a  final  departure,  to  the  sound  of  the  "  Dan 
Butterfield  "  bugle.  Each  time,  the  line  in  front  of  the  first 
sergeant  had  shortened  by  a  few  miles,  and  we  knew  that  if 
we  ever  fell  in  on  that  ground  again,  more  of  us  would  be  ab- 
sent. As  we  stood  in  line  in  marching  order,  we  were  a  fair 
specimen  of  an  American  regiment.  We  stood  about  three 
hundred,  rank  and  file.  Few  regiments  had  anything  like  the 
nominal  strength  which  a  regiment  should  have.  We  were  a 
very  sun-burned,  hearty-looking  set  of  fellows  ;  we  looked  as  if 
we  could  eat  a  square  meal  whenever  we  got  one.  In  fact,  we 
were  a  set  of  boys.  The  ages  of  our  company  averaged  twenty- 
four,  and  probably  there  were  more  men  about  twenty-two 
than  of  any  other  age.  We  were  not  punctilious  about  the 
regulations  as  to  dress.  Our  regimental  uniforms  of  semi- 
zouave  pattern  had  been  turned  in,  and  we  had  frock-coats, 
blouses,  or  jackets,  just  as  it  happened — anything  blue  would 
do.  In  hats  and  caps  there  was  also  much  variety  ;  the  hide- 
ous regular  army  cloth  cap,  with  slanting  peak,  which  some 
turned  up  and  some  turned  down — each  way  it  looked  worse  ; 
or  the  more  nobby  French  shape,  with  straight  visor ;  or  the 
McClellan  cap,  with  top  falling  forward, — these  had  been  sent 
on  from  home  or  purchased  when  on  furlough  ;  or  the  army 
black  felt,  which  was  generally  worn  with  the  crown  depressed 
in  the  centre  ;  or  other  varieties  of  black  soft  hats,  which  were 
worn  in  spite  of  regulations.  But  every  one  had  on  his  cap  or 
hat  a  red  Maltese  cross,  the  badge  of  our  division.  Some  had 
leggings,  some  had  not ;  some  old  hands  were  in  favor  of  stuff- 
ing the  trousers  into  the  stockings  and  tying  them  there  with 
strings.  The  broad  shoes  furnished  by  the  Government  and 
usually  called  "  gunboats "  were  the  most  fashionable  foot 
wear ;  this  was  a  part  of  the  uniform  which  private  enterprise 
did  not  much  improve  on.  Only  one  thing  about  our  get-up 
would  have  pleased  a  military  critic, — our  guns  were  clean  and 
bright. 

We  were  well  keyed  up  to  do  anything  Hooker  asked,  and 
I  think  that  up  to  the  very  last  of  that  discouraging  campaign 
we  were  ready  to  make  tremendous  efforts  for  him.  But  the 
coming  home  was  the  worst  yet.  We  had  been  the  rear-guard 


138  "IN   THE   COMPANY   STREET." 

as  usual,  and  in  the  rain  as  usual  ;  we  had  struggled  through 
a  wilderness  and  waded  knee-deep  in  mud  ;  and  when  we  had 
crossed  the  pontoons  again,  all  semblance  of  discipline  seemed 
suspended  and  the  only  thing  was  to  get  back  to  the  old  camp 
anyhow.  Right  glad  we  were  to  find  ourselves  there  again. 
It  was  wisdom  to  let  us  rally  on  the  old  camp ;  in  no  other  way 
could  we  so  readily  have  been  brought  back  to  our  accustomed 
condition.  I  find  that  I  wrote  this  to  my  mother : 

"  We  got  back  to  the  old  camp,  Wednesday,  soaked  with  mud 
and  rain.  We  had  not  enough  ponchos  to  cover  our  foundations,  as 
we  only  carried  one  apiece  and  the  extra  ones  we  had  left  had  been 
taken  by  the  contractor  for  paper  rags.  So  we  had  to  huddle  together 
about  twice  the  number  in  the  miserable  wet  holes.  We  were  at 
about  the  lowest  depth  of  misery  and  demoralization,  which  was  not 
alleviated  by  being  ordered  to  be  ready  to  march  next  afternoon. 
But  on  Friday  morning  we  were  ordered  to  commence  policing  the 
street  and  make  other  preparations  for  a  stay.  This,  with  the  more 
favorable  news  we  received  and  a  ration  of  soft  bread,  got  us  into 
better  spirits,  and  now  (Sunday)  we  are  in  the  old  routine  of  camp 
duty." 

It  began  to  seem  as  though  that  old  camp  ground  was  our 
predestined  habitat  for  all  time.  It  was  impossible  for  us  to  stay 
away,  and  each  attempt  had  resulted  in  disaster.  It  was  an 
unlucky  place  to  start  from  evidently.  Therefore  our  next 
campaign  must  start  from  somewhere  else.  Whether  this  was 
the  line  of  argument  or  not,  we  finally  broke  up  the  old  camp 
without  waiting  for  the  campaign  to  open.  The  brigade  fell  in 
in  the  old  company  street  and  this  was,  actually,  the  last  time. 
We  marched  off  to  a  new  camp-ground  and  made  preparations 
enough  to  stay  there  several  years.  As  a  result,  we  soon  left 
it  and  never  saw  it  again. 

I  have  never  talked  about  the  company  street  and  about 
the  best  way  to  fix  up  a  shanty  with  but  one  major-general, — 
until  to-night.  I  had  some  conversation  on  the  subject  with 
the  corps  commander  on  the  last  day  I  revisited  the  old  camp. 
Some  half-dozen  of  our  company  asked  permission  to  go  over 
to  the  old  ground  and  bring  away  some  of  the  bric-a-brac  left 
behind,  and  I  was  with  them.  We  were  tramping  cheerily 


"IN   THE   COMPANY   STREET."  139 

across  the  country  (I  think  we  had  a  pass  to  go  through  the 
picket  line)  and  crossed  a  road  just  as  the  General  was  riding 
by,  accompanied  by  an  officer  and  followed  by  a  headquarters' 
wagon.  He  reined  up  and  evidently  had  something  to  say. 
"  Who  is  in  command  of  these  men  ?  "  I  modestly  replied 
that  "  I  was,  sir,"  and  explained  that  our  captain  had  permitted 
us  to  go  back  to  get  some  boards  and  things.  "  Boards  and 
things  !  a  soldier  has  no  business  to  have  anything  but  what  he 
can  carry  on  his  back."  I  involuntarily  rolled  my  eyes  to  the 
left,  where  the  big  headquarters  wagon  had  halted  ;  perhaps 
this  hint  that  soldiers  of  high  degree  need  not  carry  all  their 
possessions  on  their  backs,  hurt  General  Meade's  feelings,  for 
he  rode  on  with  a  "  Humph  !  "  Evidently  General  Meade  did 
not  agree  with  General  Hooker's  ideas  as  to  the  treatment  of 
the  soldiers.  Probably  he  thought  that  from  a  dead  level  of 
discomfort  we  could  easier  bear  any  additional  suffering,  but 
that  was  not  Hooker's  theory.  He  believed  in  compensation, 
and  thought  the  higher  the  pendulum  swung  on  one  side,  the 
higher  it -would  go  on  the  other;  that  a  soldier  would,  and 
could,  endure  more  when  called  upon,  if  he  had  been  made 
contented  and  comfortable  up  to  that  time. 

As  I  seldom  have  a  chance  to  address  an  audience  mostly 
of  major-generals,  I  will  take  the  opportunity  to  give  them 
some  advice  on  the  conduct  of  the  next  war. 

Tho'  the  soldier  's  attached  to  his  hard-tack, 

He  could  eat  Delmonico's  bread  ; 
Tho'  he  sleeps  on  the  ground  when  he  has  to, 

Don't  think  he  despises  a  bed. 

We  settled  it  down  by  the  camp-fire, 

As  a  principle  well  understood  : 
For  men  who  are  willing  to  face  the  worst, 

The  best  is  n't  any  too  good. 

So,  General,  up  at  headquarters, 

Bear  in  mind  the  advice  I  repeat : 
Take  good  care  of  the  man  that  carries  the  gun, 

And  lives  in  the  company  street. 


LINCOLN  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

A  Paper  Read  by  Major  ALEXANDER  K.  McCLURE,  April  6,  1893. 

"  I  ^HE  supreme  law  makes  the  President  the  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  military  and  naval  forces  of  the  nation. 
This  is  a  necessity  in  all  well-regulated  governments,  as  the 
sovereign  or  highest  civil  ruler  must  have  supreme  command 
of  the  forces  of  the  country  for  the  public  defense.  During 
the  revolutionary  war  the  universal  confidence  that  General 
Washington  inspired  made  him  practically  the  supreme  director 
of  our  military  operations.  The  supreme  civil  authority  then 
was  the  Colonial  Congress,  and  no  one  of  that  body  could 
assume  this  high  prerogative.  During  the  war  of  1812,  with 
England,  I  find  no  instance  in  which  President  Madison  ex- 
ercised any  authority  in  the  direction  of  campaigns  as  Com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army.  There  was  no  formal  Command- 
er-in-chief. Major-General  Dearborn,  the  ranking  major- 
general,  was  assigned  as  acting  Commander-in-chief,  although 
retained  in  active  command  in  the  Northern  district.  The 
President  was  conferred  with  very  freely  as  to  military 
movements,  but  I  do  not  find  any  instance  in  which  he  assumed 
the  responsibility  of  issuing  orders  for  military  movements  in 
the  field.  The  Mexican  war  presents  a  somewhat  different 
phase  of  history.  President  Polk  assumed  the  responsibility 
as  Commander-in-chief  by  ordering  General  Taylor  to  march 
from  the  Nueces  to  the  Rio  Grande  and  thus  precipitated  the 
Mexican  war  without  either  the  authority  or  knowledge  of 
Congress ;  and  later  in  the  war,  when  it  became  necessary  to 
enlarge  the  army  to  make  an  aggressive  compaign  on  the  city 
of  Mexico,  General  Scott  was  summoned  by  the  President  to 

140 


LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  141 

propose  a  plan  of  campaign  that  he  should  command  in  person. 
He  did  so,  and,  after  its  approval  by  the  President,  the  troops 
were  provided  and  General  Scott  was  permitted  to  prosecute 
the  campaign  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  Mexican  capital,  without 
interference  by  orders  from  Washington. 

When  civil  war  confronted  us  in  1861,  General  Scott  was  the 
hero  of  two  wars  and  recognized  by  the  country  and  the  world 
as  the  great  captain  of  the  age.  Although  a  son  of  Virginia 
he  was  thoroughly  loyal  to  the  Government  and  all  turned  to 
him  as  the  bulwark  of  safety  for  our  threatened  country.  He 
was  believed  to  be  the  most  accomplished  general  then  living, 
and  President  Lincoln,  the 'Cabinet,  and  the  country  had 
absolute  faith  in  his  ability  to  discharge  the  duties  of  Command- 
er-in-chief,  even  in  the  extreme  and  appalling  necessities  of 
civil  war,  with  consummate  skill  and  success.  It  was  not  until 
active,  practical  operations  had  to  be  commenced  for  the 
protection  of  the  capital  and  for  the  defense  of  the  Govern- 
ment, that  those  closest  to  General  Scott  learned  the  sad  lesson 
of  his  utter  incompetency  for  the  new  duties  forced  upon  him. 
He  had  entirely  outlived  his  usefulness.  He  had  never  com- 
manded over  12,000  men  in  all  his  lustrous  record,  and  the  magni- 
tude of  our  civil  war,  coming  upon  him  when  the  infirmities  of 
age  enfeebled  him  mentally  and  physically,  made  him  wholly 
unequal  to  the  task.  President  Lincoln,  always  unobtrusive 
when  he  could  be  so  consistent  with  his  sense  of  duty,  deferred 
to  General  Scott  and  his  military  associates.  He  had  no  plan 
of  campaign  ;  he  sought  only  to  attain  peace  with  the  least 
bloodshed  and  disturbance. 

The  first  star  that  shed  its  lustre  on  the  Union  arms  was 
that  of  General  McClellan,  the  young  Napoleon  of  the  West, 
whose  victories  in  Western  Virginia  made  his  name  a  household 
word.  He  was  the  first  to  propose  a  comprehensive  plan  for 
aggressive  movements  against  the  rebellion,  and  coming  from' 
one  of  the  youngest  soldiers  of  the  army  it  is  not  surprising 
that  General  Scott,  with  his  sensitiveness  as  to  advice  from 
those  of  less  experience,  rejected  it  and  presented  a  compre- 
hensive plan  of  his  own,  then  known  as  the  "  Anaconda  '* 


142  LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

method  of  crushing  the  rebellion.  In  this  dispute  Lincoln  took 
no  part  and  probably  gave  little  attention  to  it.  He  then  clung 
to  the  hope  that  no  such  general  military  movements  might  be 
necessary  to  attain  peace.  His  belief  was  that  shared  by  most 
of  the  prominent  men  of  the  Cabinet,  that  a  successful  battle 
and  the  capture  of  Richmond  would  mean  peace.  He  had  no 
occasion,  therefore,  to  exercise  his  authority  as  Commander-in- 
chief  beyond  conferring  with  General  Scott  and  the  Secretary 
of  War.  Had  he  understood  the  issue  then  as  he  understood 
it  a  year  or  more  later,  I  hazard  little  in  saying  that  the  first 
battle  of  Bull  Run  would  have  been  differently  fought  and  with 
almost  a  reasonable  certainty  of  the  defeat  of  the  insurgents. 
The  care  with  which  he  watched  the  diffusion  of  military 
forces  and  the  keen  sagacity  and  tireless  interest  he  ever 
manifested  in  the  concentration  of  our  military  forces  in  every 
campaign,  forbid  the  assumption  that  had  he  understood  the  war 
then  as  he  soon  learned  to  understand  it,  there  could  have 
been  a  division  of  the  Union  forces  in  the  Bull  Run  campaign 
to  fight  the  united  forces  of  the  enemy.  General  McDowell 
fought  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  with  17,676  effective  men  and 
twenty-four  guns,  when  he  should  have  had  some  15,000 
additional  from  General  Patterson's  command  and  from  15,000 
to  20,000  of  the  Pennsylvania  Reserve  Corps  then  fully 
organized  and  ready  for  the  field.  I  feel  quite  sure  that  had 
Lincoln  then  assumed  the  authority  as  Commander-in-chief 
that  he  ever  after  maintained  until  Grant  became  Lieutenant- 
General,  McDowell  would  have  commanded  fully  50,000  men 
at  Bull  Run  and  would  have  overwhelmed  the  enemy  and 
marched  into  Richmond.  It  is  possible,  indeed  quite  probable, 
that  such  an  achievement  would  have  ended  the  war,  but  it 
was  not  to  be.  Slavery,  the  author  of  the  war,  would  have 
survived  such  a  peace  and  the  great  conflict  of  thirty  years 
ago  would  have  been  handed  down  to  another  generation. 

Lincoln  was  quickened  to  the  exercise  of  his  full  authority 
as  Commander-in-chief  by  the  multiplied  misfortunes  of  his 
generals.  He  accepted  as  commanders  the  men  in  the  army 
most  conspicuous  in  military  service,  and  it  was  one  of  the  sad- 


LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  143 

dest  lessons  of  the  war  that  not  one  of  the  commanders  then 
prominent  before  the  country  and  most  trusted,  became  chief- 
tains as  the  conflict  progressed.  The  contrast  between  the 
Union  and  the  Confederate  commanders  is  indeed  painful. 
The  Confederate  officers  who  started  out  as  military  leaders  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  as  a  rule  were  its  chieftains  at  the 
close.  The  Johnsons,  Cooper,  Lee,  Beauregard,  Jackson, 
Longstreet,  Hill,  Kirby  Smith,  Early,  Bragg,  Hood,  Fitz  Hugh 
Lee,  Stuart,  and  others  either  fell  in  the  flame  of  battle  lead- 
ing high  commands,  or  emerged  from  the  war  with  the  highest 
distinction.  On  the  other  side,  not  one  of  the  men  who  came 
out  of  the  war  with  the  grateful  plaudits  of  the  country  as 
chieftains  of  the  Union  was  known  to  military  fame  when 
Sumter  was  fired  upon.  One  by  one  Lincoln's  commanders 
fell  by  the  wayside  and  he  was  constantly  perplexed  with  the 
sense  of  the  fearful  responsibility  he  was  compelled  to  assume 
in  the  assignment  of  commanders  to  the  different  armies.  This 
necessity  naturally  called  for  the  employment  of  his  supreme 
powers  and  compelled  him  to  exercise  the  soundest  discretion 
time  and  again,  as  failure  followed  failure  in  his  great  work  of 
overthrowing  the  rebellion.  Lincoln  had  learned  the  painful 
lesson  of  Scott's  inability  to  perform  the  duties  expected  of 
him  by  the  country,  and  on  the  2Qth  of  June,  1861,  he  called 
the  first  council  of  war  that  embraced  his  Cabinet,  Scott,  and 
other  military  men.  It  was  there  that  McDowell's  plan  for  the 
advance  on  Manassas  was  decided  upon.  Lincoln  did  not  ad- 
vise but  assented  to  it,  and  Scott  gave  a  reluctant  assent  only 
when  he  learned  that  it  was  a  public  necessity  for  the  army  to 
advance,  as  the  term  of  the  three-months  men  would  soon  ex- 
pire. The  history  of  that  battle  is  known  in  all  its  details  to 
this  intelligent  audience  of  experienced  military  men. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  a  man  of  Lincoln's  sagacity  and 
trained  practical  methods  should  consider  his  responsibility  as 
Commander-in-chief  after  the  defeat  of  Bull  Run.  He  felt 
that  he  had  no  one  to  whom  he  could  turn  for  counsel  that  he 
could  implicitly  accept,  and  he  was  equal  to  the  occasion.  On 
the  night  after  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  Lincoln  sought  no  sleep, 


144  LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

but  after  gathering  all  the  information  that  he  could  as  to  the 
situation,  he  devoted  the  hours  of  early  morning  to  formulat- 
ing a  plan  of  military  operations,  and  it  is  marvellous  how 
closely  that  programme  was  followed  in  the  long  and  bloody 
years  through  which  the  war  was  fought  to  its  consummation. 
This  was  Lincoln's  first  distinct  assumption  of  the  duties  of 
Commander-in-chief.  He  wrote  out  in  pencil,  with  his  own 
hand,  memoranda  directing  that  a  blockade  should  be  made  ef- 
fective as  soon  as  possible  ;  that  the  volunteer  forces  at  Fortress 
Monroe  be  constantly  drilled  and  disciplined ;  that  Baltimore 
should  be  held  with  a  firm  hand ;  that  Patterson's  forces  be 
strengthened  and  made  secure  in  their  position  ;  that  the 
forces  of  West  Virginia  continue  to  act  under  orders  from 
McClellan  ;  that  General  Fremont  should  push  forward  his 
work  in  the  West,  and  especially  in  Missouri ;  that  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  should  be  reorganized  as  rapidly  as  possible  on 
Arlington  Heights  ;  and  that  new  volunteers  should  be  brought 
forward  speedily  into  camps  for  instruction.  This  memorandum 
bears  date  July  23,  1861,  and  on  the  27th  of  July  he  added  to 
it  that,  when  the  foregoing  should  have  been  substantially  at- 
tended to,  Manassas  Junction  and  Strausburg  should  be  seized 
and  permanently  held  with  an  open  line  from  Harper's  Ferry 
to  Strausburg,  and  a  joint  movement  from  Cairo  on  Memphis 
and  from  Cincinnati  on  East  Tennessee  should  be  promptly 
organized.  This  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  first  acceptance  of  the  ne- 
cessity that  called  him  to  exercise  his  duties  as  Commander-in- 
chief,  and  it  will  be  observed  that  his  plan  of  campaign  fully 
comprehended  the  situation  and  the  military  necessities  which 
arose  thereafter. 

The  mental  and  physical  feebleness  of  Scott,  together  with 
the  infirmities  of  temper  which  age  and  disease  had  logically 
wrought,  made  it  a  necessity  to  have  a  new  commander  for  the 
army.  McClellan  was  then  the  only  one  who  came  with 
achievement  to  enforce  his  title  to  the  general  command,  and 
he  was  called  to  Washington  as  commander  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac.  Volunteers  were  offered  in  abundance,  and  the 
one  man  of  any  country  best  fitted  for  the  organization  of  a 


LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  145 

great  army  was  fortunately  there  to  organize  the  army  that 
was  ever  undaunted  by  defeat  and  that  in  the  end  received  the 
sword  of  Lee  at  Appomattox.  There  was  early  friction  be- 
tween Scott  and  McClellan,  and  all  the  kind  offices  of  Lincoln 
failed  to  soothe  the  old  veteran  or  to  make  the  young  com- 
mander submissive  to  the  alleged  whims  of  his  superior.  It 
became  a  supreme  necessity  to  have  Scott  retired,  and  it  was 
finally  accomplished  after  much  effort,  but  fortunately  it  has 
no  detailed  record  in  the  annals  of  the  country.  The  true 
story  of  Scott's  retirement  from  the  command  of  the  army 
could  have  been  written  by  but  three  men,  viz :  Lincoln,  Cam- 
eron, and  Assistant  Secretary  Thomas  A.  Scott.  They  have 
all  joined  the  veteran  soldier  in  the  ranks  of  the  great  majority 
beyond,  and  none  will  ever  write  the  chapter  on  the  change  of 
the  military  Commander-in-chief  in  1861. 

From  the  time  that  Lincoln  called  McClellan  to  Washing- 
ton he  tenaciously  exercised  his  high  prerogatives  as  Com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army  and  navy  until  the  8th  of  March, 
1864,  when  he  handed  to  General  Grant  his  commission  as 
Lieutenant-General ;  and  he  was  very  often  in  conflict  with 
his  department  commanders  as  to  their  operations  or  failure  to 
prosecute  them.  His  first  serious  trial  arose  with  General 
McClellan  in  the  fall  of  1861,  and  that  conflict  was  never  en- 
tirely closed  until  McClellan  was  finally  relieved  from  the  com- 
mand of  his  army  after  the  battle  of  Antietam  in  the  fall  of 
1862.  The  late  fall  months  of  1861  were  peculiarly  favorable 
for  military  operations  and  the  Administration  and  the  entire 
country  became  impatient  to  have  the  army  advance.  Just 
when  Lincoln  expected  a  movement  toward  Manassas,  Mc- 
Clellan became  seriously  ill  and  continued  so  for  several  weeks  ; 
and  after  his  recovery,  obstacles  seemed  to  multiply  each  day 
until  the  aggressive  movement  was  universally  commanded. 
On  the  1st  of  December,  1861,  Lincoln  requested  of  McClellan 
a  plan  of  campaign  in  which  he  asked  how  soon  the  army 
could  be  moved  and  how  many  men  would  be  required  to 
make  the  advance  direct  to  Richmond.  To  this  McClellan  re- 
plied that  he  could  move  from  the  I5th  to  the  25th,  and  sug- 


146  LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

gested  that  he  had  another  plan  of  campaign  soon  to  present 
to  the  President.  During  McClellan's  illness  Lincoln  assumed 
the  responsibility  of  summoning  Generals  McDowell  and 
Franklin  in  conference  with  him  as  to  the  movements  of  the 
army,  and  on  the  2/th  of  January,  without  consulting  with 
any  of  the  commanders,  or  even  the  Cabinet,  he  issued  "  Gen- 
eral War  Order  No.  I,"  directing  that  on  the  22d  of  February 
there  should  be  a  general  movement  of  the  land  and  naval 
forces  against  the  insurgents,  of  the  Army  of  Fortress  Monroe, 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  the  Army  of  Western  Virginia,  the 
Army  of  Kentucky,  the  Army  and  flotilla  of  Cairo  and  the 
naval  forces  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  That  was  followed  four 
days  later  by  a  special  order  from  the  President  to  General 
McClellan,  directing  him  that  all  the  disposable  forces  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  after  providing  for  the  defense  of  Wash- 
ington, be  moved  immediately  upon  Manassas  Junction  ;  that 
all  details  be  in  the  discretion  of  McClellan,  and  the  movement 
was  to  begin  on  the  22d  of  February.  This  was  a  direct  order 
to  McClellan  ;  but  believing  as  he  did  that  it  was  not  a  wise 
one,  he  urged  his  objections  earnestly  upon  the  President.  It 
was  to  those  objections  that  Lincoln  wrote  a  somewhat  cele- 
brated letter  to  McClellan,  in  which  he  so  tersely  but  suggest- 
ively discussed  the  difference  between  the  Peninsula  campaign, 
then  preferred  by  McClellan,  and  the  movement  upon  Manassas. 
Lincoln  did  not  arbitrarily  command  ;  he  sought  to  be  con- 
vinced as  to  whether  he  was  right  or  wrong,  and  all  who  knew 
him  would  bear  testimony  to  the  fact  that  no  public  man  was 
more  easily  approached  when  his  own  convictions  were  to  be 
questioned  by  sincere,  intelligent  men.  These  are  his  incisive 
inquiries  to  McClellan  : 

Does  not  your  plan  involve  a  greatly  larger  expenditure  of 
time  and  money  than  mine  ? 

Wherein  is  a  victory  more  certain  by  your  plan  than 
mine? 

Wherein  is  a  victory  more  valuable  by  your  plan  than 
mine? 

In  fact  would  it  not  be  less  valuable  in  this,  that  it  would 


LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  147 

break  no  great  line  of  the  enemy's  connections  while  mine 
would  ? 

In  case  of  disaster,  would  not  a  retreat  be  more  difficult  by 
your  plan  than  mine  ? 

I  cite  these  inquiries  of  Lincoln,  not  to  show  that  he  was 
either  right  or  wrong  in  his  judgment,  but  to  convey  a  just  ap- 
preciation of  Lincoln's  careful  study  of  the  military  situation 
at  that  early  period  of  the  war ;  his  intelligent  knowledge  of 
the  proposed  results  of  campaigns,  and  his  entire  willingness 
to  gain  the  best  information  to  revise  his  judgment  if  in  error. 
McClellan  was  so  tenacious  as  to  the  correctness  of  his  Penin- 
sula campaign  that  Lincoln",  after  much  deliberation,  reluct- 
antly yielded  his  convictions,  and  from  the  day  that  he  did  so 
he  certainly  sought  in  every  way  that  he  could,  consistently 
with  the  safety  of  the  capital,  to  aid  McClellan  in  his  move- 
ment. About  this  time  Lincoln  was  much  perplexed  by  an- 
other grave  dispute  with  McClellan.  Lincoln  believed  that  it 
would  be  wise  to  organize  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  into  army 
corps  with  responsible  commanders,  while  McClellan  was  un- 
willing to  accept  that  method  of  organization,  for  reasons  which 
need  not  here  be  discussed.  The  order  of  the  President  for 
the  movement  of  the  armies  on  the  22d  of  February  was  not 
obeyed,  and  on  the  8th  of  March,  Lincoln  assumed  the  re- 
sponsibility of  issuing  an  order  to  McClellan  to  divide  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  into  four  army  corps  to  be  commanded 
by  McDowell,  Sumner,  Heintzelman,  and  Keyes,  with  a  reserve 
force  for  the  defense  of  Washington,  under  command  of  Wads- 
worth.  A  fifth  corps  was  also  ordered  to  be  formed,  with 
Banks  as  commander.  On  the  same  day  he  issued  "  President 
General  Order  No.  3,"  directing  that  no  change  of  base  of 
operations  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  should  be  made  with- 
out leaving  for  Washington  defenses  a  sufficient  force  to  make 
the  capital  entirely  secure. 

This  order  went  to  the  very  marrow  of  what  is  yet  an 
unsettled  dispute  between  the  friends  of  Lincoln  and  of 
McClellan,  but  this  is  not  the  occasion  to  discuss  the  merits  of 
that  controversy.  It  necessarily  withheld  from  direct  co-oper- 


148  LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

ation  with  McCIellan,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  army  that 
could  have  been  utilized  in  the  effort  to  capture  Richmond  if 
it  had  been  deemed  safe  to  uncover  Washington.  With  the 
details  of  that  memorable  and  heroic  campaign  this  audience 
is  thoroughly  familiar.  McCIellan  advanced  upon  Manassas 
only  to  find  it  abandoned  by  the  enemy.  A  council  of  war 
was  held  at  McClellan's  quarters,  Fairfax  Court-House,  on  the 
1 3th  of  March,  at  which  it  was  decided  to  proceed  against 
Richmond  by  the  Peninsula.  The  only  diversity  of  sentiment 
at  that  council  was  as  to  whether  25,000  or  40,000  men  should 
be  detached  for  the  defense  at  Washington  ;  Keyes,  Heintzel- 
man,  and  McDowell  favoring  the  smaller  number,  and  Sumner 
the  larger  number.  I  should  here  note  a  circumstance  that  I 
think  is  not  generally  understood.  On  the  nth  of  March, 
when  McCIellan  was  advancing  with  his  army  on  Manassas, 
Lincoln  issued  an  order  practically  removing  him  from  the 
office  of  Commander-in-chief  by  limiting  his  command  to  only 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  operating  with  him  against  Rich- 
mond. This  order  has  been  variously  discussed  from  the  differ- 
ent standpoints  held  by  the  friends  of  Lincoln  and  McCIellan, 
and  with  the  merits  of  the  controversy  I  do  not  propose  to- 
deal.  I  want  to  say,  however,  that  those  who  assume  that 
Lincoln  limited  McClellan's  command  because  of  any  personal 
prejudice  against  him  are  in  error.  He  appointed  no  successor 
as  Commander-in-chief,  but  obviously  left  the  place  open  for 
him  who  should  win  it.  It  is  evident  that  his  difficulties  with 
McCIellan  about  advancing  upon  Richmond,  and  about  the 
organization  of  his  army,  had  somewhat  impaired  Lincoln's 
confidence  in  McCIellan  as  Commander-in-chief,  but  I  speak 
advisedly  when  I  say  that  he  sincerely  hoped  that  McCIellan 
would  succeed  in  his  Richmond  campaign  by  the  capture  o£ 
the  Confederate  capital,  and  thus  prove  his  right  to  be  restored 
as  Commander-in-chief.  I  know  that  Lincoln  cherished  that, 
hope  and  meant  that  the  captor  of  Richmond  should  be  made 
the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  Nor  is  this  statement 
without  strong  corroboration  from  circumstance.  The  posi- 
tion of  Commander-in-chief  was  not  filled  by  Lincoln  until 


LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  149 

precisely  four  months  after  McClellan  had  been  relieved  from 
it,  namely,  on  the  nth  of  August,  1862,  and  just  four  days 
after  McCellan's  letter  to  the  President,  written  at  Harrison's 
Landing,  severely  criticising  not  only  the  military,  but  the 
political  policy  of  the  Administration. 

That  was  a  fateful  letter  for  McCellan.  It  did  not  resolve 
Lincoln  against  the  further  support  of  McClellan,  nor  do  I 
believe  that  it  seriously  prejudiced  McClellan  in  Linclon's 
estimation,  as  was  shown  by  his  restoration  of  McClellan  to 
command  after  Pope's  defeat  soon  thereafter,  but  it  so 
thoroughly  defined  partisan  lines  between  McClellan  and  the 
supporters  of  the  Administration,  that  when  Lincoln  called 
McClellan  to  the  command  of  the  defenses  of  Washington  he 
had  to  do  it  against  the  united  vote  of  his  Cabinet,  and  against 
the  protests  of  almost,  if  not  quite,  a  united  party  in  Congress 
and  in  the  country.  However  earnestly  Lincoln  may  have  de- 
sired to  support  McClellan  thereafter,  he  was  greatly  weakened 
in  his  ability  to  do  so.  His  letters  to  McClellan  during  the 
Peninsula  campaign  are  an  interesting  study.  All  of  them  are 
singularly  generous  and  never  offensive,  and  exhibit  the  sincer- 
est  desire  of  the  President  to  render  McClellan  every  support 
possible  without  exposing  Washington  to  reasonable  peril  of 
capture.  Only  a  week  before  this  political  letter  was  written, 
McClellan  had  addressed  Stanton  a  long  letter,  in  which  he 
said  :  "  If  I  save  this  army  now  I  tell  you  plainly  that  I  owe 
no  thanks  to  you  or  to  any  other  persons  in  Washington. 
You  have  done  your  best  to  sacrifice  this  army."  That 
McClellan,  like  Lincoln,  did  everything  and  said  everything 
with  the  most  patriotic  purposes,  and  with  intended  loyalty  to 
every  duty,  I  do  not  doubt,  but  the  issue  remains  now  nearly 
a  generation  after  the  dispute  began,  and  is  likely  to  continue 
throughout  all  the  pages  of  future  history. 

Four  days  after  the  Harrison  Landing  letter  was  delivered 
to  the  President,  Halleck  was  appointed  Commander-in-chief. 
The  office  remained  vacant  precisely  four  months,  during  which 
time  there  never  was  a  doubt  that  Halleck  would  be  called  to 
the  position  unless  McClellan  should  be  restored.  Soon  after 


I$O  LINCOLN  AS  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

Lincoln  returned  from  his  visit  to  McClellan  on  the  Peninsula, 
at  which  time  McClellan's  letter  was  delivered  in  person  to 
Lincoln,  Halleck  urged  the  removal  of  McClellan  from  com- 
mand, but  Lincoln  overruled  him,  and  instead  of  ordering  the 
Army  of  the  Peninsula  back  to  the  support  of  Pope,  McClellan 
was  ordered  to  come  with  his  forces.  How  McClellan  ceased 
to  have  a  command  when  his  army  was  brought  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  General  Pope  is  well  understood  by  this  as- 
sembly. Pope  was  defeated  and  routed  and  driven  back  into 
the  entrenchments  of  Washington.  In  this  emergency  Lincoln 
braved  the  unanimous  hostility  of  his  Cabinet  and  all  his 
political  friends  by  calling  upon  McClellan  in  person  in  Wash- 
ington and  asking  him  to  take  command  of  the  defenses  of  the 
capital,  which  practically  gave  him  command  of  the  entire 
army  while  it  was  defending  Washington.  It  was  not  a  diffi- 
cult matter  to  defend  the  capital  with  the  complete  system  of 
entrenchments  constructed  by  McClellan.  There  were  a  score 
of  generals  in  the  army  who  could  have  done  that,  but  what 
the  army  needed  most  of  all  was  reorganization.  It  was 
broken,  dispirited,  almost  hopeless,  and  Lincoln  knew  that  no 
man  approached  McClellan  as  a  military  organizer.  To  use 
his  own  language  on  the  occasion,  as  quoted  by  Mr.  Hay  in 
his  diary :  "  There  is  no  one  in  the  army  who  can  command 
these  fortifications  and  lick  these  troops  of  ours  into  shape 
half  as  well  as  he  [McClellan]  can."  In  this  severe  trial  Lin- 
coln was  not  forgetful  of  his  duties  of  Commander-in-chief. 
On  the  3d  of  September,  the  day  after  assigning  McClellan  to 
the  command  of  the  defenses  of  Washington,  he  issued  an 
order  to  General-in-chief  Halleck,  directing  him  to  proceed 
with  all  possible  dispatch  to  organize  an  army  for  active  opera- 
tions to  take  the  field  against  the  enemy.  The  Antietam  cam- 
paign logically  followed  as  Lee  advanced  into  Maryland,  and 
McClellan,  without  any  especial  assignment,  took  the  field 
against  Lee,  resulting  in  the  battle  of  Antietam  and  the  re- 
treat of  Lee  back  to  Virginia. 

As  early  as  the  28th  of  June  Lincoln  addressed  a  letter  to 
Seward  in  which  he  outlined  the  policy  of  the  war  in  all  the 


LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  151 

different  departments.  This  was  after  the  failure  of  the  Penin- 
sula campaign.  It  proved  how  thoroughly  Lincoln  kept  in 
view  his  comprehensive  strategy  for  the  prosecution  of  the 
war.  After  the  battle  of  Antietam  there  was  continued  dis- 
pute between  Lincoln  and  McClellan,  arising  from  what  Lin- 
coln believed  to  be  tardiness  on  the  part  of  the  commander  of 
the  army  to  pursue  the  enemy.  The  Emancipation  Proclama- 
tion speedily  followed  McClellan's  victory  at  Antietam,  and 
that  rather  intensified  the  opposing  political  views  of  the 
friends  of  Lincoln  and  McClellan.  In  a  private  letter,  written 
by  McClellan  on  September  25th,  and  given  in  his  own  book 
(page  615),  McClellan  said:  -"The  President's  late  proclama- 
tion, the  continuation  of  Stanton  and  Halleck  in  office,  rendered 
it  almost  impossible  for  me  to  retain  my  commission  and  self- 
respect  at  the  same  time,"  and  McClellan  did  not  soften  the 
asperities  of  the  occasion  by  an  address  to  his  army,  issued  on 
the  /th  of  October,  defining  the  relations  of  those  in  the  mili- 
tary service  toward  the  civil  authorities.  He  said  :  "  The  remedy 
for  political  errors,  if  any  are  committed,  is  to  be  found  only 
in  the  action  of  the  people  at  the  polls."  I  give  these  quota- 
tions to  show  under  what  grievances,  whether  real  or  assumed, 
McClellan  suffered  during  this  controversy,  and  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  the  chasm  between  the  President  and  his  General 
gradually  widened  because  of  the  constantly  increasing  intens- 
ity of  party  prejudice  against  McClellan.  During  all  this 
dispute  Lincoln  never  exhibited  even  a  shadow  of  resentment 
in  anything  that  he  said  or  did,  so  far  as  we  have  any  record, 
and  on  the  1 3th  of  October  he  wrote  an  elaborate  letter  to 
McClellan,  in  which  he  temperately  but  very  thoroughly  dis- 
cussed all  the  strategic  lines  of  McClellan's  prospective  advance 
into  Virginia,  showing  the  most  complete  familiarity  not  only 
with  the  country  that  the  army  was  to  occupy,  but  with  all 
the  accepted  rules  of  modern  warfare.  This  controversy  cul- 
minated in  McClellan's  removal  from  his  command  on  the  5th 
of  November,  1862,  and  that  dated  the  end  of  his  military 
career.  He  was  ordered  to  report  at  Trenton  for  further 
orders,  where  he  remained  until  the  day  of  the  Presidential 


152  LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

election  in  1864,  when  he  resigned  his  office,  and  Sheridan's 
appointment  as  his  successor  was  announced  in  one  of  Stanton's 
characteristic  bulletins  on  the  following  day,  along  with  the 
news  of  McClellan's  disastrous  defeat  for  the  Presidency. 

I  have  given  much  time  in  this  address  to  Lincoln's  rela- 
tions with  McClellan  because  they  present,  in  the  strongest 
light,  Lincoln's  positive  exercise  of  the  high  prerogatives  of 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  Whether  he  did  it  wisely  or 
unwisely  in  his  protracted  controversy  with  McClellan  cannot 
be  here  discussed,  but  the  case  of  McClellan  stands  out  most 
conspicuously  as  showing  how  completely  Lincoln  accepted 
and  discharged  the  duties  of  the  office  of  Commander-in-chief, 
The  most  disastrous  battle  in  which  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
was  engaged  soon  followed  McClellan's  retirement  when  Burn- 
side  was  repulsed  at  Fredericksburg.  At  no  stage  of  the  war 
was  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  in  such  a  demoralized  condition 
as  during  the  period  from  the  defeat  of  Fredericksburg  until 
Hooker  was  called  to  the  command.  Lincoln  believed  that 
some  of  Burnside's  corps  commanders  were  unfaithful  to  him, 
but  where  was  he  to  get  a  commander  ?  It  is  an  open  secret  that 
Sedgwick,  Meade,  and  Reynolds  each  in  turn  declined  it,  and 
the  President  finally  turned  to  Hooker  as  the  only  man  whose 
enthusiasm  might  inspire  the  demoralized  army  into  effective- 
ness as  an  aggressive  military  power.  That  Lincoln  was  much 
distressed  at  the  condition  then  existing  is  evident  from  many 
sources,  but  he  makes  it  specially  evident  in  a  characteristic 
letter  addressed  by  him  to  Hooker  on  the  26th  of  January, 
1863,  telling  him  of  his  assignment  to  the  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac.  In  this  letter  he  says  to  Hooker: 

"  I  think  that  during  General  Burnside's  command  of  the  army 
you  have  taken  counsel  of  your  ambition  and  thwarted  him  as  much 
as  you  could,  in  which  you  did  a  great  wrong  to  the  country  and  to 
a  most  meritorious  and  honorable  brother  officer.  I  have  heard,  in 
such  a  way  as  to  believe  it,  of  your  recently  saying  that  both  the 
army  and  the  government  needed  a  Dictator.  Of  course  it  was  not 
for  this,  but  in  spite  of  it,  that  I  have  given  you  the  command.  Only 
those  generals  who  gain  success  can  set  up  as  Dictators.  What  I 
now  ask  of  you  is  military  success  and  I  will  risk  the  Dictatorship." 


LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  153 

Hooker  accepted  this  pointed  admonition  like  a  true  soldier. 
His  answer  was  :  "  He  talks  to  me  like  a  father.  I  shall  not 
answer  this  letter  until  I  have  won  a  great  victory."  On  the 
nth  of  April  Lincoln  again  left  a  record  of  his  views  as  to  the 
proper  movements  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  in  which  he 
pointedly  declared  the  true  policy  of  making  the  army  of  Lee 
the  objective  point  instead  of  the  Confederate  capital,  and  from 
that  theory  he  never  departed.  In  this  memorandum,  he  said  : 
"  Our  prime  object  is  the  enemy's  army  in  front  of  us,  and  not 
with  or  about  Richmond  at  all,  unless  it  be  incidental  to  the 
main  object." 

I  need  not  give  in  detail*  the  result  of  Hooker's  campaign 
to  Chancellorsville.  It  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  strategic 
movements  of  the  war  in  the  beginning  and  one  of  the  most 
strangely  disastrous  results  at  the  close.  On  the  day  after 
Hooker's  retreat  back  across  the  Rapidan,  the  President  wrote 
him  a  letter,  in  which  there  is  not  a  trace  of  complaint  against 
the  commander,  but  clearly  conveying  Lincoln's  profound  sor- 
row at  the  result.  He  asked  Hooker  whether  he  had  any  plans 
for  another  early  movement,  concluding  with  these  words  : 
"  If  you  have  not,  please  inform  me,  so  that  I,  incompetent  as 
I  may  be,  can  try  and  assist  in  the  formation  of  some  plan  for 
the  army."  When  Lee  began  his  movement  northward  to- 
wards Gettysburg,  Hooker  proposed  to  attack  Lee's  rear  as 
soon  as  the  movement  was  fully  developed,  to  which  Lincoln 
promptly  replied,  disapproving  of  the  plan  of  attacking  the 
enemy  at  Fredericksburg,  which  was  Lee's  rear,  because  the 
enemy  would  be  in  entrenchments,  and,  to  use  Lincoln's  lan- 
guage, "  so  man  for  man  worst  you  at  that  point,  while  his 
main  force  would,  in  some  way,  be  getting  an  advantage  of 
you  northward."  He  added  :  "  In  one  word,  I  would  not  take 
any  risk  of  being  entangled  upon  the  river  like  an  ox  jumped 
half  over  a  fence  and  liable  to  be  torn  by  dogs  front  and  rear 
without  a  fair  chance  to  gore  one  way  or  kick  the  other." 
Hooker's  next  suggestion  was  to  let  Lee  move  northward  and 
make  a  swift  march  upon  Richmond,  but  this  was  also  rejected 
by  Lincoln  because,  as  he  says,  Richmond,  when  invested, 
could  not  be  taken  in  twenty  days,  and  he  added :  "  I  think 


154  LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

Lee's  army  and  not  Richmond  is  your  sure  objective  point." 
This  was  on  the  loth  of  June,  1863.  On  the  I4th  of  June  he 
again  telegraphed  Hooker  urging  him  to  succor  Winchester, 
which  was  then  threatened  by  the  advance  of  Lee's  army,  in 
which  he  made  the  following  quaint  suggestion  :  "  If  the  head 
of  Lee's  army  is  at  Martinsburg,  and  the  tail  of  it  on  the  plank 
road  between  Fredericksburg  and  Chancellorsville,  the  animal 
must  be  very  slim  somewhere.  Could  you  not  break  him  ?  " 
On  the  1 6th  of  June  he  addressed  a  private  letter  to  Hooker 
in  which  he  spoke  to  him  with  the  kind  frankness  so  character- 
istic of  him,  gently  portraying  his  faults  and  kindly  pointing 
the  way  for  him  to  act  in  harmony  with  Halleck,  and  all  others 
whose  aid  was  necessary  to  success.  On  the  2/th  of  June 
Hooker  was  relieved  from  command  at  his  own  request,  and 
Meade  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  fighting  the  decisive 
battle  of  the  war  at  Gettysburg.  I  need  not  discuss  any  of  the 
details  of  that  campaign.  The  defeat  of  Lee  at  Gettysburg 
decided  the  issue  of  the  war.  Many  bloody  battles  were  fought 
thereafter,  but  from  the  4th  of  July,  1863,  the  cause  of  the 
Confederacy  was  a  lost  cause,  and  the  man  who  won  that 
battle  should  have  been  the  chieftain  of  the  war. 

I  may  here  properly  introduce  two  dispatches  received  by 
Lincoln  from  the  battle-fields  of  Antietam  and  Gettysburg, 
which,  I  personally  know,  did  much  to  make  Lincoln  distrust 
the  capacity  of  both  McClellan  and  Meade  to  appreciate  the 
great  purpose  of  the  war.  When  Lee  had  retreated  across  the 
Potomac  from  Antietam  on  the  iQth  of  September,  1862,  Mc- 
Clellan telegraphed  :  "  Our  victory  was  complete.  The  enemy 
is  driven  back  into  Virginia.  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  are 
now  safe."  Meade's  congratulation  to  the  army  on  the  field 
of  Gettysburg,  July  4,  1863,  closes  as  follows:  "Our  task  is 
not  yet  accomplished,  and  the  commanding  general  looks  to 
the  army  for  greater  efforts  to  drive  from  our  soil  every  vestige 
of  the  presence  of  the  invader."  The  fact  that  both  these 
commanders  seemed  to  assume  that  their  great  work  was  to 
drive  the  enemy  from  northern  soil,  impressed  Lincoln  pro- 
foundly. In  Mr.  Hay's  diary  Lincoln  is  quoted  as  saying, 
upon  the  receipt  of  this  dispatch :  "  Will  our  generals  never 


LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  155 

get  that  idea  out  of  their  heads  ?  The  whole  country  is  our 
soil."  His  theory  of  the  war  was  that  the  enemy  could  be 
fought  much  more  advantageously  on  northern  soil  than  in 
the  South,  as  it  enabled  concentration  of  northern  forces,  and 
diffused  southern  forces  in  maintaining  lines  of  supply  ;  and 
before  either  of  these  battles  was  fought  he  had  publicly  de- 
clared his  theory  that  Lee's  army  was  the  heart  of  the  re- 
bellion and  that  Richmond  and  other  important  military  centres 
would  be  valueless  while  Lee's  army  was  unbroken.  It  is  known 
that  Lincoln  was  at  first  strongly  inclined  to  censure  Meade 
for  not  fighting  another  battle  at  Williamsport.  I  saw  the 
President  soon  after  that  battle  and  was  amazed  at  his  thorough 
familiarity  with  every  highway  and  mountain  pass  which  the 
armies  had  open  to  them.  As  it  was  near  my  own  home  I 
knew  how  accurate  his  information  was,  and  he  questioned  me 
minutely  as  to  distances  and  opportunities  of  the  two  armies 
in  the  race  to  Williamsport.  When  I  asked  him  the  direct 
question  whether  he  was  not  satisfied  with  what  Meade  had 
accomplished,  he  answered  in  these  words :  "  Now  don't  misun- 
derstand me  about  General  Meade.  I  am  profoundly  grateful 
down  to  the  bottom  of  my  boots  for  what  he  did  at  Gettys- 
burg, but  I  think  if  I  had  been  General  Meade  I  would  have 
fought  another  battle."  He  was  extremely  careful  to  avoid 
injustice  to  any  of  his  commanders,  and  after  fully  considering 
the  whole  subject,  he  excused  rather  than  justified  Meade  for 
not  delivering  battle  to  Lee  at  Williamsport.  Had  Meade 
done  so  and  succeeded  he  would  have  been  the  great  general 
of  the  war,  but  there  are  few  generals  who  would  have  fought 
that  battle  with  the  forces  of  both  sides  nearly  equal  and  Lee 
entrenched.  Had  he  fought  it  and  failed,  he  would  have  been 
severely  censured ;  but  failing  to  fight,  he  lost  his  one  oppor- 
tunity to  be  the  lieutenant-general  of  the  war. 

I  need  not  refer  in  detail  to  the  Pope  campaign  of  1862.  It 
is  known  to  all  present  that  the  appointment  of  Pope  and 
the  creation  of  his  department  were  entirely  Lincoln's  own 
acts.  Without  the  knowledge  of  his  Cabinet  he  slipped  off 
quietly  to  West  Point  to  confer  with  General  Scott,  but  what 
transpired  between  them  no  one  ever  learned  from  Lincoln. 


156  LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

Indeed  so  much  were  Lincoln  and  the  country  perplexed  about 
military  commanders  in  1862-63  that  Senator  Wade  conceived 
the  idea  of  making  himself  lieutenant-general  and  commander 
of  the  armies,  and  had  many  supporters.  In  this  he  followed 
the  precedent  of  Senator  Benton  during  the  Mexican  war,  who 
then  made  an  earnest  effort  to  be  appointed  generalissimo  to 
supersede  both  Scott  and  Taylor  in  the  direction  of  military 
operations  in  Mexico. 

The  campaign  for  the  relief  of  East  Tennessee  was  one  of 
Lincoln's  early  conceptions,  and  in  September,  1862,  he  went 
to  the  War  Department  personally  and  left  a  memorandum  or- 
der for  a  campaign  into  that  State.  Many  reasons  combined 
to  prevent  early  obedience  to  his  orders,  but  from  that  time 
forward  there  was  not  a  movement  made  in  the  West  that 
Lincoln  did  not  carefully  examine  and  revise  to  hasten  the  re- 
lief of  Tennessee,  and  his  letter  to  Halleck,  February  16,  1862, 
when  Fort  Donelson  was  about  to  be  captured,  outlined  a 
policy  of  campaign  to  reach  the  heart  of  Tennessee.  While  he 
thus  carefully  revised  every  strategic  movement,  he  always 
scrupulously  avoided  giving  instructions  which  might  embar- 
rass a  general  righting  in  the  field.  After  the  defeat  and  vic- 
tory at  Shiloh,  he  called  Halleck  to  the  field  to  shield  General 
Grant  from  the  grossly  unjust  opposition  that  was  surging 
against  him,  and  in  a  letter  to  Halleck  he  said  :  "  I  have  no 
instructions  to  give  you  ;  go  ahead,  and  all  success  attend  you." 

The  failure  of  the  iron-clads  at  Charleston  in  1863  was  one 
of  the  sore  disappointments  of  the  war,  and  Lincoln's  instruc- 
tions, sent  jointly  to  General  Hunter  and  Admiral  Dupont,  are 
explicit  as  to  what  they  shall  attempt  to  do.  When  General 
Banks  was  assigned  to  the  Department  of  the  Gulf  in  1862, 
with  a  command  of  twenty  thousand  men,  Lincoln's  letter  to 
him,  dated  November  22d,  pointedly  illustrates  his  complete 
familiarity  with  the  purposes  of  the  campaign,  and  his  admoni- 
tions to  General  Banks  present  a  singular  mixture  of  censure 
and  charitable  judgment.  When  we  turn  to  his  letter  to  Gen- 
eral Grant,  written  July  13,  1863,  after  the  surrender  of  Vicks- 
burg,  we  will  remember  how  carefully  Lincoln  observed  all 
strategic  movements  and  also  how  he  judged  them.  He  was 


LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  157 

glad  to  confess  error  when  the  truth  required  it,  and  in  his  let- 
ter of  thanks  to  Grant,  after  the  capture  of  Vicksburg,  he  told 
him  that  he  believed  that  Grant  should  have  moved  differently, 
but  added — "  I  now  wish  to  make  the  personal  acknowledg. 
ment  that  you  were  right  and  I  was  wrong."  Early  in  the 
year  1864  Lincoln  directed  the  movement  into  Florida,  which 
resulted  in  the  disastrous  battle  at  Olustee,  but  he  intended  it 
as  a  political  rather  than  as  a  military  expedition.  He  in  like 
manner  directed  combined  military  and  political  movements  in 
Arkansas,  Tennessee,  Maryland,  and  Missouri.  While  Halleck 
was  nominally  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army  he  had  gradu- 
ally ceased  to  be  anything  mbre  than  the  chief  of  staff.  Lin- 
coln is  quoted  in  Mr.  Hay's  diary  as  saying  that,  although 
Halleck  had  stipulated  when  he  accepted  the  position,  it  should 
be  with  the  full  powers  and  responsibilities  of  the  office,  after 
the  defeat  of  Pope,  Halleck  had  "  shrunk  from  responsibility 
whenever  it  was  possible." 

This  brings  us  to  the  8th  of  March,  1864,  when  Lincoln 
and  Grant  met  for  the  first  time  in  the  White  House,  and  Lin- 
coln personally  delivered  to  Grant  his  commission  as  Lieu- 
tenant-General.  Immediately  thereafter  he  was  assigned  as 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  From  that  day  Lincoln 
practically  abdicated  all  his  powers  as  Commander-in-chief,  so 
far  as  they  related  to  army  movements.  He  had  found  a  com- 
mander in  whom  he  had  implicit  faith,  and  one  who  was  fully 
in  accord  with  his  theory  that  the  overthrow  of  Lee's  army 
would  be  the  overthrow  of  the  rebellion,  and  Lincoln  did  not 
conceal  his  purpose  to  impose  the  entire  responsibility  on 
Grant.  In  a  letter  written  to  Grant  April  30,  1864,  just  before 
Grant's  movement  in  the  Wilderness  campaign,  Lincoln  said : 
"  The  particulars  of  your  plan  I  neither  know  nor  seek  to  know. 
You  are  vigilant  and  self-reliant,  and,  pleased  with  these,  I 
wish  not  to  intrude  any  constraint  or  restraint  upon  you." 
Lincoln  not  only  meant  what  he  said,  but  he  fulfilled  his  prom- 
ise to  the  end.  How  heartily  he  was  in  accord  with  Grant  is 
known  to  all.  There  was  never  a  military  or  personal  dispute 
between  them,  and  Lincoln  felt  more  than  satisfied  with  the 
wisdom  of  his  appointment  of  Grant  when  he  received  from  the 


158  LINCOLN  AS   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

desperate  carnage  of  the  Wilderness  the  inspiring  dispatch : 
*"  I  propose  to  fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer." 
He  had  like  faith  in  Sherman,  and  after  his  capture  of  Atlanta 
was  more  than  willing  to  assent  to  Sherman's  march  to  the 
Sea,  because  he  trusted  the  man  who  was  to  lead  the  army  in 
that  heroic  movement.  In  his  letter  of  congratulations  to 
Sherman  at  Savannah,  December  26,  1864,  he  told  how  anx- 
ious and  fearful  he  was  when  Sherman  left  Atlanta,  but  added : 
41  Remembering  that  l  nothing  risked  nothing  gained,'  I  did 
not  interfere.  Now  the  undertaking  being  a  success  the  honor 
is  all  yours,  for  I  believe  none  of  us  went  further  than  to 
acquiesce." 

Soon  after  Sherman's  march  into  North  Carolina,  Lincoln 
met  Grant  and  Sherman  at  City  Point,  where  the  whole  aspect 
of  the  war  was  fully  discussed,  and  where  he  gave  his  last  sug- 
gestions as  Commander-in-chief.  They  did  not  relate  to  the 
movements  of  armies  but  to  the  question  of  peace.  The  gen- 
erous terms  given  by  Grant  to  Lee  at  Appomattox  were  the 
reflex  of  Lincoln's  suggestions  at  City  Point,  although  doubt- 
less in  hearty  accord  with  the  great  warrior's  convictions  ;  and 
Sherman,  in  his  original  agreement  with  Johnston  for  the  sur- 
render of  his  army,  simply  executed  Mr.  Lincoln's  directions 
or  suggestions  as  he  understood  them.  The  assassination  of 
Lincoln  suddenly  brought  a  changed  condition  upon  the  coun- 
try, and  with  it  developed  the  intensest  passions  of  civil  war,  but 
of  these  Sherman  was  ignorant,  and  he  obeyed  the  orders  of 
the  Commander-in-chief  in  accepting  terms  of  surrender  that 
became  at  once  impracticable  after  Lincoln  had  fallen  by  the 
assassin's  bullet.  Thus  ends  the  story  of  Abraham  Lincoln  as 
Commander-in-chief  in  the  most  bloody  and  heroic  war  of 
modern  times.  I  have  simply  presented  facts,  leaving  for 
others  the  task  of  criticism  ;  but  this  one  fact  will  ever  stand 
out  conspicuously  in  the  history  of  our  civil  war,  that  Lincoln 
was,  in  fact,  Commander-in-chief  from  the  first  defeat  at  Man- 
assas  in  July,  1861,  until  March,  1864,  when  the  Silent  Man  of 
the  West  brought  him  welcome  relief  from  that  high  preroga- 
tive and  gave  the  Republic  unity  and  peace. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  SEDGWICK. 

Read  by  General  M.  T.  McMAHON,  May  3,  1893. 

the  many  soldiers  of  high  rank  who  have  made  their 
names  familiar  to  the'people,  and  sanctified  by  sudden 
death  upon  the  field  the  cause  of  the  nation,  there  is  not  one 
who  held  a  higher  place  in  the  popular  regard  as  an  officer  of 
skill  and  a  gentleman  of  honor  than  the  commander  of  the 
Sixth  Army  Corps — Major-General  John  Sedgwick. 

He  was  a  thorough  soldier,  a  man  of  unbending  will,  cool 
and  well-disciplined  in  mind,  quick  in  the  inception  and  silent 
in  the  execution  of  plans ;  undisturbed  in  all  the  changing 
phases  of  a  battle ;  intensely  eager  for  success  during  the 
struggle,  and  yet  neither  elated  overmuch  by  victory,  nor  un- 
reasonably depressed  by  defeat.  He  was  exacting  in  discipline, 
requiring  of  all  beneath  him  prompt  and  unquestioning  obedi- 
ence, and  yielding  to  the  orders  of  his  superiors  all  that  he 
demanded  of  his  subordinates. 

As  a  soldier  he  had  few  equals  ;  for  in  all  the  duties  of  his 
profession,  whether  they  involved  the  fate  of  great  armies  or 
concerned  the  merest  question  of  etiquette  or  routine,  he  was 
wholly  faithful.  This  scrupulous  fidelity  and  unbending 
strength  of  purpose  in  emergencies  were  the  salient  points  of 
his  professional  character.  For  these  he  has  been  publicly 
honored  in  the  army,  and  among  the  people  ;  for  these  and  for 
the  great  deeds  through  such  qualities  accomplished,  has  the 
nation  mourned  his  irreparable  loss. 

Yet  those  who  only  knew  Sedgwick  as  a  soldier  of  high 
repute  and  blameless  in  all  official  acts,  were  ignorant  of  the 
noblest  traits  of  his  character,  and  of  those  splendid  and  touch- 

159 


l6o  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK. 

ing  attributes  which,  in  the  minds  of  many,  were  almost  suffi- 
cient to  eclipse  his  military  fame.  It  was  on  account  of  that 
tenderness  of  disposition,  that  sensitive  regard  for  others,  that 
exact  justice  to  all,  the  quiet  sense  of  humor,  and  heartiness 
of  friendship  which  marked  him  among  his  associates,  that  his 
death  came  like  a  great  personal  sorrow — calling  forth  tears 
from  eyes  "  unused  to  the  melting  mood,"  and  spreading  over 
the  gallant  army  with  which  he  was  connected  a  gloom  which 
defeat  could  not  deepen  nor  the  flush  of  victory  dissipate. 

These  things  however  were  written  of  him,  when  the  sad 
intelligence  of  his  fall  was  first  made  public,  in  a  thousand 
presses ;  and  it  is  not  the  object  of  this  article  to  attempt  a 
narrative  of  his  life  or  a  description  of  his  character,  but  simply 
to  recall  a  few  incidents  of  his  career,  which  those  who  served 
under  or  with  him  delighted  in  telling  over  and  over  again  to 
while  away  the  monotony  of  camp  life  in  front  of  Petersburg, 
and  in  the  changing  bivouacs  of  the  Shenandoah  Valley. 

From  the  little  village  of  Cornwall  Hollow,  in  Connecticut, 
he  entered  the  military  academy  in  the  year  1833.  Upon 
graduating  he  was  appointed  Second  Lieutenant  in  the  2d 
Artillery,  and  served  on  the  plains  against  the  Indians,  until 
the  brilliant  and  romantic  episode  of  the  Mexican  war.  At 
Contreras  and  Churubusco  he  commanded  his  company,  was 
complimented  in  orders,  and  brevetted  Captain.  At  Molino 
del  Rey  he  was  again  especially  commended,  and  was  brevetted 
Major  for  Chapultepec.  He  especially  distinguished  himself 
at  the  attack  of  the  San  Cosmo  gate  of  the  city  of  Mexico, 
and  was  especially  commended  in  the  reports.  He  was  made 
full  Captain  in  1849,  an<^  when  the  new  regiments  were  created 
in  1855  he  was  appointed  Major  of  the  1st  Cavalry.  This 
appointment,  wholly  unsolicited  and  unexpected  by  him,  was 
made,  I  may  say,  almost  by  the  unanimous  request  and  desire 
of  the  higher  officers  of  the  army.  While  in  this  position,  he 
figured  in  the  miniature  civil  war  in  bleeding  Kansas,  contend- 
ing alternately  against  the  disciples  of  John  Brown  and  the 
border  ruffians  of  Missouri.  In  March,  1861,  he  was  made 
Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the  2d  Cavalry,  and  in  April  of  the 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  l6l 

same  year  Colonel  of  the  4th  Cavalry.  In  August,  1861,  he 
was  made  Brigadier-General  of  Volunteers,  and  the  following 
year  received  the  full  rank  of  Major-General. 

On  many  battlefields,  therefore,  from  his  boyhood  onward, 
he  had  ample  opportunity  of  learning  what  an  American  sol- 
dier could  do,  and  this,  like  all  else  that  came  under  his  obser- 
vation, he  laid  away  for  future  use,  and  made  available  in  the 
greater  operations  in  which  it  was  his  fortune  to  be. subse- 
quently engaged. 

On  the  plains,  as  a  commander  of  cavalry  in  the  monoto- 
nous, difficult,  dangerous,  and  inglorious  contests  against  the 
Indians,  he  simply  did  his  soldierly  duty,  always  winning  the 
commendation  of  his  superiors,  the  love  of  his  associates,  and 
the  respect  of  his  men. 

During  this  period  of  his  service  at  Jefferson  Barracks  the 
cholera  swept  through  his  command,  striking  down  officers  and 
men  alike.  Sedgwick  was  spared  throughout  it  all,  and  a  great 
part  of  each  day  he  spent  in  the  hospitals,  cheering  the  sick 
and  consoling  the  dying. 

He  was  little  known  outside  of  army  circles,  but  in  the 
army  there  was  no  one,  from  the  general  commanding  down  to 
the  private  soldier,  better  known  or  more  warmly  regarded. 

When  the  civil  war  commenced  he  was  duly  ordered  from 
the  plains  to  the  east,  duly  promoted  to  higher  commands, 
and  found  himself  in  1861  Brigadier-General  of  Volunteers, 
commanding  a  brigade  in  the  army  then  being  organized  near 
Washington  to  retrieve  the  disaster  of  Bull  Run,  and  to  carry 
the  colors  of  the  Union  and  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
into  and  through  and  over  the  revolted  States. 

His  selection  for  this  command,  like  that  of  many  of  the 
greatest  of  our  soldiers  who  were  similarly  selected,  was  due  to 
the  wise  foresight  and  intimate  knowledge  of  the  army  pos- 
sessed by  the  first  organizer  and  great  commander  of  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  George  B.  McClellan. 

When  there  was  a  vacancy  in  the  command  of  a  division 
upon  the  Upper  Potomac  by  the  strange  and  unaccountable 
arrest,  never  explained,  of  Gen.  Charles  P.  Stone,  Sedgwick 


1 62  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK. 

was  sent  to  the  command  of  this  division,  then  described  as  a 
corps  of  observation.  But  when  at  last  the  Army  of  the  Po- 
tomac was  completed  and  took  the  field  in  organized  corps, 
Sedgwick's  division  became  a  part  of  the  Second  Army  Corps. 

Down  the  broad  waters  of  the  Potomac  in  that  early  day 
in  spring,  amid  the  thunders  of  artillery  from  fleet  and  fort, 
with  waving  flags  and  streamers  gaily  decked,  hundreds  of 
vessels  sailed  day  after  day,  conveying  the  great  Army  of  the 
Potomac  to  its  destination  at  Fort  Monroe,  to  begin  the  grand 
advance  on  Richmond. 

Sedgwick's  connection  with  these  important  events  reveals 
one  magnificent  episode. 

At  Fair  Oaks,  on  the  3<Dth  of  May,  when  the  treacherous 
river  rose  and  seemed  to  sweep  all  hope  of  succor  from  the 
left  wing  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  on  which  the  whole 
force  of  the  rebellion  was  suddenly  hurled  ;  when  bridge  after 
bridge  so  carefully  constructed  had  given  way,  and  there  re- 
mained but  one,  over  which  the  water  poured  in  a  mighty 
torrent,  and  which  was  held  in  place  by  ropes  attached  to  the 
trees  upon  either  bank,  Sedgwick's  great  will  and  iron  nerve 
rose  to  the  occasion  higher  than  the  waves,  stronger  than  the 
mad  river  ;  and  over  the  trembling  bridge,  through  the  surging 
waters,  he  led  his  men,  dragged  his  artillery,  and  accomplished 
a  passage  marvellous  in  its  achievement,  magnificent  in  its 
results. 

With  his  arrival  on  that  field  all  danger  to  the  army  and 
the  cause  for  that  day  was  removed.  The  enemy  were  re- 
pulsed and  driven  back  at  all  points,  and  the  following  day 
defeated  on  every  portion  of  the  field.  This  affair  illustrated 
one  peculiar  trait  of  Sedgwick's  character  and  life.  He  was 
always  at  the  right  spot  at  the  right  time,  and  he  seemed  to 
get  there  or  be  there  with  such  quiet  precision  that  there  ap- 
peared nothing  strange  in  it  until  you  critically  examined  the 
obstacles  overcome.  This  feature  fitted  him  peculiarly  for  the 
command  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  which  he  attained  somewhat 
later,  for  throughout  the  history  of  that  corps  repeated  in- 
stances on  important  occasions  are  to  be  found  when  its 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  163 

prompt  and  timely  arrival  accomplished  decisive  results.  It  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  therefore,  that  when  such  a  commander 
succeeded  to  such  a  corps,  the  reputation  of  both  should  stand 
high  through  the  army. 

At  Antietam,  under  the  blue  September  sky  in  the  early 
dawn,  the  reorganized  Army  of  the  Potomac,  under  its  old 
commander,  confronted  upon  a  single  field  its  old  opponent. 
Hitherto  all  our  great  battles  had  been  fought  upon  one  side  or 
the  other  in  detail.  Sedgwick  commanded  his  division  under 
the  gallant  Sumner,  pushed  forward  on  the  right,  leading  his  men 
with  that  earnest  determination  which  always  implied  that  the 
thing  that  he  set  out  to  do  must  be  accomplished  in  spite  of  hu- 
man resistance.  His  men  melted  away  under  the  steady  and  de- 
structive fire,  yet  he  pressed  the  enemy  back  through  the  woods 
and  the  cornfield,  beyond  the  memorable  Dunker  Church.  He 
was  bleeding  from  a  painful  wound,  to  which  he  referred  petu- 
lantly as  being  merely  an  annoyance  and  awkward  just  at  that 
time.  At  last,  again  struck  by  an  enemy's  bullet,  he  fell  from 
loss  of  blood  and  exhaustion,  and  was  carried  from  the  field. 
His  adjutant-general,  the  gallant  Major  Wm.  D.  Sedgwick, 
fell  mortally  wounded  at  his  side.  The  contest  at  this  point 
had  been  severe  beyond  description,  and  when  Sedgwick's 
bleeding  body  was  borne  away,  and  the  hearts  of  the  men  were 
drooping,  it  was  the  old  Sixth  Corps  that  pressed  forward 
under  Franklin  and  Smith  and  Slocum  to  restore  our  broken 
ranks,  to  save  the  remnant  of  Sedgwick's  division,  and  assist  in 
completing  the  glorious  work  of  the  day,  and  one  of  the 
greatest  victories  of  the  war.  Sedgwick's  wounds  were  very 
painful,  but  long  before  they  were  fully  healed  he  was  back  in 
the  field,  and  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Ninth  Corps. 
Referring  to  the  pain  and  annoyance  of  his  wounds,  he  once 
said  laughingly :  "  If  I  am  ever  hit  again,  I  hope  it  will  settle 
me  at  once.  I  want  no  more  wounds." 

When  the  customary  and  expected  change  was  made  in  the 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  after  the  first  Freder- 
icksburg,  an  interchange  of  commanders  was  ordered  between 
the  Ninth  and  Sixth  Corps,  which  placed  General  "  Baldy  " 


164  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK. 

Smith  in  command  of  the  one  and  General  Sedgwick  as  the 
chief  of  the  other.  He  joined  the  corps  at  the  camp  on  the 
Rappahannock  known  as  White  Oak  Church.  When  he  came 
he  was  kindly  received,  even  enthusiastically,  notwithstanding 
the  corps  greatly  mourned  its  late  commanders,  both  Franklin 
and  Smith. 

The  winter  passed  monotonously  enough.  It  was  a  dismal 
camp,  and  the  days  went  by  right  heavily  until  at  the  opening 
of  spring  our  ancient  labor  was  resumed,  and  once  more  the 
faithful  old  Army  of  the  Potomac  found  itself  upon  the  hated 
pontoons,  crossing  the  river  of  death  preliminary  to  the  battles 
which  made  up  the  sad  record  of  the  Chancellorsville  campaign. 
Inasmuch  as  this  campaign  and  the  events  connected  with  it 
constitute  perhaps  the  most  important  part  of  Sedgwick's 
history,  I  shall  devote  more  of  my  time  to  it  than  to  any  other 
of  the  actions  in  which  he  was  engaged. 

The  movements  of  General  Hooker  at  that  time  were 
singularly  well  planned.  Our  army,  occupying  the  Falmouth 
Heights  and  the  left  bank  of  the  Rappahannock,  was  confronted 
by  the  army  of  General  Lee  occupying  the  opposite  bank,  the 
city  of  Fredericksburg,  Marye's  Heights,  and  the  river  above 
and  below  the  city,  a  distance  of  some  miles. 

Hooker's  plan  consisted  of  transferring  the  greater  part  of 
the  army  rapidly  and  secretly  some  twenty  miles  above  Lee's 
position,  crossing  the  river  in  force,  marching  to  the  flank  and 
rear  of  the  rebel  line,  and  compelling  the  enemy  to  evacuate  a 
strongly  fortified  position,  and  come  out  and  give  battle  outside 
his  works  in  order  to  save  his  communication  with  Richmond. 

While  the  movement  was  in  progress,  Sedgwick  was  left 
near  his  original  camp  a  few  miles  below  Fredericksburg  in 
command  of  three  corps  of  the  army  composing  the  left  wing. 
These  were  his  own,  the  Sixth  Corps,  the  First,  under  com- 
mand of  General  John  F.  Reynolds,  and  the  Third,  under 
command  of  General  Daniel  E.  Sickles.  With  this  strong 
force  he  was  to  cross  the  river,  threaten  the  enemy's  fortified 
position  below  Fredericksburg,  and,  without  bringing  on,  if  he 
could  avoid  it,  a  general  engagement,  so  conduct  himself  as  to. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  165 

make  the  enemy  believe  that  it  was  his  intention  to  do  so  at 
any  moment.  In  other  words,  he  was  left  to  create  a  formid- 
able diversion,  but  still  strong  enough  to  fight  if  necessary. 
The  crossing  of  the  river  was  accomplished  in  the  night-time. 
The  enemy's  pickets  occupied  the  opposite  bank  and  were 
within  easy  talking  distance  of  our  men.  The  rumble  of  heavy 
wagons  carrying  the  pontoon  boats  could  be  heard  across  the 
river,  and  it  was  therefore  determined  that  the  boats  should  be 
carried  down  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  men.  The  light  brigade 
under  Gen.  Calvin  E.  Pratt  was  assigned  to  this  important 
duty.  After  much  delay,  trouble,  and  vexation,  the  boats  were 
at  last  launched  before  the  enemy  had  any  full  realization  of 
what  was  about  to  occur.  The  night  was  dark  and  foggy,  but 
sounds  could  be  heard  at  an  unusual  distance.  Two  or  three 
times  from  the  opposite  bank  the  rebel  pickets  hailed  with  the 
usual  "  Hallo  there,  Yank,  what 's  going  on  over  there?  What 
are  you  doing  ?  "  Our  pickets  occasionally  replied,  "  Johnnie, 
we  're  coming  over  after  you."  This  style  of  conversation 
occurred  at  intervals  during  the  night  as  some  unusual  sound  at- 
tracted the  enemy's  attention.  When  the  boats  were  launched 
and  manned  by  soldiers  of  the  engineer  brigade  as  oarsmen, 
the  troops  of  General  David  A.  Russell  were  embarked,  sixty 
men  in  a  boat ;  and  in  silence,  the  oars  no  more  than  making  a 
ripple  in  the  water,  forty  boat-loads  slowly  pushed  from  the 
shore  side  by  side,  and  were  lost  in  the  fog  before  they  had 
gone  twenty  feet  from  land.  The  dead  silence  still  continued 
while  those  upon  the  shore  watched  with  beating  hearts,  and 
listened  with  anxiety  not  to  be  described.  It  seemed  an  ever- 
lasting time  while  each  one  peered  through  the  fog  which  fell 
like  a  pall  upon  the  gallant  band  that  had  left  us  for  the  other 
shore.  The  river  is  not  more  than  eighty  or  one  hundred  yards 
wide  at  this  point,  but  the  progress  of  the  boats,  owing  probably 
to  the  necessity  of  going  with  great  silence,  was  unusually 
slow.  There  was  ominous  stillness  on  the  other  bank.  There 
seemed  to  be  no  movement  of  troops  ;  we  could  hear  no 
rumbling  of  artillery. 

Suddenly  upon  the  night  air  there  rang  from  the  enemy 


166  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK. 

one  single  clear  word  distinctly  heard  in  all  the  boats,  and 
across  upon  our  bank,  and  well  understood,  "  Fire  ! "  The 
blaze  of  musketry  in  the  fog  along  the  whole  river  bank  for 
two  hundred  yards  seemed  like  the  sudden  opening  of  one 
great  mouth  of  flame.  The  crash  that  followed  took  away 
some  of  the  scenic  effect  of  this  brilliant  display,  and  was  of 
itself  robbed  of  its  effectiveness  by  the  uncomfortable  accom- 
paniment of  rattling  bullets  which,  fortunately  for  those  in  the 
boats,  were  aimed  too  high  to  do  much  harm,  except  upon  the 
innocent  spectators  who  had  not  yet  embarked.  The  rebel 
yell,  familiar  as  it  was  to  all  of  us,  never  seemed  so  ominous  and 
disagreeable.  Nothing  was  heard  from  the  boats  except  here 
and  there  a  word  of  command  or  encouragement,  and  after- 
wards, as  the  fire  from  the  farther  bank  continued  and  grew,  after 
the  first  volley,  more  straggling,  the  anxiety  for  one  word  from 
Russell  became  grave  and  great.  In  a  few  seconds  a  boat  was 
seen  returning,  and  our  hearts  grew  chilled,  believing  that  the 
attempt  to  land  had  been  abandoned.  As  the  boat,  however,, 
came  out  of  the  fog,  it  was  seen  that  it  was  empty  except  as 
to  the  oarsmen.  Then  in  another  instant  a  clear,  loud,  exult- 
ant cheer,  followed  by  another  and  another,  told  us  that  the 
works  on  the  other  bank  were  ours.  The  boats  made  another 
trip,  carrying  other  regiments,  and  then  the  bridges  were  rap- 
idly laid  down  and  completed  soon  after  daylight.  In  the 
meantime,  a  second  crossing  was  effected  about  one  mile  far- 
ther below  on  the  river,  where  Reynolds  threw  across  one  of 
his  divisions.  For  three  days  we  remained  in  this  position 
skirmishing  every  day,  keeping  two  divisions  on  the  enemy's 
side  of  the  river,  the  rest  of  the  command  in  readiness  to  cross. 
Meanwhile  Hooker,  with  the  rest  of  the  army,  had  rapidly  and 
admirably  accomplished  the  crossing  of  the  river  and  the  great 
flank  march  which  formed  the  essential  feature  of  his  plan  of 
action.  With  Slocum  in  advance  he  was  sweeping  down  upon 
the  enemy's  flank,  capturing  even  their  outlying  pickets. 
Upon  Hooker's  arrival  on  the  field,  for  reasons  never  fully 
explained  or  understood,  he  checked  Slocum's  farther  advance 
in  the  direction  of  Fredericksburg,  contracted  his  own  lines, 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  167 

and  seemed  to  assume  the  defensive,  and  maintained  it  during 
the  rest  of  those  unfortunate  operations.  Meanwhile  he  with- 
drew from  Sedgwick's  command  first  Sickles's  corps  and  then 
Reynolds's,  which  had  to  march  to  join  him  by  way  of  one  of 
the  upper  fords  ;  and  Sedgwick  was  left  at  Franklin's  Crossing, 
three  miles  below  Fredericksburg,  with  the  Sixth  Corps  alone, 
which  numbered  at  that  time  about  twenty-two  thousand  men. 
On  Saturday  night  Sedgwick  had  one  division  of  his  command 
across  the  river  deployed  in  front  of  the  enemy's  work,  extend- 
ing about  four  miles  below  the  city. 

An  order  from  General  Hooker  received  at  half-past  eleven 
at  night  directed  him  to  take  up  his  bridges,  march  to  Fred- 
ericksburg upon  our  side  of  the  river,  relay  the  bridges,  cross 
with  his  command,  take  the  heights  which  dominated  the  town, 
known  as  Marye's  Heights,  capture  the  city,  march  out  on  the 
plank  road  in  the  direction  of  Chancellorsville,  and  join  Gen- 
eral Hooker's  command  at  daylight.  The  distance  of  Chancel- 
lorsville from  Fredericksburg  is  about  eleven  miles,  the  distance 
to  be  accomplished  by  withdrawing  to  our  side  of  the  river 
and  marching  by  the  Falmouth  Heights  to  Fredericksburg. 
about  five  miles.  Inasmuch  as  it  would  have  been  totally  im- 
possible in  the  time  allowed  for  the  whole  march,  to  take  up 
the  bridges,  transport  them  to  Fredericksburg,  and  relay  them 
there,  General  Sedgwick  decided  not  to  remove  them,  but  to 
cross  with  his  whole  corps  on  the  bridges  as  constructed,  and 
move  by  the  flank  on  the  enemy's  side  of  the  river  into  Fred- 
ericksburg. By  doing  this  he  would  save  some  hours  of  time. 
He  moved  at  once  to  cross  the  river  with  his  remaining 
division. 

Brooks,  who  was  in  position,  fronting  the  enemy's  works, 
was  sharply  pressed  by  their  pickets  in  the  darkness,  as  if  they 
desired  to  know  whether  we  were  withdrawing.  Newton's  and 
Howe's  division,  with  the  light  brigade,  marched  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Fredericksburg.  They  were  pressed  as  they  advanced 
by  the  enemy's  skirmishers,  who  were  on  the  alert,  and  their 
progress,  resisted  in  this  manner,  was  necessarily  cautious  and 
slow. 


168  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK. 

It  was  the  opening  dawn,  therefore,  when  the  first  brigade 
of  Newton's  command  reached  the  town  of  Fredericksburg, 
moved  out,  and  as  soon  as  the  deployment  could  be  effected, 
assaulted  the  stone  wall  made  memorable  by  the  slaughter  of 
our  troops,  under  Burnside,  in  the  previous  December.  This 
stone  wall  or  line  of  rifle-pits,  presented  to  us  at  the  beginning 
of  the  slope  which  led  up  to%Marye's  Heights  a  smooth  face  of 
solid  masonry,  about  six  feet  high,  behind  which,  but  on  higher 
ground,  was  a  strong  line  of  the  enemy's  infantry.  As  our 
men  advanced  gallantly  to  the  attack,  supported  by  one  or 
two  batteries,  the  first  in  position,  the  enemy  reserved  their 
fire  until  our  line  was  close  at  hand.  The  batteries  at  Marye's 
Heights  crowning  the  crest  behind  the  stone  wall  opened  with 
terrible  effect.  It  was  impossible  to  withstand  the  fire ;  the 
men  were  ordered  to  fall  back,  and  did  so  in  good  order,  and 
without  panic.  When  they  reached  favoring  ground  affording 
shelter,  the  line  was  ordered  to  lie  down,  and  did  so  without 
confusion.  Sedgwick  rode  out  near  the  left  of  the  line,  and  as 
he  witnessed  the  repulse  he  remained  watching  the  enemy's 
position  with  an  expression  on  his  face  that  I  had  never 
observed  before.  All  the  merry  lines  about  his  eyes  had  dis- 
appeared ;  his  lips  had  settled  into  a  fixed  expression  of  deter- 
mination, and  the  genial  face  which  I  had  never  seen  before 
except  in  camp,  seemed  at  that  moment  to  be  made  of  iron. 
A  few  of  his  staff  were  scattered  in  the  vicinity ;  the  others 
were  along  the  line  of  the  retiring  troops,  to  indicate  the  posi- 
tion where  the  line  was  to  halt,  re-form,  and  lie  down.  When 
this  was  accomplished,  the  enemy  from  the  rifle-pits  perceiving 
a  commanding  officer  whose  presence  indicated  authority, 
directed  their  fire  upon  General  Sedgwick.  After  a  few  sec 
onds  of  delay  I  ventured  to  suggest  to  him  to  retire  from  his 
exposed  position.  At  first  he  did  not  seem  to  hear  me.  Upon 
my  repeating  the  suggestion  as  the  bullets  became  more  nu- 
merous, he  turned  to  me  with  a  rapid  gesture,  pulling  down 
his  old  slouch  hat  as  if  to  conceal  the  intense  expression  of  his 
eyes,  and  said  with  strange  emphasis :  "  By  Heaven,  sir,  this 
must  not  delay  us." 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  169 

He  slowly  turned  his  horse,  and  rode  back  into  the  streets 
of  the  town. 

During  the  few  moments  that  he  stood  gazing  at  the 
enemy's  works  his  plans  were  completed,  and  were  carried  out 
without  the  loss  of  a  single  instant. 

Gibbon's  division,  which  had  crossed  over  on  a  bridge 
newly  laid  directly  in  front  of  the  town,  was  ordered  to  move . 
forward  on  the  right  to  develop  what  could  be  accomplished 
by  an  attack  in  that  direction.  Howe  was  ordered  to  execute 
a  similar  move  on  the  left.  In  the  meantime,  from  Newton's 
division  and  the  light  brigade,  assaulting  columns  were  organ- 
ized to  carry  the  heights  directly  in  our  front  if  the  flank 
movements  should  prove  impracticable.  Gibbon  found  him- 
self confronted  by  the  canal  running  parallel  to  the  enemy's 
position  and  under  the  full  fire  of  all  their  batteries.  This  he 
could  not  cross  in  line  of  battle  ;  to  cross  it  in  column  on  a 
bridge  constructed  for  the  purpose  under  the  fire  which  would 
be  concentrated  on  him  was  destruction.  Hazel  Run  on  our 
left  with  its  deep  and  precipitous  bank  rendered  a  similar  good 
service  to  the  enemy  as  a  part  of  their  defensive  line  and 
checked  for  the  time  the  advance  of  Howe.  The  regiments 
for  the  main  assault  from  the  centre  on  Marye's  Heights  were 
collected  as  quickly  as  possible.  These  regiments  were  drawn 
from  the  various  divisions  of  the  corps.  Our  extreme  left  was 
still  back  at  the  position  held  on  the  previous  day  and  strongly 
skirmishing  with  the  enemy  in  their  front.  It  was  therefore 
ten  o'clock  before  the  assaulting  columns  were  formed  and 
ready  to  attack. 

From  the  main  street  of  Fredericksburg,  running  at  right 
angles  to  the  river,  the  plank-road  leads  up  to  the  centre  of 
the  enemy's  position. 

From  the  limits  of  the  city  to  the  crest  of  Marye's  Heights 
the  distance  is  about  half  a  mile.  A  toll-gate  stands  about 
half  way  up  the  slope.  The  heights  on  both  sides  of  the  road 
were  crowned  with  batteries.  A  little  above  the  toll-gate  and 
at  the  commencement  of  the  steeper  slope  to  the  left  of  the 
road  as  we  faced  the  enemy's  position,  was  the  stone  wall  oc- 


170  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK. 

cupied  still  by  a  strong  line  of  infantry.  In  front  of  the  stone 
wall,  about  three  hundred  yards  below  and  near  the  outskirts 
of  the  city,  was  our  line  of  battle,  repulsed  at  daylight.  The 
enemy  plainly  saw  our  preparations  for  the  assault  and  evi- 
dently did  not  wish  to  interfere  with  them.  They  seemed  per- 
fectly confident  of  the  result  ;  when  they  saw  that  we  intended 
to  attack  their  direct  front  and  centre,  they  scarcely  disturbed 
our  intentions  by  a  single  shot.  At  last  it  was  my  duty  to 
report  to  the  General  that  everything  was  in  readiness.  His 
instructions  were  that  one  column  formed  on  the  street  leading 
to  the  plank-road  should  march  directly  up  the  plank-road  ; 
that  another  and  parallel  column  formed  on  a  street  about 
sixty  yards  to  the  right  should  march  up  through  the  fields 
towards  the  toll-gate.  At  this  point  he  knew  that  they  would 
receive  the  heaviest  of  the  enemy's  fire.  He  directed  that  the 
line  of  battle  still  lying  in  front  of  the  stone  wall  and  rifle-pits 
to  the  left  of  the  plank-road  should  rise  up  at  that  instant  and 
go  forward  with  a  cheer,  and  at  a  double-quick. 

In  this  plan  there  was  an  admirable  calculation  and  combi- 
nation of  what  may  be  called  the  moral  effects,  and  which  are 
of  much  importance  in  a  movement  of  this  kind.  The  advance 
of  our  left  column  on  the  plank-road  he  knew  would  be  a 
tempting  target  for  the  rifle-pits  on  their  left,  and  by  the  time 
the  head  of  the  column  approached  the  toll-gate  they  would 
no  doubt  draw  the  entire  fire  from  the  rifle-pits,  that  both 
columns  would  attract  the  full  attention  of  the  batteries  on  the 
heights,  that  the  fire  would  reach  its  highest  intensity  as  the 
heads  of  the  columns  reached  the  toll-gate,  and  then,  if  at  all, 
they  would  commence  to  waver,  and  a  single  cheer  from  an 
advancing  line  of  American  soldiers,  delivered  as  the  Sixth 
Corps  knew  how  to  deliver  it,  would  not  only  put  new  heart 
into  the  men  composing  the  columns,  but  strike  dismay  to  the 
defenders  of  the  rifle-pits  who  would  have  already  discharged 
their  volley  fire. 

The  result  was  as  he  expected.  The  men  went  forward 
gallantly  at  "  trail  arms."  The  artillery  tore  through  our 
ranks ;  the  men  neither  halted  nor  hesitated.  The  right 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  I /I 

column,  by  the  very  force  of  the  fire  on  its  front  and  flank, 
bent  towards  the  plank-road,  and  the  heads  of  the  two  columns 
came  together  at  the  toll-gate.  There,  for  an  instant,  as  when 
a  strong,  quiet  stream  moving  in  a  new  channel  meets  with 
some  sudden  obstacle,  there  was  a  momentary  pause,  and  the 
men  clustered  around  the  frame  building  at  the  toll-gate 
seemed  to  hesitate,  and,  for  an  instant,  it  was  doubtful  whether 
they  could  advance.  Out  upon  the  clear  summer  air  rang  the 
cheer  of  Newton's  men.  Up  at  double-quick  they  sprang. 
The  men  in  the  rifle-pits,  who  had  forgotten  the  line  of  battle 
in  their  zeal  to  destroy  the  advancing  columns,  saw  their  dan- 
ger. The  men  of  the  columns  burst  like  a  mountain  torrent 
over  all  barriers.  Taking  up  the  cheer  of  the  line  of  battle 
they  pressed  forward  magnificently,  victoriously,  and  before 
the  enemy  was  aware  of  the  fact,  still  firing  from  their  batteries 
on  the  hill,  their  attention  distracted  by  the  smoke  of  their 
own  guns,  by  the  cheering  of  the  line  of  battle  and  its  advance, 
the  flag  of  the  Sixth  Maine  Volunteers,  supported  by  that 
regiment  and  its  sister  regiment,  the  Fifth  Wisconsin,  was 
planted,  standing  out  upon  the  breeze  between  the  guns  of 
the  Washington  Light  Artillery  of  Louisiana  as  their  last  dis- 
charges were  made. 

The  morning  dew  was  yet  fresh  upon  the  grass  upon  that 
pretty  slope  which  led  from  the  city  limits  to  this  crest  of 
death ;  the  blood  of  one  thousand  gallant  men  was  mingled 
with  it,  many  of  them  cold  in  death,  many  of  them  writhing 
in  the  agony  of  painful  wounds.  There  were  distant  homes, 
where  expectant  wives  were  looking  forward  to  the  unknown 
agony  yet  to  come.  There  were  distant  hearths  where  little 
children  played,  who  knew  not  that  at  that  moment  on  a  grassy 
slope  in  far  Virginia  a  cloud  had  fallen  on  their  young  lives 
never  to  be  lifted  again.  There  were  hearts  in  many  homes 
that  day  that  were  ready  to  break  as  they  wearily  waited  for 
hews  from  the  front.  Nevertheless  the  war  went  on,  and  the 
twenty  thousand  gallant  men  who  swept  that  crest,  less  the 
one  thousand  bleeding  on  its  slope,  went  forward  under  John 
Sedgwick. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  SEDGWICK. 

Our  advance  was  spitefully  resisted.  At  Salem  chapel, 
midway  between  Fredericksburg  and  Chancellorsville,  the 
enemy,  strongly  reinforced  from  the  main  army  under  Lee 
confronting  Hooker,  reinforced  also  by  the  troops  who  lined 
the  river  above  Fredericksburg  and  who  fell  back  upon  the 
carrying  of  Marye's  Heights,  made  a  final  stand.  Brooks — 
God  bless  him'!  old  commander  of  the  Vermont  Brigade,  true- 
hearted  gentleman,  unequalled  soldier,  rough  and  ready,  be- 
loved of  men,  robust,  strong,  and  prompt — went  forward  with 
his  division  of  the  red  cross  through  the  thick  undergrowth 
that  covered  the  mild  ascent  that  led  to  Salem  Heights.  The 
sunken  road  across  the  crest  at  right  angles  to  our  line  of 
march,  filled  with  the  rebel  infantry,  checked  for  the  moment 
his  advance,  but  he  swept  forward  gallantly  and  well,  pierced 
their  line,  and  for  a  moment  held  the  crest. 

His  flank  and  rear  were  assailed  by  the  enemy,  who  over- 
lapped him,  and  he  was  forced  back  through  the  undergrowth 
out  into  the  clearing,  followed  closely  and  viciously  until  he 
was  enabled  to  re-form  under  cover  of  our  batteries,  which, 
with  grape  and  canister,  rapidly  served,  checked  the  enemy 
under  the  personal  supervision  of  Sedgwick.  The  next  di- 
vision, as  fast  as  it  arrived,  was  put  into  action,  and  the  whole 
again  advanced,  steadily  forcing  its  way  up  the  crest,  until  at 
last  night  set  in  and  there  was  the  silence  of  death.  All  night 
long  those  two  armies  lay  in  the  position  in  which  they  had 
fought  during  the  closing  hours  of  the  day.  There  was  no  in- 
terchange of  soldier's  badinage ;  there  was  not  a  picket-shot  to 
disturb  the  silence.  No  fires  were  lighted  on  either  side,  and 
the  men  lay  down  coffeeless  on  their  grassy  beds.  Here  and 
there  the  stretcher-men  moved  around  silently  bringing  in 
their  wounded  or  gathering  in  the  dead.  There  was  but  one 
sound  that  disturbed  the  stillness.  From  the  direction  of 
Chancellorsville  we  could  hear  the  low  rumble  of  artillery, 
telling  of  marching  columns.  Strange  but  not  unexpected 
rumors  reached  us  from  our  rear  that  the  city  of  Fredericks- 
burg and  Marye's  Heights,  which  we  had  carried  so  gallantly 
at  such  a  cost,  were  reoccupied  by  the  enemy,  reinforced  from 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  173 

the  direction  of  Richmond.  The  situation  of  the  corps  was 
critical.  Howe's  division  was  formed  in  line  of  battle  facing 
to  the  rear  and  toward  Fredericksburg  to  resist  an  attack  from 
that  direction.  Brooks  and  Newton  remained  on  the  field 
facing  toward  Chancellorsville,  and  the  two  lines  thus  formed 
in  opposite  directions,  about  two  miles  apart,  were  connected 
by  a  skirmish  line  of  troops  supporting  frequent  batteries. 
Everything  indicated  that  the  Sixth  Corps  would  be  over- 
whelmed by  an  attack  from  all  sides  at  early  daybreak.  Gen- 
eral Sedgwick,  when  all  his  arrangements  were  completed,  lay 
down  in  the  wet  grass  with  his  head  pillowed  on  his  saddle ; 
but  he  slept  not.  Three  times  during  the  night  he  telegraphed 
to  General  Hooker,  sending  the  dispatch  to  the  river  at  Banks's 
Ford,  a  few  miles  above  Fredericksburg,  with  which  point  we 
still  held  communication.  There  was  a  certain  pathos  in  those 
dispatches  that  none  who  do  not  realize  the  situation  can 
appreciate. 

"  I  have  reached  this  point,"  he  said,  "  in  obedience  to 
orders.  My  advance  is  checked.  The  enemy  is  strongly 
reinforcing  from  your  direction.  I  can  plainly  hear  the  rumble 
of  their  artillery.  My  losses  are  heavy.  I  will  be,  no  doubt, 
attacked  in  strong  force  at  daylight.  Can  you  help  me  ?  " 

This  was  the  burden  of  the  dispatches  three  times  repeated 
during  that  still  and  anxious  night.  No  answer  came  until 
eight  o'clock  of  the  following  day.  In  the  meantime  the  enemy 
wasted  the  hours  in  preparation. 

The  long  hours  went  by,  and  at  eight  o'clock  came  a 
strange  message  from  the  commanding  general. 

"You  are  too  far  away  for  me  to  direct.  Look  to  the 
safety  of  your  corps.  Fall  back  on  Fredericksburg  or  cross 
the  river  at  Banks's  Ford  as  you  deem  best." 

But  to  the  strong  and  earnest  appeal,  "  Can  you  help  me 
strongly  if  I  am  attacked  ?  "  there  was  no  reply.  In  the  direct- 
ion of  Chancellorsville  there  was  the  silence  of  death.  Not  an 
answering  gun  replied  to  the  crash  of  our  artillery  which  echoed 
from  every  battery.  The  enemy  on  our  front,  in  fact  I  may 
say  our  three  fronts,  replied.  The  commanders  of  the  other 


1/4  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK. 

corps  who  stood  inactive  near  Chancellorsville  heard  the  in- 
cessant roar  of  the  artillery  near  Salem  chapel.  They  chafed 
almost  to  mutiny,  because  while  this  gallant  little  band,  less 
than  one-fifth  of  the  army,  was  contending  against  these  des- 
perate odds,  six  corps  stood  idle  within  the  sound  of  their  guns. 
Sedgwick  and  Hooker  have  passed  away,  and  have  undergone 
that  final  judgment  from  which  there  is  no  appeal.  I  am  not 
here  to  say  one  word  in  disparagement  of  the  dead,  much  less 
of  a  gallant  soldier  like  General  Joseph  Hooker;  but  I  do 
stand  here  to  vindicate  the  memory  of  one  of  the  purest  men, 
one  of  the  truest  patriots,  one  of  the  best  and  bravest,  aye, 
and  greatest  soldiers  that  ever  honored  any  land  by  a  life  of 
honorable  service  and  a  glorious  death  upon  the  field  of  battle. 
It  has  been  stated  before  a  committee  of  the  national  Con- 
gress, whose  sole  business  seemed  to  be,  during  the  several 
years  of  their  continuance,  to  dishonor  the  names  of  the  best 
and  truest  of  our  soldiers,  that  Sedgwick's  failure  to  obey  the 
orders  of  Hooker  was  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  failure  of 
the  Chancellorsville  campaign.  This  statement  was  principally 
made  by  a  man  who  still  lives  and  whom,  therefore,  I  am  at 
full  liberty  to  answer.  He  has  stated  before  this  committee 
that  General  Sedgwick's  delay  and  failure  to  obey  his  orders 
was  the  primal  cause  of  the  failure.  The  order  to  General 
Sedgwick  to  advance  to  Chancellorsville  and  be  there  at  day- 
light, included  another  and  more  important  commission.  He 
was  directed  to  make  this  march,  impossible  in  itself  in  the 
time  allowed,  impossible  if  the  march  was  unresisted.  He  was 
ordered  to  capture  Fredericksburg  and  everything  in  it,  which 
he  did.  He  was  ordered  to  carry  Marye's  Heights,  which  he 
did  magnificently.  He  was  ordered  to  advance  upon  the  plank- 
road,  which  he  did.  He  was  also  ordered  to  destroy  any  force 
that  might  intervene  between  him  and  the  general  command- 
ing. This  he  gallantly  attempted,  and  did  as  much  in  the  line 
of  destruction  as  it  was  possible  to  do  with  the  force  at  his 
command.  The  same  dispatch  wrhich  ordered  him  to  destroy 
any  intervening  force  informed  him  that  the  army  commanded 
by  General  Robert  E.  Lee  was  between  him  and  the  position 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  1/5 

he  was  ordered  to  occupy  at  daylight.  Now,  an  order  to  de- 
stroy General  Lee  and  his  army  was  very  easy  to  issue.  Its 
execution,  as  some  of  you  gentlemen  will  perhaps  remember, 
was  attended  with  considerable  difficulty ;  and  when  it  is  con- 
sidered that  during  the  forty-eight  hours  that  Sedgwick  was 
struggling  to  execute  this  part  of  the  order,  the  main  body  of 
our  army,  consisting  of  six  corps,  never  fired  a  shot,  although 
within  sound  of  Sedgwick's  guns,  I  submit  that  any  man  who 
says  that  the  failure  could  in  any  degree  whatever  be  attrib- 
uted to  Sedgwick,  insults  every  soldier  of  his  command,  and 
defames  the  memory  of  the  dead. 

When  the  day  came,  Lee  "overestimating,  as  appears  from 
his  report  made  subsequently,  the  extent  of  Sedgwick's  forces, 
failed  to  make  his  attack  in  force  until  about  five  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon.  He  believed  that  Sedgwick  was  accompanied 
by  Reynolds's  corps,  and  he  hesitated  to  attack  until  he  could 
withdraw  a  sufficient  force  from  Hooker's  front  to  make  his 
victory  certain.  The  main  attack  was  made  in  the  afternoon 
about  five  o'clock,  from  the  direction  of  Fredericksburg,  and 
made  gallantly  and  with  vigor.  One  brigade  of  Howe's  di- 
vision, strongly  posted,  received  the  assault  and  was  broken. 
The  Vermont  brigade  was  on  the  flank  of  Neill's,  holding  the 
woods  which  flanked  also  the  rebel  advance ;  it  was  com- 
manded by  General  L.  A.  Grant,  now  Assistant  Secretary  of 
War,  a  gallant  soldier  whose  name  and  fame  are  inseparably 
connected  in  many  battles  with  this  great  brigade,  which,  with- 
out disparagement  to  others,  I  may  say  was  never  surpassed  in 
valor  or  achievement  by  any  similar  body  of  men,  in  any  army 
of  the  world.  It  poured  in  its  steady  contribution  of  well- 
directed  bullets  on  the  advancing  masses  of  the  rebellion,  and 
the  Sixth  Corps  and  the  army  were  saved.  The  night  came 
down  upon  anxious  hearts.  The  battle  was  over,  nor  gun  nor 
color  was  lost.  But  the  position  of  the  old  corps  was  still  as 
critical  as  ever.  I  pass  over  the  melancholy  history  of  the 
hours  that  followed,  filled  as  they  were  with  contradictory 
orders,  one  revoking  the  other,  and  a  third  renewing  the  first. 
The  Sixth  Corps  crossed  the  river  that  night,  making  their 


176  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK. 

passage  over  the  pontoons  lighted  by  the  bursting  shells  which 
the  enemy,  with  very  creditable  practice,  were  dropping  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  bridges,  and  the  next  day  Hooker,  far  above, 
re-crossed  the  river,  and  this  campaign  was  over.  Sedgwick 
lost  five  thousand  men  in  his  honest  endeavor  to  execute  the 
part  of  the  order  which  directed  him  to  destroy  the  army  com- 
manded by  General  Lee ;  the  combined  loss  of  all  the  other 
corps  scarcely  exceeded  this.  Then  came  the  regular  and 
periodical  change  in  commanders,  the  annual  picnic  into  Mary- 
land and  Pennsylvania,  the  panic  in  Washington,  and  at  last, 
Gettysburg. 

On  Cemetery  Ridge,  amid  gravestones  shattered  by  shot 
and  shell,  behind  hasty  earthworks,  our  gallant  brothers  of 
the  Second  Corps,  under  the  fire  of  one  hundred  and  eighty 
guns  and  against  the  very  flower  of  the  invading  army,  made 
this  Union  an  immortal  thing  and  the  name  of  Hancock  a 
cherished  memory  that  will  live  forever  in  the  hearts  of  the 
American  people. 

The  long  night  march  of  the  Sixth  Corps  from  Manchester 
to  the  field  of  Gettysburg  and  its  timely  arrival  to  retrieve 
the  disaster  that  Sickles  had  suffered,  were  principal  features 
of  our  Maryland  campaign. 

We  had  many  marches  that  were  prolonged  and  tedious  ; 
many  that  were  forced  by  day  and  night  both  before  and  after 
the  great  deciding  battle.  On  many  a  day  he  watched  them 
as  the  troops  moved  out  of  camp  in  the  morning  or  closed 
the  long  dusty  march  of  the  day,  and  when  on  one  occasion 
in  the  Wilderness,  after  the  Sixth  Corps  had  suffered  a  serious 
disaster  on  the  day  previous,  when  the  Vermont  brigade  re- 
turning after  heavy  losses,  from  their  march  to  the  assistance 
of  the  Second  Corps,  saw  the  General  ride  along  the  lines  as 
they  were  coming  into  bivouac,  they  burst  forth  in  a  hearty, 
spontaneous  cheer  that  touched  him  to  the  very  heart ;  and 
when  the  cheers  subsided  one  of  them  stepped  to  the  front 
and  called  out  with  a  comic  and  yet  touching  emphasis,  "  Three 
more  for  old  Uncle  John ! "  The  General's  bronzed  face 
flushed  like  a  girl's,  and  as  the  staff  laughed  at  his  embarrass- 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  177 

ment  it  spread  along  the  lines  and  the  whole  brigade  laughed 
and  cheered  as  if  they  were  just  returning  from  a  summer's 
picnic  and  not  from  a  bloody  field,  weary,  worn,  and  with 
decimated  ranks.  Nor  had  they  rest  that  night ;  all  night 
long  they  labored  with  the  pick  and  shovel,  and  the  next 
morning  came  the  long,  weary  march,  with  fighting  and 
intrenching,  again  night  marches  or  labor  in  the  trenches  ; 
and  through  it  all  there  was  neither  rest  nor  shelter.  There 
was  no  word  of  complaint ;  there  was  no  murmur  of  discon- 
tent ;  and  the  steady  yeomanry  that  made  up  this  old  brigade 
indulged  in  occasional  flashes  of  humor  scarcely  to  be  expected 
from  the  solid  citizens  of  conservative  New  England. 

The  colored  troops,  who  had  joined  us  at  the  outset  of  this 
campaign  for  the  first  time,  were  green  and  inexperienced. 
They  were,  therefore,  withheld  from  an  active  part  in  it ;  not, 
I  suppose  for  any  tenderness  for  them,  but  simply  because 
the  work  then  to  be  done  could  only  be  committed  to  veteran 
soldiers.  When,  therefore,  one  hot  and  dusty  summer  morn- 
ing, Vermont  was  digging  in  the  earthworks,  the  colored  divi- 
sion of  Burnside's  corps  passed  through  our  lines,  they  looked 
very  well  in  their  new  uniforms,  but  they  seemed  to  fret  and 
be  discontented  even  under  the  burdens  of  their  knapsacks. 
Thus  far  they  had  not  fired  a  shot  nor  turned  a  shovel  of 
earth.  A  stalwart  citizen  of  Vermont,  leaning  upon  his  spade 
as  the  division  went  by,  solemnly  removed  his  hat  and,  bow- 
ing low  with  great  dignity,  said  :  "  Good-morning,  gentlemen  ; 
you  must  find  this  work  exceedingly  fatiguing." 

The  troops  of  the  corps,  owing  to  the  long  and  trying 
marches  which  they  had  been  compelled  to  make,  acquired 
the  habit  of  calling  themselves  "  Sedgwick's  foot  cavalry," 
and  maintained  that  they  were  kept  on  the  gallop  all  the 
time.  It  was  a  joke  among  them  that  Sedgwick  never  stopped 
until  his  horse  gave  out,  and  on  one  occasion,  in  Virginia,  when 
he  had  dismounted  by  the  roadside  and  stood  on  a  little  bank 
leaning  on  the  fence  watching  the  troops  as  they  went  by, 
men  in  the  ranks  constantly  called  out :  "  Come  on,  we  '11  wait 
for  you.  Get  another  horse  ;  we  are  in  no  hurry." 


178  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  SEDGWICK. 

For  some  time  the  General  did  not  notice  these  cries  nor 
understand  their  significance.  At  last  he  turned  to  me  and 
said,  "  What  do  they  mean  by  *  Get  another  horse  ;  we  '11  wait 
for  you  ?  '  "  I  explained  to  him  the  significance  of  the  language, 
and  as  I  did  so  he  laughed  heartily,  whereupon  in  the  ranks 
they  cried  out,  "See  the  old  fellow  laugh,"  and  immediately 
the  whole  column  took  it  up  with  enthusiastic  cheers. 

These  things  I  mention  chiefly  to  show  the  relationship 
between  the  commander  and  his  troops.  He  could  appreciate 
their  humor,  knowing  that  no  thought  of  disrespect  ever 
entered  it,  and  a  single  smile  from  him  went  like  a  sunbeam 
through  long  columns  of  tired  men  until  it  broadened  into  a 
laugh,  and  culminated  in  cheers  that  came  from  the  true 
hearts  of  as  gallant  soldiers  as  ever  served  a  patriot  cause. 

After  the  Gettysburg  campaign,  Warrenton,  and  Hazel 
River,  a  winter  of  delights !  when  the  Sixth  Corps  lived  and 
revelled  for  six  long  months.  There  were  horse-races  and 
cock-fights,  and  balls  attended  by  fair  women  from  home. 
There  were  festivities  such  as  only  an  army  knows  how  to 
organize  and  enjoy.  Everywhere  picnics  by  day,  and  danc- 
ing by  night.  Each  corps  vied  with  the  other  as  to  the  extent 
of  its  hospitalities.  Each  corps  claimed  to  have  the  fastest 
horse,  the  best  fighting  cock,  to  be  visited  by  the  prettiest 
ladies,  and  to  be  altogether  the  best  corps  in  the  army.  This 
extravagant  claim,  of  course,  was  only  true  as  to  one  corps, 
the  Sixth,  although  I  am  free  to  say,  as  some  of  you  may 
remember,  that  in  the  matter  of  horse-racing  the  Second  Corps 
got  the  best  of  us  on  one  memorable  occasion  and  reduced  the 
speculative  officers  of  the  Sixth  to  absolute  penury  until  the 
next  arrival  of  the  paymaster.  A  last  desperate  effort  to 
redeem  our  fortunes  by  sustaining  at  large  odds  a  favorite 
chicken  imported  from  the  good  city  of  Boston  only  added 
to  our  disasters  ;  and  when  that  unfortunate  bird  was  laid 
away  with  funeral  honors  after  only  one  round,  the  Sixth  Corps 
decided  almost  unanimously  that  all  this  style  of  dissipation 
was  highly  immoral  and  should  therefore  be  discouraged. 

Through  all  this  winter  those  who  had  occasion  to  live  near 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  SEDGWICK.  179 

and  around  John  Sedgwick  saw  the  sweeter  and  more  touching 
traits  of  his  character.  Modest  as  a  girl,  unassuming,  gentle, 
just,  pure  in  heart  and  in  word,  he  endeared  himself  to  the  men 
who  followed  him  and  was  loved  by  all  with  a  love  surpassing 
the  love  of  woman.  No  picture  that  I  can  draw  can  give  to 
you  who  knew  him  not  an  adequate  conception  of  how  lovable 
that  man  was. 

Through  all  this  winter  of  delights  no  man  looked  forward 
to  the  future  except  to  plan  amusements  for  the  ensuing  win- 
ter ;  for,  strangely  enough,  we  had  got  the  idea  that  this  war 
was  to  be  continued  indefinitely  and  during  the  rest  of  our 
lives. 

We  were  not  prophets  nor  the  sons  of  prophets.  What 
knew  we  then  of  the  lurid  fires  that  would  lighten  the  Wilder- 
ness within  a  few  short  months?  The  angel  of  death  hovered 
over  many,  but  no  prophetic  shadow  fell  from  his  wings.  Al- 
ready was  his  mark  upon  the  great  centre  of  our  circle,  and  yet 
in  all  our  plans  for  the  following  winter,  in  all  our  discussions 
as  to  what  we  were  to  do  to  amuse  ourselves  and  our  visitors, 
Sedgwick  was  the  central  figure.  Amid  the  rain  and  snow,  and 
the  mud,  and  the  frost,  among  our  canvas  cities  our  fires 
burned  cheerily  and  our  hearts  were  light.  Letters  came  and 
went  from  home  and  visitors  by  the  thousand  shared  our 
hospitalities.  The  Sixth  Corps  headquarters,  because  it  was 
Sedgwick's,  was  a  central  point  of  interest.  Nothing  disturbed 
us  except  the  occasional  report  that  our  chief  was  to  be  taken 
from  us  to  command  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  This  com- 
mand, however,  although  not  formally  offered,  he  had  still  on 
several  occasions  most  persistently  declined.  It  was  a  winter 
of  delights,  but  nevertheless  the  day  came  when  from  major- 
general  to  drummer  boy  there  was  not  a  dry  eye  in  the  Sixth 
Corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

On  our  line  of  battle  at  Spottsylvania,  where  on  the  day 
previous  we  had  made  an  unsuccessful  attack  and  suffered 
heavily,  near  a  section  of  artillery  at  a  fatal  angle  in  our  works, 
General  Sedgwick  stood  with  General  Hyde,  General  Whittier, 
General  Tompkins,  and  myself,  directing  the  movement  of  our 


180  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK. 

men  then  occupying  the  rifle-pits.  It  was  in  the  early  morn- 
ing, and  a  certain  feeling  of  gloom  pervaded  the  army.  Sedg- 
wick  had  slept  the  previous  night  unsheltered  by  tent  or 
blanket.  He  seemed  in  excellent  spirits  although  a  little  dis- 
couraged by  the  slow  progress  of  the  campaign,  which  seemed 
to  be  desperate  righting,  day  after  day,  with  indecisive  results. 
A  few  minutes  before,  he  had  spoken  of  some  of  the  young 
officers  of  his  staff  in  tender  and  kindly  terms  of  affection. 

He  said  a  few  jesting  words  to  some  of  the  men  who  passed 
before  him  as  they  moved  into  the  rifle-pits.  His  manner, 
attitude,  and  gesture,  as  he  stood,  indicated  to  the  enemy  that 
he  was  an  officer  of  rank  and  authority.  He  wore  no  uniform, 
not  even  a  sword.  From  across  the  little  valley  which  sepa- 
rated us  from  the  enemy's  line,  from  one  of  their  sharp-shoot- 
ers concealed  in  the  woods  in  front  of  us,  came  the  swift 
messenger  of  death.  Slowly,  without  a  word,  with  a  satl  smile 
upon  his  lips,  John  Sedgwick  fell  and  his  great  heart  ceased  to 
beat. 

His  life  blood,  pouring  in  a  strong,  steady  stream  from  the 
wound,  spirted  over  me.  I  made  an  effort  to  sustain  him  as  he 
fell  and  in  doing  so  fell  with  him. 

He  uttered  no  word  and  made  no  sign.  It  seemed  to  me 
if  I  could  but  make  him  hear  and  call  his  attention  to  the 
terrible  effect  his  fall  was  having  on  our  men  he  would  by 
force  of  his  great  will  rise  up  in  spite  of  death.  I  called  vainly 
in  his  ear — he  made  no  answer. 

His  favorite  aide,  General  Charles  A.  Whittier,  bent  over 
him  with  streaming  eyes.  General  Tompkins,  the  chief  of  the 
artillery,  and  his  surgeon,  Dr.  Ohlenschlager,  raised  him  partly 
from  the  ground,  and  the  pale  and  anxious  faces  of  the  men  in 
the  long  line  of  rifle-pits  were  bent  eagerly  toward  the  group ; 
but  such  was  the  force  of  discipline  that  although  these  men's 
hearts  were  filled  with  a  great  sorrow,  although  they  knew  that 
a  terrible  blow  had  fallen  upon  them,  none  left  the  ranks,  and 
the  silence  which  follows  a  great  tragedy  fell  upon  the  summer 
woods  of  Spottsylvania  on  that  morning  of  saddest  memories. 

It  was  my  duty  to  report  at  general  headquarters  that  the 


MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   SEDGWICK.  l8l 

Sixth  Corps  was  without  a  commander,  for  General  Ricketts, 
who  was  next  in  rank,  understanding  that  it  had  been  the  de- 
sire of  General  Sedgwick  that  his  old  associate,  General  Horatio 
G.  Wright  of  the  First  Division,  should  succeed  him,  had  in- 
formed me  that  he  declined  to  assume  the  command.  When 
I  reached  general  headquarters  and  dismounted  in  front  of  the 
tent  of  the  adjutant-general  of  the  army,  the  gentle  and  much 
loved  Seth  Williams,  there  were  in  that  tent  General  Williams, 
and  General  Hunt,  the  chief  of  artillery,  and  Colonel  Platt,  the 
judge  advocate-general  of  the  army,  and  other  veteran  officers 
who  had  served  through  many  years  of  warfare. 

As  they  saw  me  covered  with  blood,  General  Williams 
started  forward  and  said  but  one  word,  "  Sedgwick  ?  " 

I  could  not  answer.  Each  one  in  that  tent,  old  gray-bearded 
warriors,  burst  into  tears  and  for  some  minutes  sobbed  like 
children  mourning  a  father. 

They  built  a  bower  of  evergreens  among  the  pine  woods 
and  laid  him  out  upon  a  rough  bier  made  for  him  by  soldier 
hands,  and  all  day  long  there  were  strong  men  weeping  by  this 
funeral  couch.  They  came  from  all  parts  of  the  army,  the  old 
and  the  young,  the  well  and  the  wounded,  officers  and  men,  to 
take  their  last  look  at  the  beloved  chieftain.  Many  thousands 
of  brave  men  who  composed  that  army  were  familiar  with 
death  in  all  its  forms.  Not  once  nor  twice  only  had  they  seen 
strong  men  stricken  into  sudden  death,  and  men  of  high  rank, 
in  high  command,  fall  amid  contending  hosts.  They  had,  per- 
haps, grown  hardened  and  indifferent  to  what  was  necessarily 
of  frequent  occurrence  and  the  common  expectation  of  all. 
But  when  the  news  went  that  day,  like  an  electric  shock,  along 
the  lines  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  that  John  Sedgwick  was 
dead,  a  great  loneliness  fell  upon  the  hearts  of  all,  and  men  that 
scarcely  ever  heard  his  voice,  many  that  scarcely  knew  him  by 
sight,  wept  bitter  tears  as  if  they  had  lost  an  only  friend,  and 
all  recalled  how  on  many  occasions,  hearing  on  right  or  left  or 
rear  the  thunder  of  hostile  guns,  all  anxiety  passed  away  from 
the  minds  of  men  at  the  simple  remark,  "  It  must  be  all  right 
— Uncle  John  is  there." 


1 82  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  SEDGWICK. 

The  Sixth  Corps  went  on  and  served  through  the  war.  It 
stood  all  day  long  at  the  bloody  angle  under  a  fire  that  cut 
down  the  great  trees  in  our  front.  It  stood  up  in  the  withering- 
slaughter  of  Cold  Harbor.  It  crossed  the  great  river  to  the 
dismal  contest  before  Petersburg.  It  swept  the  valley  under 
Sheridan  as  with  a  broom,  and,  massed  in  a  mighty  column  of 
brigades,  it  broke  through  the  stubborn  lines  of  Petersburg,  and 
snapped  this  rebellion  in  twain.  But  not  all  the  glories  that 
succeeded  the  gth  of  May,  not  all  the  triumphs  achieved  by 
their  valor  in  the  later  fields  of  the  war,  not  all  the  tame  years 
that  have  followed  since,  have  effaced  the  memories  of  that 
one  day  in  Spottsylvania  when  we  all  realized  the  fact  that  all 
our  marches  yet  to  be  made,  all  our  battles  yet  to  be  fought,  all 
our  deeds,  whether  good  or  ill,  would  never  again  win  word  of 
praise  or  censure  from  the  silent  lips  of  the  great  man  that  we 
loved  and  honored  as  only  soldiers  know  how  to  love  and  honor 
leaders  like  Sedgwick. 

Back  to  the  quiet  churchyard  of  Cornwall  Hollow,  which 
the  boy  had  left  so  many  years  ago,  came,  accompanied  by  all 
the  evidences  of  a  nation's  sorrow,  the  lifeless  body  of  that 
great  and  simple-minded  hero. 

He  sleeps  beneath  a  plain  monument  erected  by  a  sister's 
love ;  but  his  memory  will  never  die  among  men  who  love 
their  kind  and  who  believe  that 

"  A  country's  a  thing  men  must  die  for  at  need." 


REMINISCENCES  OF  CADET  AND  ARMY  SERVICE. 

A  Paper  Read  by  Brevet  Brigadier-General  PETER  MICHIE,  U.  S.  Vol.,  Oct.  4, 1893. 

T  FIND  that  it  is  very  difficult  to  clothe  personal  reminis- 
cences  in  written  language.  To  be  most  effective,  they 
need  the  wider  latitude  of  the  spoken  word  and  the  friendly 
assistance  of  the  roving  eye,  as  well  as  the  kindly  nod  of  acquies- 
cence and  the  occasional  inter-ejaculations  of  gratification  from 
one's  listeners.  I  remember,  on  one  occasion,  General  Sherman 
tried  to  read  an  address  to  the  graduating  class  at  West 
Point.  But  with  his  happy  faculty  of  telling  reminiscences  in  a 
charming  conversational  way,  he  could  not  be  tied  down  to 
the  beaten  track  of  a  written  discourse.  New  thoughts  would 
leap  like  rabbits  at  every  turn  of  his  path,  — he  lost  his  place, — 
his  eye-glasses  dropped  off,  and  then  he  tossed  his  manu- 
script impatiently  aside  and  proceeded  to  talk  to  the  boys, 
scoring  a  magnificent  success. 

Now,  under  the  stimulating  influences  of  fraternal  compan- 
ionship in  gatherings  like  these  there  is  a  wealth  of  personal 
experience  lying  close  to  the  surface,  ready  to  be  turned  up 
in  the  furrow, — stories  of  raid  and  skirmish,  of  bivouac  and 
battle,  that  would  illuminate  and  vivify  the  dry  details  of  every 
official  history.  We  know  that  these  reminiscences  cannot  be 
strictly  true,  and  it  is  not  essential  that  they  should  be.  The 
greatest  heroes  of  the  war  are  still  in  the  land  of  the  living,  for 
they  are  ourselves,  and  in  telling  our  stories  we  generally  so 
proportion  the  details  with  each  repetition  as  to  magnify  more 
and  more  our  personal  prowess  and  tone  down  our  errors  until 
with  frequent  telling  we  end  with  actually  believing  ourselves 
to  be  the  very  heroes  our  stories  make  us  out  to  be.  But  what, 

183 


1 84        REMINISCENCES   OF   CADET  AND   ARMY   SERVICE. 

after  all,  is  the  true  story?  Is  it  not,  in  reality,  a  mosaic  of 
innumerable  bits  of  personal  experience,  each  artfully  appor- 
tioned to  its  own  peculiar  place  so  that  both  in  form  and  color 
the  finished  picture  may  be  in  the  completest  harmony  with 
our  inherent  love  of  truth  and  sense  of  justice  ? 

So,  likewise,  we  find  narratives  of  all  shades  of  color ;  some 
dull  and  prosaic,  others  vivid  and  lifelike,  and  some  so  embel- 
lished by  a  fertile  imagination  as  to  be  ever  refreshing.  As  an 
illustration  of  the  latter  let  me  offer  a  few  quotations  from  the 
official  reports  of  the  celebrated  Colonel  J.  O.  Shelby  of  the 
Missouri  Confederate  cavalry,  found  in  Volume  22,  War 
Records. 

"  General :  On  the  last  day  of  December,  1862,  when  the  old  year 
was  dying  in  the  lap  of  the  new,  and  January  had  sent  its  moaning 
winds  to  wail  the  requiem  of  the  past,  my  brigade  was  on  the 
march  for  foray  on  the  border's  side.  The  day  was  auspicious  ;  a 
bright  red  sun  had  tempered  the  keen  air  to  pleasantness,  and 
cheered  the  mounted  soldiers  with  the  hopes  of  a  gay  and  gallant 
trip.  The  first  two  days'  march  was  long  and  comfortable  ;  the  third, 
the  rain  commenced,  cold  and  chilling,  and  continued  without  inter- 
mission for  three  days,  the  grand  old  mountains  standing  bare 
against  the  dull  and  sombre  sky,  their  heads  heavy  with  the  storms 
of  centuries.  The  men  suffered  much,  but  keeping  the  bright  goal 
of  Missouri  constantly  in  sight,  spurred  on  and  on  quite  merrily. 

*'  The  sun  came  up  on  the  morning  of  the  8th  like  a  ball  of  fire, 
and  the  day  was  gloomy  and  chill ;  but  Springfield  loomed  up  before 
us  in  the  distance  like  a  beautiful  panorama,  and  the  men,  catching 
the  inspiration  of  the  scene,  forgot  all  their  trials  and  hardships  and 
were  eager  for  the  rough,  red  fray.  'T  was  a  bright  and  beautiful 
scene.  There  lay  the  quiet  town,  robed  in  the  dull  gray  hue  of  the 
winter,  its  domes  and  spires  stretching  their  skeleton  hands  to  heaven, 
as  if  in  prayer  against  the  coming  strife,  and  drawing  nearer  and 
nearer,  long  black  lines  came  gleaming  on,  while  the  sun  shone  out 
like  a  golden  bar,  uncurling  its  yellow  hair  on  earth  and  sky,  stream 
and  mountain,  and  lent  the  thrilling  picture  a  sterner  and  fiercer 
light.  My  skirmishers  advanced  steadily,  and  now  continual  shots 
in  front  tell  that  the  enemy  are  found  and  pressed  sorely.  I  saw 


REMINISCENCES   OF   CADET  AND   ARMY   SERVICE.         185 

the  crisis,  and  ordered  Lieutenant-Colonels  Gilkey  and  Gordon  to 
charge  with  their  regiments,  to  support  MacDonald.  Gallantly  it 
was  done,  and  as  gallantly  sustained.  At  the  command,  a  thousand 
warriors  sprang  to  their  feet,  and,  with  one  wild  Missouri  yell,  burst 
upon  the  foe  ;  officers  mix  with  men  in  the  mad  melee,  and  fight 
side  by  side  ;  some  storm  the  fort  at  the  headlong  charge,  others 
gain  the  houses  from  which  the  Federals  had  just  been  driven,  and 
keep  up  the  fight,  while  some  push  on  after  the  flying  foe.  The 
storm  increases  and  the  combatants  get  closer  and  closer. 

"  I  heard  the  cannon's  shivering  crash, 
As  when  the  whirlwind  rends  the  ash  ; 
I  heard  the  musket's  deadly  clang, 
As  if  a  thousand  anvils  rang  : 

"  The  contest  rages,  and  the  wild  death-dance  goes  merrily  on. 

"  Still  Collins  plies  his  lurid  torch, 
Where  balls  will  rend  or  powder  scorch  ; 
Still  Shanks  and  Gordon,  side  by  side, 
Like  veteran  heroes  stem  the  tide." 

Again  speaking  of  the  loss  of  three  of  his  officers,  he  says  : 

"  They  form  an  illustrious  trio, — three  of  the  grand  immortal 
names  that  were  not  born  to  die.  Peace  to  their  ashes  !  When  the 
warfare  of  the  world  is  over,  when  time  strikes  records  with  eternity, 
and  mortality  is  paling  beyond  the  sunset  shore,  and  the  billows  of 
dissolution  are  white  with  the  wrecks  of  the  universe,  these  death- 
less spirits  will  rise  beautiful  from  their  urns  of  death  and  chambers 
of  decay,  and  join  the  noble  band  of  Southern  martyrs  that  have 
fallen  '  with  their  backs  to  the  field  and  their  feet  to  the  foe.' " 

In  another  report,  we  find  : 

"  Upon  the  eventful  morning  of  the  yth,  long  before  the  full  round 
moon  had  died  in  the  lap  of  the  dawn  ;  long  before  the  watching 
stars  had  grown  dim  with  age,  my  brigade  was  saddled,  formed,  and 
their  steeds  champing  frosted  bits  in  the  cold  keen  air  of  a  Decem- 
ber morning,  ready  and  eager  for  the  march.  After  advancing  rap- 
idly and  without  intermission  for  several  hours,  I  struck  their  trail, 
hot  with  the  passage  of  many  feet,  reeking  with  the  footprints  of  the 
invader.  After  riding  hard  for  about  an  hour,  my  advance  came  full 


1 86        REMINISCENCES  OF  CADET  AND   ARMY  SERVICE. 

upon  the  foe,  and  with  the  mad,  fierce  whoop  of  men  who  have 
wrongs  to  right  and  blood  to  avenge,  they  dashed  on  and  away  at  the 
pas  de  charge, — driving  the  frightened  Federals  before  them  like  chaff 
before  the  winds  of  heaven.  Still  the  rout  continues. 

41  Tramp,  tramp,  along  the  land  they  ride, 

Splash,  splash,  along  the  lea  ; 
The  scourge  is  red,  the  spur  drops  blood, 
The  flashing  pebbles  flee." 

Now  had  I  at  command  the  wealth  of  words,  the  poetic  fancy, 
and  the  soul-stirring  power  of  expression  of  the  brave  and 
gallant  Shelby,  I  would  have  selected  some  scene  of  battle  and 
carnage  for  your  entertainment  to-night.  But  knowing  full 
well  my  own  limitations,  I  am  going  to  ask  your  indulgence 
while  I  relate  some  reminiscences  that  will  tax  both  your  time 
and  patience,  for  I  hope  to  begin  at  the  commencement  of  the 
war  and  to  end  four  years  thereafter. 

West  Point  I  found  to  be  particularly  democratic  in  its 
tendencies.  There  was  no  distinction  between  rich  and  poor  ; 
Cadets  being  without  money  had  no  pockets  and  such  adventi- 
tious aids  to  popularity  were  therefore  eliminated.  Men  were 
rated  according  to  those  qualities  that  youth  worships  as  ideals. 
The  grade  of  good-fellowship  was  fixed  by  the  unwritten  laws 
of  honor,  charity,  and  all  that  is  summed  up  in  the  word  manli- 
ness. Though  ability  in  studies  and  aptitude  for  the  enforced 
military  exercises  were  the  official  means  of  grading  the  young 
men  in  class  rank,  he  who  was  fearless,  outspoken,  generous, 
and  self-sacrificing  became  the  leader  among  his  fellows.  The 
system  of  responsibility  and  methods  of  self-government  in- 
troduced as  far  back  as  1819,  proved  to  be  admirable  means  to 
develop  individual  character  without  sacrificing  the  unity  of 
purpose  of  the  establishment.  Strict  obedience  and  just  sub- 
ordination when  controlled  by  the  helm  of  considerate  justice 
forced  the  advance  toward  the  desired  goal  by  the  most  direct 
course. 

Illustrative  of  the  methods  of  instruction,  I  recall  the  story 
of  a  young  plebe,  new  to  the  vernacular  of  military  propriety, 
who  having  put  his  mathematical  work  on  the  black-board, 


REMINISCENCES   OF  CADET  AND  ARMY  SERVICE.         187 

with  the  utmost  exactness,  carefully  conned  it  over  till  he  was 
certain  that  he  was  fully  prepared  to  make  a  max.  Turning 
towards  his  instructor,  a  gruff  but  kindly  old  army  officer,  he 
assumed  the  proper  position  of  a  soldier  and  thus  began  :  "  I 
am  requested  to  demonstrate  the  binomial  theorem." — "  No, 
sir/'  replied  the  grim  soldier ;  "  you  are  not  requested,  you 
are  required,  to  do  so,  sir ;  go  on." 

Another,  the  son  of  a  prominent  general  officer  of  the  Irish 
Brigade,  when  asked  by  his  instructor,  "  Why  is  this  so,  sir  ?  " 
replied  in  his  rich  brogue  :  "  The  book  says  so,  sir."  "  That  is 
not  a  reason,"  answers  the  officer.  "  Well,  sir,"  said  he,  "  this 
is  the  first  place  I  Ve  ever  been  where  a  man  is  required  to 
doubt  the  author." 

It  is  always  a  very  touching  as  well  as  an  instructive  sight 
to  see  the  entering  class,  or  plebes  as  they  are  called,  when 
they  first  report  for  duty.  No  one  would  then  think  that  West 
Point  is  a  hot-bed  of  aristocracy,  as  has  often  been  charged. 
Coming  as  they  do  from  every  Congressional  district  of  the 
United  States,  they  are  not  by  any  means  homogeneous,  neither 
in  dress,  facial  characteristics,  culture,  nor  intellectual  develop- 
ment. The  strict  discipline,  hard  study,  and  close  confinement 
demanded  of  them  after  admission  are  entirely  unexpected  by 
the  greater  number  of  those  who  think  they  would  like  to  be- 
come military  heroes.  But  it  speaks  well  for  the  average  pluck 
of  the  American  youth,  that  most  of  the  failures  to  succeed 
in  graduating  after  once  being  admitted,  are  due  to  inability  to 
master  the  course  of  studies,  and  not  to  the  restrictions  of  the 
military  service.  Many  years  ago,  before  the  present  methods 
of  the  entrance  examination  were  adopted,  it  was  the  custom 
to  give  the  new  cadets  some  preliminary  instruction  before 
they  were  examined  by  the  academic  board  for  admission. 
This  instruction  was  entrusted  to  cadets  under  the  supervision 
of  the  professors,  who  made  frequent  visitations  to  the  differ- 
ent section  rooms,  and  thus  became  acquainted  with  the  doubt- 
ful cases  before  the  oral  investigation.  When  the  professors 
were  present,  or  when  an  army  officer  visited  the  section  room 
to  see  that  everything  was  going  on  all  right,  every  detail  was 


1 88         REMINISCENCES   OF   CADET  AND   ARMY   SERVICE. 

conducted  with  the  strictest  military  propriety ;  what  some- 
times occurred  on  other  occasions  I  shall  briefly  relate.  * 

Having  been  selected  in  1862  as  a  cadet  instructor  for  a 
dozen  or  so  of  the  new  cadets,  I  devoted  myself  with  earnest- 
ness to  the  task  of  making  them  proficient  in  all  the  subjects 
of  their  examination  for  admission,  and  I  was  so  successful 
that  I  found  that  I  still  had  a  few  days  at  disposal,  which  I 
thought  could  not  be  put  to  a  better  use  than  in  instilling  into 
them  some  of  the  principles  of  military  subordination  and 
methods  of  analytical  reasoning.  In  this  latter  determination 
it  is  needless  to  say  that  I  did  not  have  the  requisite  authority 
from  my  superior  officers,  nor  do  I  believe  they  were  ever  aware 
of  my  delinquency  in  this  respect.  At  the  designated  hour, 
the  young  gentlemen  were  marched  to  the  section  room  by 
one  of  their  number,  where  they  were  received  according  to 
strict  military  propriety.  They  were  seated  at  the  word  of  com- 
mand, all  going  down  together  promptly.  Upon  calling  one  by 
name,  he  was  taught  to  spring  with  life  into  the  centre  of  the 
room  and  assume  the  position  of  a  soldier,  to  answer  with 
brevity  any  and  all  questions  asked  him,  and  after  the  enuncia- 
tion of  his  subject  was  given,  to  make  an  "  about  face,"  go  to 
the  black-board,  and  get  to  work.  We  will  now  illustrate  one 
of  these  extraordinary  sessions  which  belong  to  the  past  and 
will  certainly  never  return. 

The  cadet  instructor  sharply  scrutinizes  the  eager  faces  be- 
fore him  and  in  a  sharp  military  tone  calls,  "  Mr.  King."  Up 
jumps  Mr.  King  and  reaches  the  middle  of  the  floor  in  an 
instant.  "  Altogether  too  slow,  Mr.  King.  You  must  always 
anticipate  the  word  of  command,  sir.  Now  try  again  and  be 
alert,  sir."  So  Mr.  King,  expecting  to  be  called  again,  is  sit- 
ting on  the  edge  of  his  seat,  all  his  muscles  in  tension,  ready 

to  spring  as  soon  as  the  instructor  opens  his  lips.  "  Mr. 

Smith,"  shouts  the  instructor,  and,  as  a  consequence,  both 
King  and  Smith  collide  in  the  centre  of  the  room.  "  What 
do  you  mean,  Mr.  King,  by  trying  to  deprive  your  comrade  of 
the  opportunity  of  being  instructed.  Such  selfish  conduct, 
sir,  is  not  that  which  should  characterize  the  relations  of 


REMINISCENCES   OF   CADET  AND  ARMY   SERVICE.        189 

brothers  in  arms.  But  owing  to  your  inexperience  I  am  con- 
strained to  overlook  your  conduct  at  this  time,  and  will  there- 
fore inquire  of  you  whether  you  have  ever  studied  the  rule  of 
three." — "Yes,  sir." — "Then,  sir,  you  may  go  to  the  black- 
board and  solve  this  problem  :  If  three  men,  one  of  them  be- 
ing a  female  and  the  other  a  nigger,  start  out  simultaneously, 
which  will  get  there  first,  and  why  ?  " 

Mr.  King  having  been  disposed  of,  then  come  in  turn 
Smith,  Brown,  and  Jones,  who,  after  the  instructor  has  learned 
all  he  desires  to  know  of  their  previous  condition,  hopes,  aims, 
etc.,  are  set  to  work  in  this  fashion. 

"  Mr.  Smith,  have  you  ever*  studied  zoology  ?  " 

"  No,  sir." 

"  But  surely,  sir,  you  have  observed  the  habits  of  some 
species  of  the  animal  kingdom — certainly  those  of  the  do- 
mestic quadrupeds,  such  as  the  horse,  cow,  dog,  or  cat  ?  At 
all  events,  sir,  you  may  illustrate  this  important  branch  of  hu- 
man knowledge  by  the  solution  of  this  problem :  '  If  a  hard 
knot  be  tied  in  a  cat's  tail,  which  way,  how  long,  and  with  what 
success  will  she  run  after  it,  and  who  tied  the  knot  ?  " 

"  Mr.  Brown,  presuming,  sir,  that  you  have  studied  the 
classics  anterior  to  the  epoch  when  the  President  of  these 
United  States,  in  the  exercise  of  his  wise  discretion,  selected 
you  from  among  all  the  embryonic  military  geniuses  of  your 
Congressional  district  and  honored  both  you  and  himself  by 
giving  you  a  warrant  to  proceed  to  West  Point,  bringing  with 
you  not  only  the  hopes,  aspirations,  and  expectations  of  your 
friends  and  relatives,  but  what  is  much  more  important,  the 
determination  to  graduate  with  the  highest  honors  of  your 
class  and  thus  emulate  the  example  of  your  predecessor  ;  and 
now,  since  by  reporting  to  the  Superintendent  of  the  United 
States  Military  Academy,  you  have  caused  him  to  experience 
that  peace  and  happiness  that  come  from  the  prompt  and  satis- 
factory execution  of  legitimate  orders,  you  may  proceed  to 
the  black-board  with  the  dignity  of  true  military  bearing  and 
inscribe  your  name  with  your  accustomed  chirography  in  the 
right-hand  upper  corner  of  the  rectangular  space  allotted  to 


REMINISCENCES   OIF   CADET  AND   ARMY   SERVICE. 

you,  remembering  that  a  grateful  country  in  anticipation  of 
your  future  valuable  services  in  upholding  its  honor  and  glory 
has  generously  bestowed  upon  you  the  means  of  obeying  these 
instructions  without  any  personal  expense  to  you  or  your 
friends ;  and  now  to  test  the  extent  of  your  acquirements  in 
classic  lore  you  will  write  with  deliberation  this  memorable 
sentence,  once  uttered  by  Caesar  as  he  was  about  to  cross 
the  Rubicon,  to  wit  :  *  Tempus  fugit! — One  moment,  Mr. 
Brown,  be  not  impatient.  What  is  the  meaning,  sir,  in  our 
vernacular,  of  the  sentence  I  have  given  you  ?  " — "  Time  flies, 
sir." — "  Well,  Mr.  Brown,  what  are  you  standing  there  for 
wasting  this  valuable  commodity  of  the  military  art  ?  Are 
you  not  aware  that  it  is  gone  forever  never  more  to  return  ? 
Under  the  circumstances,  sir,  since  you  have  lost  the  first  half 
of  the  sentence  you  may  discuss  the  last  half  only  and  give  a 
full  description  of  the  flies  there  referred  to,  including  their 
origin,  habits,  markings,  and  their  relation  to  the  butterfly." 

"  Mr.  Jones,  you  are  all  at  sea  in  regard  to  the  subject  which 
I  am  about  to  assign  to  you,  and  therefore  I  infer  that  you  are 
well  up  in  the  subject  of  navigation." — "  No,  sir,  I  have 
never  studied  navagation." — "  Well !  well !  what  a  misfortune  ! 
You  see  that  I  had  marked  you  down  for  the  next  subject 
on  my  list,  and  it  is  a  maxim  in  military  operations  that  the 
next  man  for  detail  has  to  have  the  next  duty  to  perform. 
It  is  not  material  nor  pertinent  to  the  issue  whether  he  likes 
the  duty  or  not,  or  whether  some  one  else  is  better  fitted  by 
nature  or  abilities  to  perform  this  duty  ;  he,  alone,  must  be 
assigned.  In  the  exercise  of  this  perfect  impartiality  which 
peculiarly  characterizes  the  military  profession,  it  will  happen 
in  the  future  that  you  will  be  assigned  to  be  the  judge  advo- 
cate of  a  court-martial,  though  you  know  no  law,  and  in  the 
exercise  of  this  office  you  will  be  able  to  advise  many  officers 
older  in  years  and  superior  in  rank  to  yourself,  and  you  will 
derive  no  little  gratification  in  having  them  hauled  over  the 
coals  by  the  reviewing  authority  should  they  act  on  your  legal 
advice.  Now  in  order  that  you  may  display  your  knowledge 
both  of  law  and  of  navigation  you  will  solve  this  problem  : 


REMINISCENCES   OF  CADET  AND   ARMY   SERVICE.         191 

"If  a  canal-boat  heads  west-north-west  by  the  horse's  tail  and 
a  flaw  is  coming  up  from  the  south,  would  the  captain  be  justified, 
according  to  the  rules  of  maritime  warfare,  in  taking  a  reef  in 
the  stove  pipe  without  asking  the  cook  ?  " 

Having  engaged  the  other  members  in  similar  investiga- 
tions, such  as  "  whether  a  house  burns  tip  or  down"  "  whether  a 
stove  should  have  a  door,"  and  "  why  the  mouth  of  a  river  should 
not  be  in  its  head,"  I  had  on  the  floor  a  bright  intelligent  young 
fellow  whose  reticence  and  ready  obedience  saved  me  from  the 
serious  consequences  of  my  love  of  mischief.  A  knock  was 
heard  at  the  door  of  my  recitation  room,  indicating  the  imme- 
diate inspection  of  an  army  officer.  It  was  the  soldierly  Bay- 
ard, afterwards  killed  at  Fredericksburg.  My  heart  sank  clear 
down,  for  I  knew  that  the  slightest  investigation  would  reveal 
subjects  of  instruction  and  methods  of  teaching  not  specified 
in  the  schedule.  With  quick  wit,  however,  I  rose  to  the  oc- 
casion. "  That 's  wrong,  sir ;  try  it  again.  Spell  legible/' — "  Leg- 
i-ble,  legible." — "  That  is  quite  correct  now.  Remember  that 
one  is  apt  from  the  pronunciation  of  the  word  to  think  that  it 
is  spelled  leg-a-ble.  Try  cataract,"  and  so  I  continued  to  give 
out  words  to  spell  until  the  officer  left  the  room.  I  watched 
him  narrowly  out  of  the  corner  of  my  eye  lest  he  should  be  in- 
clined to  inquire  as  to  what  the  young  fellows  were  doing  at 
the  black-boards,  but  my  good  fortune  and  heretofore  good 
reputation  saved  me  for  the  service.  One  of  these  young  fel- 
lows was  Captain  Charles  King,  now  well  known  as  the  agree- 
able writer  of  army  stories,  and  I  am  sure  he  bears  me  no 
malice  for  the  means  I  employed  in  giving  him  his  first  lessons 
in  military  subordination. 

When  I  entered  the  Military  Academy  in  1859, tne  country 
was  enjoying  the  blessings  of  a  profound  peace,  but  when  I 
graduated  in  1863,  it  was  overwhelmed  by  the  miseries  of  a 
stupendous  war.  When  the  mutterings  of  the  rebellion  first 
reached  the  quiet  banks  of  the  Hudson,  its  diverse  influences 
were  acutely  felt  by  the  cadets  and  officers.  Gathered  as  they 
were  from  every  section  of  the  country  they  reflected  the  pe- 
culiar views  of  the  many  communities  from  which  they  came. 


IQ2        REMINISCENCES   OF  CADET  AND  ARMY   SERVICE. 

The  sovereignty  of  States,  the  right  of  Secession,  Slavery,  and 
all  the  burning  questions  of  the  hour  were  fiercely  combated 
by  partisans  on  both  sides.  The  same  temperaments  that  were 
afterwards  so  distinctly  accentuated  by  men  from  the  South 
and  the  North,  when  they  were  arrayed  against  each  other  in 
armed  conflict,  were  here  displayed  in  wordy  controversies, 
until  at  last  each  had  settled  the  matter  in  his  own  mind  and 
determined  his  future  course  of  action.  The  Southern  men  had 
a  much  more  difficult  question  to  decide  than  their  Northern 
comrades.  For  they  could  clearly  foresee  that  the  march  of 
events  would  soon  sever  their  connection  with  the  beloved 
academy,  that  the  closest  friendships  would  soon  be  disrupted, 
and  they  would  be  engulfed  in  a  struggle  whose  end  no  man 
could  predict.  I  have  always  believed  that  while  a  few  of  the 
more  hot-headed  were  carried  away  by  the  passionate  influences 
of  the  hour,  there  were  many  who  in  their  hours  of  solitude  felt 
the  deepest  anxiety  and  the  bitterness  of  the  sacrifice  they 
found  forced  inexorably  upon  them.  On  the  one  hand,  loyalty 
to  the  flag,  obligation  to  the  Government,  strict  interpretation 
of  duty,  the  strongest  associations  of  friendship,  and  love  for 
the  dear  old  academy ;  on  the  other,  inherited  fealty  to  their 
native  States,  family  ties,  home  associations,  and  all  the  strong 
influences  that  were  brought  to  bear  upon  them  from  their 
sections  of  the  country ;  such  were  the  anchors  that  held  them 
and  such  the  stresses  that  ruptured  them.  One  by  one,  as  the 
States  seceded,  so  did  their  cadet  representatives  withdraw  by 
resignation.  Many  were  the  sorrowful  partings  among  com- 
rades ;  hands  were  clasped,  bitter  tears  shed,  and  good-bye 
greetings  given  as  the  separations  came.  But  there  were  some 
also  who  after  the  severest  of  mental  conflicts  decided  to  re- 
main true  to  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  country.  They 
had  to  endure  the  taunts,  sneers,  and  averted  countenances  of 
their  former  bosom-friends,  as  well  as  that  isolation  which  arises 
from  a  misconception  of  their  status  by  those  who  would  have 
been  glad  to  have  given  them  their  warmest  support  and  sym- 
pathy. I  recall  a  grand  and  manly  fellow,  loyal  to  the  core, 
who,  through  all  entreaties,  expostulations,  and  threats  of  ostra- 


REMINISCENCES  OF  CADET  AND  ARMY   SERVICE.         193 

cism,  and  finally  even  having  the  recognition  of  blood  relation- 
ship denied  him,  stood  his  ground  manfully  and,  after  graduation, 
fought  bravely  through  the  whole  war,  and  at  Olustee  I  saw 
him  grievously  wounded  in  battle,  a  martyr  to  his  firm  can- 
victions  of  duty. 

Among  my  comrades  were  many  who  afterwards  did  good 
service  during  the  war.  When  the  days  of  their  instruction 
ended  they  were  hurried  off  to  the  field,  and  it  was  not  long 
before  reports  of  their  gallant  deeds  came  back  to  the  academy 
to  inspire  the  rest  of  us  with  the  hope  of  emulation.  There 
was  Harry  Wilson,  of  sanguine  temperament  and  active  brain, 
whose  magnificent  services,  culminating  in  the  successful  Selma 
campaign,  demonstrated  that  he  was  a  born  leader  of  men ; 
Wesley  Merritt,  a  renowned  cavalry  leader,  became  one  of 
Sheridan's  most  trusted  and  efficient  lieutenants ;  Horace  Por- 
ter, the  adjutant  of  the  class,  even  then  distinguished  equally 
for  his  delightful  wit  and  humor  and  high  scholarship,  pos- 
sessed those  qualities  of  personal  courage,  prudent  foresight, 
and  quick  judgment  which  were  so  admirably  adjusted  in 
his  composition  as  to  qualify  him  in  an  eminent  degree  for  the 
position  of  confidential  aide-de-camp  to  our  great  captain — 
General  Grant ;  Adelbert  Ames,  the  fighting  hero  of  Fort 
Fisher,  whose  famous  division,  under  his  own  personal  super- 
vision, drove  the  enemy  successively  from  traverse  to  traverse 
until  after  the  bloodiest  of  struggles  the  work  was  taken ; 
Emory  Upton,  the  author  of  tactics,  came  to  West  Point  a  raw 
country  lad,  patiently  plodded  through  his  course,  improving 
his  standing  year  by  year,  and  was  generally  considered  to  be 
a  quiet,  peaceful,  negative  fellow,  but  developed  into  a  mag- 
nificent leader  of  assaulting  columns  and  a  fighting  general  of 
the  first  magnitude ;  Kilpatrick,  Mackenzie,  and  Custer  be- 
came great  leaders  of  cavalry ;  Randol,  Pennington,  Henry, 
artillerists  of  exceptional  skill ;  and  many  others  of  equal  or 
lesser  fame  too  numerous  to  mention  here.  Besides  these 
famous  men  there  were  those  who  early  gave  their  young  lives  as 
sacrifices  to  their  country.  Alonzo  Gushing,  no  less  gallant  than 
his  famous  brother  of  the  navy  the  hero  of  the  Albemarle,  who  at 


194        REMINISCENCES   OF  CADET  AND  ARMY   SERVICE. 

Gettysburg,  though  severely  wounded,  refused  to  leave  his  guns, 
but  continued  to  pour  grape  and  canister  into  the  advancing 
columns  of  the  rebels  until  they  had  reached  the  very  muzzles 
of  his  pieces,  where  he  was  killed — a  mere  youth  of  the  age  of 
twenty-two.  Here  also  fell  O'Rourke  and  Hazlitt,  while  other 
fields  claimed  as  their  sacrifice  Kingsbury  and  Cross  and  Kirby 
and  Jones  and  Button,  all  of  whom  less  than  two  years  before 
were  bright  and  happy  boys  at  West  Point,  animated  with 
loyal  ambition  to  serve  their  country  in  her  extremity. 

In  recalling  these  eminent  men  as  they  appeared  to  me  in 
the  familiar  intercourse  of  student  life,  I  do  not  remember  that 
they  impressed  me  as  possessing  exceptional  military  talents — 
such  talents  as  their  after-career  showed  must  have  been  un- 
doubtedly latent.  They  were  all  good  fellows,  about  the  same 
as  are  now  found  in  every  class :  some  careful  in  behavior  and 
attentive  to  discipline,  and  others,  on  the  contrary,  quite  the 
reverse.  Custer,  for  example,  was  always  in  trouble  with  the 
authorities.  He  never  saw  the  adjutant  in  full  uniform  that  he 
did  not  suspect  that  he  was  the  object  of  his  search  for  the  pur- 
pose of  being  placed  in  arrest,  and  to  have  five  minutes  more 
freedom  he  would  cut  and  run  for  it,  to  delay  if  possible  the 
well-known  formula :  "  Sir,  you  are  hereby  placed  in  arrest  and 
confined  to  your  quarters  by  direction  of  the  superintendent." 
He  had  more  fun,  gave  his  friends  more  anxiety,  walked  more 
tours  of  extra  guard,  and  came  nearer  being  dismissed  more 
often  than  any  other  cadet  I  have  ever  known.  Custer  said 
that  there  were  but  two  positions  of  distinction  in  a  class, — 
head  and  foot ;  and  as  he  soon  found  that  he  could  not  be 
head  he  determined  that  he  would  support  his  class  as  a  solid 
base,  and  though  it  required  great  circumspection  and  much 
ticklish  work  he  succeeded  in  his  lofty  ambition.  When  Cus- 
ter, the  foot  man  of  his  class,  stood  before  the  superintendent 
to  receive  his  diploma,  the  latter  looked  at  him  steadily  for  a 
moment,  no  doubt  immensely  relieved  that  his  task  of  disci- 
plining this  spirited  youth  was  happily  ended ;  while  Custer, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  equally  happy,  as  with  a  very  low  and 
apparently  humble  bow  he  received  the  coveted  prize  for 


REMINISCENCES   OF   CADET  AND  ARMY  SERVICE.         195 

which  he  had  endured  four  years  of  a  very  precarious  exist- 
ence. It  is  related  of  this  superintendent,  who  was  a  very 
rigid  disciplinarian,  that  a  conversation  was  overheard  between 
two  very  humble  slop-carriers,  after  the  news  of  his  being  re- 
lieved from  duty  was  made  public,  in  this  wise :  "  Well,  Pat, 
the  Major  's  gone." — "Yis,  thrue  indade,  the  Major  's  gone; 
and  many  a  dhry  eye  followed  him." 

In  the  earlier  days  of  my  cadetship  it  was  a  rare  sight  to 
behold  a  general  officer.  General  Scott,  a  frequent  visitor  to 
West  Point,  was  the  beau  ideal  of  all  the  cadets.  A  veteran 
of  1812  and  hero  of  the  Mexican  war,  his  commanding  stature 
was  made  still  more  imposin'g  when  dressed  in  the  full  uni- 
form of  his  rank.  His  eagle  eye  seemed  to  pierce  the  very 
thoughts  of  the  cadets  as  he  inspected  our  ranks  when  he  gave 
us  the  honor  of  a  review,  and  we  did  strive  to  the  utmost  to 
merit  the  approbation  of  this  splendid  soldier.  I  also  recall 
seeing  General  Philip  St.  George  Cooke,  but  as  he  wore  a  tall 
silk  hat  with  his  dress  uniforn,  this  incongruity  somewhat 
militated  against  his  military  standing  in  our  estimation.  But 
there  were  also  on  duty  at  the  academy  many  subaltern  officers 
who  were  destined  to  become  famous  generals,  though  we  did 
not  then  suspect  it.  There  was  Lieutenant  John  M.  Schofield 
of  the  artillery,  with  fewer  rings  of  annual  growth  around  his 
middle  section  than  now,  who  was  a  splendid  instructor  in 
natural  philosophy.  Endowed  with  great  analytical  mental 
powers,  he  was  devoting  himself  to  the  study  of  the  higher 
mathematics  and  to  scientific  investigation.  Had  not  the  war 
demanded  his  services  in  the  wider  sphere  of  public  usefulness 
he  would  have  become  famous  as  a  scientific  investigator  and 
author,  for  he  had  resigned  his  commission  in  the  army  in 
August,  1860,  to  accept  the  chair  of  Physics  in  the  Washington 
University  at  St.  Louis.  Lieutenant  G.  K.  Warren  of  the 
Topogs  taught  us  conic  sections,  surveying,  and  the  calculus ; 
a  keen,  alert,  and  fascinating  teacher.  Even  then  he  had 
gained  a  most  distinguished  reputation  as  an  explorer  of  our 
western  territory,  so  that  in  addition  to  winning  our  admira- 
tion by  his  soldierly  bearing  and  scientific  ability,  he  also  com- 


196        REMINISCENCES  OF  CADET  AND  ARMY  SERVICE. 

pelled  our  heartiest  affection  by  his  many  endearing  qualities 
as  a  manly  man.  As  my  personal  affection  for  him,  my  ad- 
miration  of  his  splendid  military  capacity,  and  my  sympathy  in 
his  unmerited  censure  have  grown  with  my  years,  I  will  always 
cherish  the  belief  that  his  countrymen  will  in  time  do  full  jus- 
tice to  the  memory  of  this  noble  soldier  and  patriot.  Lieu- 
tenant O.  O.  Howard  relieved  Warren  as  our  mathematical 
instructor.  He  was  a  most  kind  and  courteous  gentleman, 
very  forbearing  with  all  our  many  shortcomings,  and  exceed- 
ingly considerate  of  our  faults.  He  was  then,  as  now,  known 
to  be  intensely  interested  in  his  Master's  work,  and  was  sup- 
posed to  be  studying  for  the  ministry.  Without  impugning 
the  motives  of  the  members  of  his  immortal  section  in  mathe- 
matics it  seemed  a  very  curious  circumstance  that  every  one 
of  them  was  a  frequent  attendant  of  the  cadets'  prayer-meet- 
ing, in  which  Howard  took  a  very  active  interest,  and  each 
seemed  to  be  as  actively  eager  to  be  found  worthy  of  that 
immortality  which  is  to  come,  as  to  escape  the  just  judgment 
of  the  academic  board  in  the  approaching  examination.  We 
had  for  commandant  that  magnificent  soldier,  John  F.  Rey- 
nolds, who  afterwards  fell  at  Gettysburg ;  Lieutenant  George 
D.  Bayard,  convalescing  from  wounds  received  in  the  Indian 
wars,  taught  us  equitation,  and  who,  as  major-general,  was 
killed  at  Fredericksburg.  Comstock,  Weitzel,  and  Craighill, 
all  of  whom  afterwards  became  distinguished  military  engin- 
eers, taught  civil  and  military  engineering ;  McCook,  Saxton, 
Garrard,  and  Williams  instructed  us  in  military  discipline  and 
the  tactics  of  three  arms  of  the  service ;  Webb,  Benet,  and 
many  others  equally  distinguished  afterwards  in  the  great  war, 
taught  us,  as  lieutenants,  in  other  studies.  But  when  the  war 
broke  out  these  gallant  and  accomplished  men  could  not  rest 
easy  in  these  peaceful  pursuits ;  they  sought  active  service  and 
persistently  renewed  their  solicitations  for  authority  to  join 
their  regiments  in  the  field  ;  they  were  replaced  by  others 
equally  impatient,  and  by  the  fall  of  '61  some  of  the  convales- 
cent wounded  became  available  for  this  duty.  While  we 
could  not  foresee  the  splendid  career  that  many  of  these  un- 


REMINISCENCES  OF  CADET  AND  ARMY  SERVICE.         197 

tried  lieutenants  were  destined  to  achieve,  we  knew  that  they 
would  do  whatever  was  assigned  to  them  with  unselfish  de- 
votion and  undaunted  courage,  and  we  followed  their  daily 
record  with  the  most  eager  interest  and  professional  pride. 

That  it  was  a  very  difficult  thing  for  us  to  attend  strictly 
to  our  theoretical  studies  while  battles  were  being  fought 
and  laurels  won  by  our  former  comrades,  goes  without  saying. 
Indeed,  we  fondly  hoped  that  the  War  Department  would 
immediately  release  us  from  academic  duty  and  order  us  to 
the  field,  so  that  even  the  little  we  had  learned  might  be  made 
available.  But  wiser  counsels  prevailed,  and  we  were  not 
graduated  until  our  academical  course  was  completed.  The 
four  years  of  strict  discipline,  hard  study,  and  simple  habits 
had  developed  in  each  of  us  such  a  spirit  that  we  were  ready 
to  undertake  any  duty,  to  go  upon  any  service,  or  assume  any 
responsibility ;  for  we  had  been  trained  to  do  our  thinking  and 
not  to  shirk  the  consequences  of  our  decisions. 

But  time  relentlessly  brought  forward  the  longed-for  mo- 
ment, even  to  the  most  impatient.  The  last  day  of  our  cadet 
life  arrived.  A  hurried  visit  to  the  homes  we  had  not  seen  for 
two  years,  a  speedy  departure  to  the  front,  and  the  class  of  '63 
was  soon  absorbed  in  the  vast  volunteer  armies  that  had  already 
learned  the  art  of  war  by  the  efficient  methods  of  active  serv- 
ice in  the  field.  Of  my  experience  in  this  new  field  of  duty  I 
had  hoped  to  be  able  to  say  something  to-night,  but  the  limits 
of  your,  forbearance  are  already  reached.  But  I  may  be  per- 
mitted to  say  in  conclusion,  that  in  West  Point  our  beloved 
country  has  a  living  spring  of  nationality,  whence  flows  a  clear 
crystal  stream  of  undoubted  patriotism,  unsullied  integrity,  and 
unselfish  devotion.  Its  past  record  is  part  of  the  nation's 
history,  and  that  it  will  bear  its  part  well  in  whatever  the 
future  may  have  in  store  for  this  grandest  of  all  countries,  is  a 
sentiment  which,  I  am  sure,  you  who  so  actively  participated 
in  the  events  of  the  great  rebellion,  will  cordially  endorse. 


THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE  OF  PATRIOTISM. 

Address  by  Archbishop  IRELAND,  before  the  New  York  Commandery  of  the 
Loyal  Legion,  New  York,  April  4,  1894. 

/COMMANDER,  COMPANIONS  :  To  speak  of  patriotism  is 
my  evening's  task.  An  easy  and  a  gracious  one  it  ought 
to  be.  Patriotism  is  personified  in  my  audience.  The  honor 
is  mine  to  address  the  country's  heroes,  the  country's  martyrs. 
At  country's  call  you  quickly  buckled  your  armor  on,  and, 
rushing  where  battle  raged,  you  offered  for  country's  life  the 
life-blood  of  your  hearts.  Many  of  you  bear  upon  limb  and 
face  the  sacred  stigmata  of  patriotism.  Your  tried  hands  are 
doubly  pledged  in  purest  unselfishness  and  bravest  resolve  to 
uphold  in  the  reign  of  peace  the  loved  flag  which  in  days  of 
war  they  carried  over  gory  fields  above  stain  or  reproach.  I 
could  not,  if  I  would,  close  the  portals  of  my  soul  to  the 
rich  and  sweet  inspirations  which  come  to  me  from  your 
souls. 

I  shall  define  patriotism  as  you  understand  and  feel  it. 
Patriotism  is  love  of  country,  and  loyalty  to  its  life  and  weal 
— love  tender  and  strong,  tender  as  the  love  of  son  for  mother, 
strong  as  the  pillars  of  death ;  loyalty  generous  and  disinter- 
ested, shrinking  from  no  sacrifice,  seeking  no  reward  save 
country's  honor  and  country's  triumph. 

Patriotism !  There  is  magic  in  the  word.  It  is  bliss  to  re- 
peat it.  Through  ages  the  human  race  burnt  the  incense  of 
admiration  and  reverence  at  the  shrines  of  patriotism.  The 
most  beautiful  pages  of  history  are  those  which  count  its  deeds. 
Fireside  tales,  the  outpourings  of  the  memories  of  peoples,  bor- 
row from  it  their  warmest  glow.  Poets  are  sweetest  when  they 

198 


THE  DUTY  AND   VALUE   OF  PATRIOTISM.  199 

re-echo  its  whisperings;  orators  are  most  potent  when  they 
thrill  its  chords  to  music. 

Pagan  nations  were  wrong  when  they  made  gods  of  their 
noblest  patriots.  But  the  error  was  the  excess  of  a  great  truth, 
that  heaven  unites  with  earth  in  approving  and  blessing  patri- 
otism ;  that  patriotism  is  one  of  earth's  highest  virtues,  worthy 
to  have  come  down  from  the  atmosphere  of  the  skies. 

The  exalted  patriotism  of  the  exiled  Hebrew  exhaled  it- 
self in  a  canticle  of  religion  which  Jehovah  inspired,  and  which 
has  been  transmitted,  as  the  inheritance  of  God's  people  to  the 
Christian  church  :  "  Upon  the  rivers  of  Babylon,  there  we  sat 
and  wept,  when  we  remembered  Sion. — If  I  forget  thee,  O 
Jerusalem,  let  my  right  hand  be  forgotten.  Let  my  tongue 
cleave  to  my  jaws,  if  I  do  not  remember  thee,  if  I  do  not  make 
Jerusalem  the  beginning  of  my  joy." 

The  human  race  pays  homage  to  patriotism,  because  of  its 
supreme  value.  The  value  of  patriotism  to  a  people  is  above 
gold  and  precious  stones,  above  commerce  and  industry,  above 
citadels  and  war  ships.  Patriotism  is  the  vital  spark  of  national 
honor ;  it  is  the  fount  of  the  nation's  prosperity,  the  shield  of 
the  nation's  safety.  Take  patriotism  away,  the  nation's  soul 
has  fled,  bloom  and  beauty  have  vanished,  from  the  nation's 
countenance. 

The  human  race  pays  homage  to  patriotism,  because  of  its 
supreme  loveliness.  Patriotism  goes  out  to  what  is  among 
earth's  possessions  the  most  precious,  the  first  and  best  and 
dearest — country,  and  its  effusion  is  the  fragrant  flowering  of 
the  purest  and  noblest  sentiments  of  the  heart. 

Patriotism  is  innate  in  all  men ;  the  absence  of  it  betokens 
a  perversion  of  human  nature :  but  it  grows  its  full  growth 
only  where  thoughts  are  elevated  and  heart-beatings  are 
generous. 

Next  to  God  is  country,  and  next  to  religion  is  patriotism. 
No  praise  goes  beyond  its  deserts.  It  is  sublime  in  its  heroic 
oblation  upon  the  field  of  battle.  "  O  glorious  is  he,"  exclaims 
in  Homer  the  Trojan  warrior,  "  who  for  his  country  falls  !  " 
It  is  sublime  in  the  oft-repeated  toil  of  dutiful  citizenship. 


2OO  THE  DUTY  AND   VALUE   OF  PATRIOTISM. 

"  Of  all  human  doings,"  writes  Cicero,  "  none  is  more  hon- 
orable and  more  estimable  than  to  merit  well  of  the  common- 
wealth." 

Countries  are  of  divine  appointment.  The  Most  High 
"  divided  the  nations,  separated  the  sons  of  Adam,  and  ap- 
pointed the  bounds  of  peoples."  The  physical  and  moral 
necessities  of  God's  creatures  are  revelations  of  His  will  and 
laws.  Man  is  born  a  social  being.  A  condition  of  his  exist- 
ence and  of  his  growth  to  mature  age  is  the  family.  Nor  does 
the  family  suffice  to  itself.  A  larger  social  organism  is  needed, 
into  which  families  gather,  so  as  to  obtain  from  one  another 
security  to  life  and  property,  and  aid  in  the  development  of  the 
faculties  and  powers  with  which  nature  has  endowed  the  child- 
ren of  men.  The  whole  human  race  is  too  extensive  and  too 
diversified  in  interests  to  serve  those  ends :  hence  its  subdivis- 
ions into  countries  or  peoples.  Countries  have  their  providen- 
tial limits — the  waters  of  a  sea,  a  mountain  range,  the  lines  of 
similarity  of  requirements,  or  of  methods  of  living.  The  limits 
widen  in  space  according  to  the  measure  of  the  destinies  which 
the  great  Ruler  allots  to  peoples,  and  the  importance  of  their 
parts  in  the  mighty  work  of  the  cycles  of  years,  the  ever-ad- 
vancing tide  of  humanity's  evolution.  The  Lord  is  the  God 
of  nations,  because  He  is  the  God  of  men.  No  nation  is 
born  into  life,  or  vanishes  back  into  nothingness  without  his 
bidding.  I  believe  in  the  providence  of  God  over  countries  as 
I  believe  in  His  wisdom  and  His  love,  and  my  patriotism  to 
my  country  rises  within  my  soul  invested  with  the  halo  of  my 
religion  to  my  God. 

More  than  a  century  ago  a  trans-Atlantic  poet  and  philo- 
sopher, reading  well  the  signs,  wrote  : 

"  Westward  the  star  of  empire  takes  its  way. 

The  first  four  acts  already  past, 
A  fifth  shall  close  the  drama  with  the  day  : 
Time's  noblest  offspring  is  the  last." 

Berkeley's  prophetic  eye  had  descried  America.  What 
shall  I  say  in  a  brief  discourse  of  my  country's  value  and 


THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE  OF  PATRIOTISM.  2OI 

beauty,  of  her  claims  to  my  love  and  loyalty  ?  I  will  pass  by 
in  silence  her  fields  and  forests,  her  rivers  and  seas,  the  bound- 
less riches  hidden  beneath  her  soil  and  amid  the  rocks  of  her 
mountains,  her  pure  and  health-giving  air,  her  transcendent 
wealth  of  nature's  fairest  and  most  precious  gifts.  I  will  not 
speak  of  the  noble  qualities  and  robust  deeds  of  her  sons, 
skilled  in  commerce  and  industry,  valorous  in  war,  prosperous 
in  peace.  In  all  these  things  America  is  opulent  and  great : 
but  beyond  them  and  above  them  is  her  singular  grandeur,  to 
which  her  material  splendor  is  only  the  fitting  circumstance. 

America  born  into  the  family  of  nations  in  these  latter 
times  is  the  highest  billow  in  humanity's  evolution,  the  crown- 
ing effort  of  ages  in  the  aggrandizement  of  man.  Unless  we 
take  her  in  this  altitude,  we  do  not  comprehend  her ;  we  be- 
little her  towering,  stature,  and  conceal  the  singular  design 
of  Providence  in  her  creation. 

America  is  the  country  of  human  dignity,  and  human 
liberty. 

When  the  fathers  of  the  republic  declared  "  that  all  men 
are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  inalienable  rights ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness/'  a  cardinal  principle  was  enunci- 
ated, which  in  its  truth  was  as  old  as  the  race,  but  in  practical 
realization  almost  unknown. 

Slowly,  amid  sufferings  and  revolutions,  humanity  had 
been  reaching  out  toward  a  reign  of  the  rights  of  man.  Ante- 
Christian  paganism  had  utterly  denied  such  rights.  It  allowed 
nothing  to  man  as  man  ;  he  was  what  wealth,  place,  or  power 
made  him.  Even  the  wise  Aristotle  taught  that  some  men 
were  intended  by  nature  to  be  slaves  and  chattels.  The  sweet 
religion  of  Christ  proclaimed  aloud  the  doctrine  of  the  common 
fatherhood  of  God,  and  the  universal  brotherhood  of  men. 
Eighteen  hundred  years,  however,  went  by,  and  the  civilized 
world  had  not  yet  put  its  civil  and  political  institutions  in  ac- 
cord with  its  spiritual  faith.  The  Christian  church  was  all  this 
time  leavening  human  society,  and  patiently  awaiting  the 
promised  fermentation.  This  came  at  last,  and  it  came  in 


202  THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE   OF  PATRIOTISM. 

America.  It  came  in  a  first  manifestation  through  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  ;  it  came  in  a  second  and  final  manifesta- 
tion through  President  Lincoln's  Proclamation  of  Emanci- 
pation. 

In  America,  all  men  are  civilly  and  politically  equal ;  all 
have  the  same  rights  ;  all  wield  the  same  arm  of  defense  and 
of  conquest,  the  suffrage ;  and  the  sole  condition  of  rights  and 
of  power  is  simple  manhood. 

Liberty  is  the  exemption  from  all  restraint  save  that  of  the 
laws  of  justice  and  order ;  the  exemption  from  submission  to 
other  men,  except  as  they  represent  and  enforce  those  laws. 
The  divine  gift  of  liberty  to  man  is  God's  recognition  of  his 
greatness  and  his  dignity.  The  sweetness  of  man's  life  and 
the  power  of  growth  lie  in  liberty.  The  loss  of  liberty  is  the 
loss  of  light  and  sunshine,  the  loss  of  life's  best  portion.  Hu- 
manity, under  the  spell  of  heavenly  memories,  never  ceased  to 
dream  of  liberty,  and  to  aspire  to  its  possession.  Now  and 
then,  here  and  there,  its  refreshing  breezes  caressed  humanity's 
brow.  But  not  until  the  republic  of  the  West  was  born,  not 
until  the  star-spangled  banner  rose  toward  the  skies,  was 
liberty  caught  up  in  humanity's  embrace,  and  embodied  in  a 
great  and  abiding  nation. 

In  America  the  government  takes  from  the  liberty  of  the 
citizen  only  so  much  as  is  necessary  for  the  weal  of  the  nation,, 
which  the  citizen  by  his  own  act  freely  concedes.  In  America 
there  are  no  masters,  who  govern  in  their  own  right,  for  their 
own  interests,  or  at  their  own  will.  We  have  over  us  no  Louis 
XIV.,  saying:  " L'ttat,  cst  moi"  ;  no  Hohenzollern,  announc- 
ing that  in  his  acts  as  sovereign  he  is  responsible  only  to  his 
conscience  and  to  God.  Ours  is  the  government  of  the  people^ 
by  the  people,  and  for  the  people.  The  government  is  our 
own  organized  will.  There  is  no  state  above,  or  apart  from 
the  people.  Rights  begin  with,  and  go  upward  from,  the  peo- 
ple. In  other  countries,  even  those  apparently  the  most  free, 
rights  begin  with  and  come  downward  from  the  state ;  the 
rights  of  citizens,  the  rights  of  the  people,  are  concessions 
which  have  been  painfully  wrenched  from  the  governing  powers. 


THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE  OF  PATRIOTISM.  203 

With  Americans,  whenever  the  organized  government  does 
not  prove  its  grant,  the  liberty  of  the  individual  citizen  is 
sacred  and  inviolable.  Elsewhere  there  are  governments  called 
republics :  universal  suffrage  constitutes  the  state :  but  once 
constituted  the  state  is  tyrannous  and  arbitrary,  and  invades 
at  will  private  rights,  and  curtails  at  will  individual  liberty. 
One  republic  is  liberty's  native  home — America. 

The  God-given  mission  of  the  republic  of  America  is  not 
only  to  its  own  people :  it  is  to  all  the  peoples  of  the  earth, 
before  whose  eyes  it  is  the  symbol  of  human  rights  and  human 
liberty,  toward  whom  its  flag  flutters  hopes  of  future  happi- 
ness for  themselves. 

Is  there  not  for  Americans  a  meaning  to  the  word  country? 
Is  there  not  for  Americans  reason  to  live  for  country,  and,  if 
need  there  be,  to  die  for  country  ?  Is  there  not  joy  in  the 
recollection  that  you  have  been  her  saviors,  and  glory  in  the 
name  of  America's  "  Loyal  Legion  "  ?  Whatever  the  country 
patriotism  is  a  duty :  in  America  the  duty  is  thrice  sacred. 

The  duty  of  patriotism  is  the  duty  of  justice  and  of  grati- 
tude. The  country  fosters  and  protects  our  dearest  interests 
— our  altars  and  hearthstones— /r0  aris  et  focis.  Without  it 
there  is  no  safety  for  life  or  property,  no  opportunities  of 
development  and  progress.  All  that  the  country  is,  she  makes 
ours.  We  are  wise  of  her  wisdom,  rich  of  her  opulence,  re- 
splendent of  her  glory,  strong  of  her  fortitude.  At  once  the 
prisoner  Paul  rose  to  eminence,  and  obtained  respect  from 
Palestinian  Jews  and  Roman  soldiers,  when  he  proudly  an- 
nounced that  he  was  a  citizen  of  Rome — Civis  Romanus.  And 
to-day  how  significant,  the  world  over,  are  the  words :  I  am 
a  citizen  of  America — Civis  Americanus  ! 

Duty  to  country  is  a  duty  of  conscience,  a  duty  to  God. 
For  country  exists  by  natural  divine  right.  It  receives  from 
God  the  authority  needful  for  its  life  and  work :  its  authority 
to  command  is  divine.  The  apostle  of  Christ  to  the  gentiles 
writes :  "  There  is  no  power  but  from  God,  and  those  that  are, 
are  ordained  of  God.  Therefore,  he  that  resisteth  the  power, 
resisteth  the  ordinance  of  God."  The  religion  of  patriotism 


204  THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE  OF  PATRIOTISM. 

is  not  sufficiently  considered  :  and,  yet,  it  is  this  religion  which 
gives  to  country  its  majesty,  and  to  patriotism  its  sacredness 
and  force. 

As  the  part  to  the  whole,  so  is  the  citizen  to  the  country ; 
and  this  relation  is  the  due  measure  of  patriotism.  The  coun- 
try and  its  interests  are  paramount  to  the  citizen  and  his  inter- 
ests. A  king  of  France,  St.  Louis,  set  to  his  device  this 
motto :  "  Dieu,  la  France,  et  Marguerite."  It  told  the  order 
of  allegiances  :  God  first,  next  to  God  country,  next  to  country 
family,  oneself  the  last — the  willing  and  generous  chevalier, 
even  unto  death,  of  family,  country,  and  God. 

Allegiance  to  country  is  limited  only  by  allegiance  to  God. 
God  and  His  eternal  laws  of  justice  and  righteousness  are  su- 
preme, and  hold  first  claims  upon  conscience.  A  country 
which  exacts  the  violation  of  those  laws,  annuls  its  own  moral 
authority,  becomes  an  aggregation  of  human  wills  which  physi- 
cal force  alone  sustains.  "  To  God,  that  which  is  God's ;  to 
Caesar,  that  which  is  Caesar's."  In  olden  paganism  the  state 
arrogated  to  itself  supremacy  in  ethics  as  in  temporals,  and 
ruled  consciences.  Under  this  tyranny  of  the  soul,  freedom's 
last  ray  vanished  ;  the  last  vestige  of  human  dignity  was 
effaced.  Christ  made  men  free  ;  He  brought  back  the  state  to 
its  proper  orbit ;  and,  restoring  truth  upon  earth,  He  restored 
manhood  to  man,  and  to  country  the  effulgence  of  the  skies. 

It  is  fortunate  for  a  people  that  from  time  to  time  supreme 
emergencies  arise  testing  its  patriotism  to  the  highest  pitch. 
If  patriotism  remains  dormant  for  a  long  period,  it  may  lessen 
in  strength,  while  the  reflection  and  self-consciousness  which 
resolute  action  awakens  result  in  a  fuller  estimate  of  the  value 
of  the  country  and  institutions  which  it  is  the  duty  of  patriot- 
ism to  defend. 

A  supreme  emergency  did  arise  for  the  people  of  America. 

There  had  been,  indeed,  patriotism  intense  and  sublime  in 
the  revolutionary  war,  when 

' '  In  their  ragged  regimentals 
Stood  the  old  Continentals, 
Yielding  not." 


THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE   OF  PATRIOTISM.  2O$ 

But  had  this  patriotism  survived  ?  Notable  changes  had 
come  over  the  country.  The  population  had  been  made  much 
more  eclectic ;  commerce  and  industry,  usually  unpropitious 
to  sentiment  and  exaltation  of  soul,  had  engrossed  the  public 
mind  ;  the  spirit  of  democracy,  in  its  workings  toward  individ- 
ualism of  character,  might  have  unfitted  the  citizen  for  sacri- 
fice in  behalf  of  the  general  weal.  I  was  in  Europe  when  the 
civil  war  broke  out,  and  I  well  remember  the  tone  of  the  pub- 
lic press  regarding  the  American  situation.  It  was  asserted 
that  patriotism  was  unknown  to  Americans,  and  that  a  free 
government  like  ours,  compelled  to  rely  upon  volunteer  serv- 
ice, could  not  muster  a  large'  army  of  defenders.  The  pro- 
clamation of  President  Lincoln  calling  for  75,000  soldiers  was 
received  as  the  venturesome  act  of  despair,  and  a  quick  disso- 
lution of  the  Union  was  prophesied.  At  home  there  were  not 
a  few  whose  thoughts  were  those  of  the  unfriendly  Europeans. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twelfth  day  of  April,  in  the  memor- 
able year  of  1861,  a  cannon-ball  swept  over  the  waters  of 
Charleston  harbor,  aimed  with  deadly  intent  at  the  star-span- 
gled banner,  floating  above  the  walls  of  Sumter.  War  was  de- 
clared against  the  country. 

How  much  there  was  at  stake  !  Scarcely  can  we  at  this 
moment  recall  without  trepidation  the  awful  significance  of  the 
contest. 

At  stake  was  the  Union  of  the  States,  the  strength  and  the 
life  of  the  nation.  What  constitutes  each  State,  from  the 
Atlantic  waters  to  those  of  the  Pacific,  strong,  hopeful,  palpi- 
tating with  giant  life  and  ready  for  giant  progress  ?  This  only 
fact,  that  the  States  are  one  nation,  and  that,  at  home  and 
abroad,  one  flag  symbolizes  them.  A  northern  republic,  a 
southern  republic,  a  western  republic — the  nations  would  de- 
spise them.  The  republic  of  the  United  States — the  nations 
fear  and  honor  it. 

At  stake  was  the  plenary  recognition  of  human  rights  in 
our  own  conutry.  In  contradiction  to  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, men  were  held  as  slaves — forsooth,  because  of 
color ;  in  practice,  America  had  failed  as  yet  to  be  the  ideal 


2O6  THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE   OF   PATRIOTISM. 

country  of  manhood  and  human  dignity.  Had  rebellion  tri- 
umphed, slavery  should  have  been  confirmed,  and  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  solemnly  and  permanently  belied. 

At  stake  was  liberty  for  the  world,  the  stability  of  a  gov- 
ernment of  the  people,  for  the  people,  and  by  the  people. 
The  Union  disrupted,  its  shattered  fragments  prostrate  over 
the  land,  as  the  broken  and  desolate  columns  of  once  famous 
temples  in  Grecian  and  Roman  regions,  liberty  shrieking  over 
the  ruins  should  have  hastened  back  to  caverns  of  gloom,  her 
friends  abandoning  hope,  her  enemies  rejoicing  and  confident. 
The  death  of  the  Union  implied  a  century  of  retrogression  for 
humanity. 

Deep  and  soul-rending  was  the  ceaseless  anxiety  of  free- 
dom's sons  during  the  dreary  years  of  America's  civil  war.  At 
every  rising  of  the  morning  sun,  the  heavens  were  questioned — 

"  O  say,  can  you  see  by  the  dawn's  early  light, 
What  so  proudly  we  hailed  at  the  twilight's  last  gleaming  ? 

"  O  say,  does  that  star-spangled  banner  yet  wave 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave?  " 

O  God  of  nations,  we,  this  evening,  thank  thee :  all  was 
well :  American  patriotism  was  on  guard  :  and  the  day  came 
when,  at  Appomattox,  one  flag  unfurled  its  beauteous  folds 
over  both  contending  armies : 

"  'T  is  the  star-spangled  banner  :  O  long  may  it  wave 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave  ! " 

Two  things  in  our  civil  war  amazed  the  world  :  one,  the 
number  and  courage  of  our  volunteer  soldiers ;  the  other,  the 
ability  of  the  commanders.  In  other  countries  large  standing 
armies,  years  of  careful  training  for  men  and  officers  are  the 
prerequisites  of  successful  warfare.  In  America  the  chief  ex- 
ecutive of  the  republic  waves  his  wand,  and  armies  spring 
up  as  by  incantation.  One  motive  rules  them,  the  saving  of 
the  country ;  they  are  most  daring  in  deed  ;  the  leadership  is 
most  skilful.  The  records  of  their  battles  are  studied  in  won- 


THE   DUTY  AND   VALUE   OF  PATRIOTISM.  2O/ 

derment  by  famed  warriors  of  Europe.  Especially,  did  the 
skilled  leadership  of  our  armies  astonish  Europeans.  I  met 
recently  in  Paris  a  well-known  general  of  Russia.  He  said  : 

"  War  is  a  science  of  high  degree  ;  at  the  commencement  of  the 
contest  the  Government  of  the  United  States  had  at  its  disposal 
only  a  handful  of  trained  officers  ;  the  war,  moreover,  was  to  offer 
in  its  varied  operations  unusual  difficulties  ;  and  yet,  the  command 
throughout  the  vast  army  was  admirable  in  skill  of  planning  and 
execution." 

Great  the  sacrifices  which  the  war  in  defense  of  the  country 
demanded  !  But  great  the  results  !  No  one  now  doubts  that 
America  is  patriotic,  and  that  a  free  people  may  be  relied  upon 
to  defend  its  country.  The  United  States  is  respected  by  the 
nations  of  the  world  ;  they  remember  what  it  was  capable  of 
when  divided  ;  they  understand  what  it  is  capable  of  when 
united.  The  victory  of  the  Union  brought  peace  and  pros- 
perity to  conquerors  and  to  conquered  ;  to-day  the  conquered 
rejoice  no  less  than  the  conquerors  that  the  old  flag  has  not 
lost  one  star  from  its  azure  ground.  The  seal  of  finality  has 
been  set  upon  the  Union,  the  God  of  battle  ending  disputes, 
and  deciding  that  we  are  a  nation,  one  and  indestructible. 
Slavery  has  been  blotted  out,  and  the  escutcheon  of  free 
America  is  cleansed  of  blemish.  Liberty  is  without  peril  in 
her  chosen  home,  and  from  America's  shores  she  sends  her 
fragrant  breathings  across  seas  and  oceans.  The  quickened 
march  of  republicanism  and  democracy  which  the  present 
times  witness  through  the  Southern  continent  of  America,  and 
through  Europe,  goes  out  from  the  great  heart  of  the  triumph- 
ant republic  of  the  United  States. 

The  sacrifices  !  Each  one  of  you,  Companions,  says  in 
truth  :  "  Quorum  pars  magna  fui"  The  results  !  They  are 
yours,  since  the  sacrifices  were  yours  which  purchased  them. 
This  great  nation  is  your  especial  belonging :  you  saved  it  by 
the  libation  of  your  blood.  By  you  the  star-spangled  banner 
was  guarded,  at  the  peril  of  your  life,  in  its  hour  of  trial :  let 
others  love  it  and  seek  its  smiles :  they  cannot  have  for  it  your 


2O8       THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE  OF  PATRIOTISM. 

passion,  and,  were   speech  allowed  it,  accents   of   sweetness 
would  flow  out  to  you  which  others  should  not  hear. 

The  days  of  peace  have  come  upon  our  fair  land :  the  days 
when  patriotism  was  a  duty  have  not  departed.  What  was 
saved  by  war  must  be  preserved. 

A  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the 
people,  as  proposed  by  the  founders  of  the  republic,  was,  in 
the  light  of  the  facts  of  history,  a  stupendous  experiment* 
The  experiment  has  so  far  succeeded.  A  French  publicist, 
De  Maistre,  once  dismissed  with  contempt  the  argument 
drawn  from  the  United  States  in  favor  of  free  institutions  in 
Europe,  remarking :  "  The  republic  of  the  United  States  is  in 
its  swathing-clothes ;  let  it  grow :  wait  a  century  and  you  shall 
see."  The  republic  has  lived  out  a  century ;  it  has  lived  out  a 
mighty  civil  war,  with  no  diminution,  assuredly,  of  vigor  and 
promise.  Can  we  say,  however,  that  it  is  beyond  all  the  stages 
of  an  experiment  ?  The  world  at  large  is  not  willing  to  grant 
this  conclusion  :  it  tells  us,  even,  that  the  republic  is  but  now 
entering  upon  its  crucial  crisis.  New  conditions,  indeed,  con- 
front us :  new  perils  menace  us,  in  a  population  bordering  on 
the  hundredth  million  and  prepared  quickly  to  leap  beyond 
this  figure,  in  plethoric  and  unwieldy  urban  conglomerations, 
in  that  unbridled  luxury  of  living  consequent  on  vast  material 
prosperity,  which  in  all  times  is  a  dreaded  foe  to  liberty.  It 
were  reckless  folly  on  our  part  to  deny  all  force  to  the  object- 
ions which  are  put  to  us. 

Meanwhile,  the  destinies  of  numerous  peoples  are  in  the 
balance.  They  move  toward  liberty,  as  liberty  is  seen  to  reign 
undisturbed  in  America ;  they  recede  toward  absolutism  and 
hereditary  regimes,  as  clouds  are  seen  darkening  our  sky. 
Civil,  political,  social  happenings  of  America  are  watched,  the 
world  over,  with  intense  anxiety,  because  of  their  supposed 
bearings  upon  the  question  of  the  practicability  of  popular 
government.  A  hundred  times  the  thought  pressed  itself  upon 
me,  as  I  discussed  in  foreign  countries  the  modern  democracy, 
that,  could  Americans  understand  how  much  is  made  to  depend 
upon  the  outcome  of  republican  and  democratic  institutions  in 


THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE  OF  PATRIOTISM.  209 

their  country,  a  new  fire  of  patriotism,  a  new  zeal  in  the  wel- 
fare of  the  republic,  would  kindle  within  their  hearts. 

For  my  part,  I  have  unwavering  faith  in  the  republic  of 
America.  I  have  faith  in  the  providence  of  God  and  the  pro- 
gress of  humanity :  I  will  not  believe  that  liberty  is  not  a 
permanent  gift,  and  it  were  not,  if  America  fail.  I  have  faith 
in  the  powerful  and  loyal  national  heart  of  America,  which 
clings  fast  to  liberty,  and  sooner  or  later  rights  wrongs,  and  up- 
roots evils.  I  have  no  fears.  Clouds  cross  the  heavens  :  soon 
a  burst  of  sunlight  dispels  them.  Different  interests  in  society 
are  out  of  joint  with  one  another,  and  the  society  organism 
is  feverish  :  it  is  simply  the  effort  toward  new  adjustments ; 
in  a  little  while,  there  will  be  order  and  peace.  Threatening 
social  and  political  evils  are  near,  and  are  seemingly  gaining 
ground  ;  the  American  people  are  conservatively  patient ;  but 
ere  long  the  national  heart  is  roused  and  the  evils,  however 
formidable  be  their  aspect,  go  down  before  the  tread  of  an 
indignant  people. 

The  safety  of  the  republic  lies  in  the  vigilant  and  active 
patriotism  of  the  American  people. 

There  is  a  danger  in  the  ignorance  of  voters.  As  a  rule,  the 
man  who  does  not  read  and  write  intelligently,  cannot  vote 
intelligently.  Americans  understand  the  necessity  of  popular 
instruction,  and  spare  no  expense  in  spreading  it.  They  can- 
not be  too  zealous  in  the  matter.  They  need  to  have  laws 
in  every  State,  which  will  punish,  as  guilty  of  crime  against 
the  country,  the  parent  who  neglects  to  send  his  children  to 
school. 

There  is  a  danger — and  a  most  serious  one — in  corrupt 
morals.  A  people  without  good  morals  is  incapable  of  self- 
government.  At  the  basis  of  the  proper  exercise  of  the  suffrage 
lie  unselfishness  and  the  spirit  of  sacrifice.  A  corrupt  man  is 
selfish  ;  an  appeal  to  duty  finds  no  response  in  his  conscience  ; 
he  is  incapable  of  the  high-mindedness  and  generous  acts  which 
are  the  elements  of  patriotism  ;  he  is  ready  to  sell  the  country 
for  pelf  or  pleasure.  Patriotism  takes  alarm  at  the  spread  of 
intemperance,  lasciviousness,  dishonesty,  perjury  ;  for  country's 


2IO  THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE  OF  PATRIOTISM. 

sake  it  should  arm  against  those  dire  evils  all  the  country's 
forces,  its  legislatures,  its  courts,  and,  above  all  else,  public 
opinion.  Materialism  and  the  denial  of  a  living,  supreme  God 
annihilate  conscience,  and  break  down  the  barriers  to  sensuality  ; 
they  sow  broadcast  the  seeds  of  moral  death  :  they  are  fatal 
to  liberty  and  social  order.  A  people  without  a  belief  in  God 
and  a  future  life  of  the  soul  will  not  remain  a  free  people. 
The  age  of  the  democracy  must,  for  its  own  protection,  be  an 
age  of  religion. 

Empires  and  monarchies  rely  upon  sword  and  cannon; 
republics,  upon  the  citizen's  respect  for  law.  Unless  law  be 
sacred  a  free  government  will  not  endure.  Laws  may  be  re- 
pealed through  constitutional  means,  but  while  they  are  in- 
scribed on  the  statute-book  they  should  be  observed.  The 
lowering  of  the  dignity  of  law,  by  deed,  teaching,  or  connivance, 
is  treason.  Anarchical  explosions,  mob  riots,  lynchings,  shake 
the  pillars  of  the  commonwealth ;  other  violations  of  law,  the 
determined  defiance  of  municipal  and  State  authority  by  the 
liquor  traffic,  the  stealthy  avoidance  of  payment  of  taxes  and 
of  customs  duties,  sear  consciences,  and  beget  a  fatal  habit  of 
disobedience.  A  law-abiding  people  only  is  worthy  of  liberty 
and  capable  of  guarding  its  treasures. 

What  shall  I  say  of  the  purity  of  the  ballot,  of  the  integrity 
of  the  public  official  ?  I  touch  upon  the  life-threads  of  the 
republic,  and  words  fail  to  express  the  solemnity  of  my 
thoughts.  The  poet  Virgil  places  amid  horrible  torments  in 
his  hell  the  man  "  who  sold  his  country  for  gold,  and  imposed 
upon  it  a  master  ;  who  made  and  unmade  laws  for  a  price  :  " 

"  Vendidit  hie  auro  patriam,  dominumque  potentem 
Imposuit ;  fixit  leges  pretio,  atque  refixit." 

The  poet  had  a  righteous  sense  of  the  enormity  of  the  crime. 
The  suffrage  is  the  power  of  life  or  death  over  the  state.  The 
one  licit  motive  in  its  use  is  the  public  weal,  to  which  private 
and  party  interests  should  be  always  sacrificed.  The  voter  mak- 
ing misuse  of  the  trust  deserves  to  be  disfranchised  ;  the  man 
who  compasses  the  misuse,  who  weaves  schemes  to  defraud  the 


THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE   OF   PATRIOTISM.  211 

popular  will,  deserves  to  be  proscribed.  The  public  official  is 
appointed  for  the  people's  good,  and  is  sworn  to  work  for  it ; 
if  he  prostitutes  his  office,  legislative  or  executive,  to  enrich 
himself  or  his  friends,  he  has  "  sold  his  country  for  gold,"  and 
he  is  a  traitor.  The  distribution  of  office,  or  of  administrative 
power,  must  be  based  on  fitness  ;  the  spoils  system  in  politics 
inevitably  leads  to  public  corruption,  treacherous  and  unsafe 
administration,  and  the  ultimate  foundering  of  the  ship  of 
state. 

Storms  are  passing  over  the  land,  arising  from  sectarian 
hatred,  and  nativist  or  foreign  prejudices.  These  are  scarcely 
to  be  heeded:  they  cannot 'last.  Day  by  day  the  spirit  of 
Americanism  waxes  strong ;  narrowness  of  thought,  and  un- 
reasoning strife  cannot  resist  its  influences. 

This  country  is  America  :  only  they  who  are  loyal  to  her  can 
be  allowed  to  live  under  her  flag  ;  and  they  who  are  loyal  to  her 
may  enjoy  all  her  liberties  and  rights.  Freedom  of  religion  is 
accorded  by  the  Constitution :  religion  is  put  outside  State  ac- 
tion, and  most  wisely  so ;  therefore,  the  religion  of  a  citizen 
must  not  be  considered  by  voter  or  executive  officer.  The 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  country  makes  the  man  a  citizen ;  if 
that  allegiance  is  not  plenary  and  supreme,  he  is  false  to  his 
profession  ;  if  it  is,  he  is  an  American.  Discriminations  and 
segregations,  in  civil  or  political  matters,  on  lines  of  religion,  of 
birthplace,  or  of  race,  or  of  language, — and,  I  add,  or  of  color, 
— is  un-American  and  wrong.  Compel  all  to  be  Americans,  in 
soul  as  well  as  in  name  ;  and  then  let  the  standard  of  their 
value  be  their  American  citizenship. 

Who  will  say  that  there  is  no  work  for  patriotism  in  days 
of  peace  ?  If  it  need  not  to  be  so  courageous  as  in  war,  it 
needs  to  be  more  watchful  and  enduring:  for  the  evils  against 
which  it  contends  in  peace  are  more  persevering,  more  stealthy 
in  the  advance,  more  delusive  in  the  attack.  We  can  easily 
imagine  that  a  country,  invincible  in  war,  may  go  down  to  its 
ruin  amid  the  luxuries  and  somnolence  of  prolonged  peace. 
Hannibal  won  at  Thrasymene,  but  he  lost  the  fruits  of  vic- 
tory in  the  vineyards  and  orange  groves  of  Campania. 


212  THE  DUTY  AND  VALUE   OF  PATRIOTISM. 

The  days  of  war,  many  hope,  are  passing  away  for  good,  and 
arbitration  is  to  take  its  place.  This  may  be  desirable :  for 
war  is  terrible.  Yet,  it  is  not  easy  to  see  what  is  to  be  so  serv- 
iceable, in  electrifying  the  nation's  patriotism,  and  communi- 
cating to  it  an  ardor  which  refuses  during  many  years  to  dim 
its  glow.  Certain  it  is  that  under  the  reign  of  peace  we  must, 
in  season  and  out  of  season,  look  to  the  patriotism  of  the  coun- 
try, that  it  suffer  no  diminution  in  vigor  and  earnest  work. 

American  patriotism  is  needed — patriotism  intense,  which 
speaks  out  in  noble  pride,  with  beating  heart :  Civis  Ameri- 
canusy  "  I  am  an  American  citizen  "  ;  patriotism  active,  which 
shows  itself  in  deed  and  in  sacrifice ;  patriotism  public-spirited, 
which  cares  for  the  public  weal  as  for  the  apple  of  the  eye.. 
Private  personal  civic  virtue  is  not  uncommon  among  us  ;  more 
uncommon  is  public  civic  virtue,  which  watches  the  ballot  and 
all  approaches  to  it,  which  demands  that  public  officials  do 
their  duty,  which  purifies  public  opinion  on  all  matters  where 
country  is  concerned.  This  patriotism  will  save  the  republic. 

From  whom  primarily  does  the  republic  expect  the  patriot- 
ism ?  From  her  veteran  soldiers. 

This  patriotism,  America,  thou  shalt  have.  I  speak  for  vet- 
erans. I  speak  for  their  brother  citizens. 

Noblest  ship  of  state,  sail  thou  on  over  billows  and  through 
storms,  undaunted,  imperishable.  Of  thee,  I  do  not  say : 
C&sarem  vekis — "thou  earnest  Caesar."  But  of  thee  I  say: 
Libertatemv  ehis — "thou  earnest  Liberty."  Within  thy  bul- 
warks the  fair  goddess  is  enthroned,  holding  in  her  hands  the 
dreams  and  hopes  of  humanity.  O,  for  her  sake,  guard  well 
thyself!  Sail  thou  on,  peerless  ship,  safe  from  shoals  and 
malign  winds,  ever  strong  in  keel,  ever  beauteous  in  prow  and 
canvas,  ever  guided  by  heaven's  polar  star.  Sail  thou  on,  I  pray 
thee,  undaunted  and  imperishable. 


SURRENDER    OF  THE    NAVY   YARD    AT    PENSA- 
COLA,  FLORIDA,  JANUARY  12,  1861. 

A  paper  read  by  Rear  Admiral,  HENRY  ERBEN,  U.  S.  Navy,  Dec.  5,  1894. 

A  BOUT  three  years  ago,  I  read  before  the  United  Service 
**  Club  a  paper  upon  a  subject  which  I  consider  of  impor- 
tance, the  time  and  correct  date  of  the  commencement  of  hostil- 
ities on  the  part  of  the  South  against  the  Union,  and  when  the 
flag  of  the  Union  was  first  lowered,  to  make  way  for  another. 
The  paper  was  favorably  received,  and  our  Commander  has 
asked  me  to  read  it  before  the  Commandery.  My  papers  are 
stowed  away,  and  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  find  it.  I  have  pre- 
pared another,  which,  while  it  is  not  as  full  as  the  first,  I  take 
great  pleasure  in  reading  to  you  bearing  in  mind,  your  desire 
for  brevity.  In  Dec.,  1860,  I  was  a  lieutenant  on  board  the 
U.  S.  Ship  Supply.  We  had  been  for  nearly  a  year  with  our 
squadron  at  Vera  Cruz,  watching  the  movements  of  the  French 
fleet,  which  shortly  afterwards  landed  its  forces  to  prepare 
the  way  for  Maximilian.  It  was  hard  service,  so  the  Commo- 
dore sent  us  to  Pensacola,  to  give  the  crew  a  run  on  shore  as 
well  as  to  get  stores.  We  arrived  December  7,  1860;  the 
Presidential  election  had  taken  place,  South  Carolina  was 
going  out  of  the  Union,  and  Major  Anderson  was  hemmed  in 
at  Charleston.  We  found  the  people  at  Pensacola  in  a  state  of 
great  excitement.  Conventions  had  been  called  to  secede  the 
State  ;  town  meetings  were  being  held  every  evening,  where  the 
most  violent  speeches  were  made  to  fire  the  Southern  heart ; 
men,  women,  and  children  seemed  to  have  gone  mad.  Boats 
passing  in  gave  us  some  choice  greetings,  informing  us  several 
times  a  day  that  we  would  all  be  blown  to  another  place  within 

213 


214      SURRENDER  OF  THE  NAVY  YARD  AT  PENSACOLA. 

three  months.  We  made  fast  to  the  Navy  Yard  wharf.  The 
yard  was  commanded  by  Commodore  James  Armstrong,  an 
old  officer  of  very  great  distinction,  who  had  stood  by  his  colors 
for  fifty  years.  The  other  officers  of  the  yard  were  mostly 
Southerners,  the  executive  officer  was  a  New  Jersey  man,. 
Commander  Farrand, — we  will  hear  more  of  him  as  we  get  on. 
The  Navy  Yard  was  well  stocked  with  all  kinds  of  stores  and 
ammunition,  to  supply  our  large  squadron  in  the  Gulf  of  Mex- 
ico, watching  the  French.  The  ships  at  the  yard  were  the 
Fulton,  the  fastest  steamer  in  the  service ;  the  Crusader,  com- 
manded by  John  N.  Maffitt,  afterwards  of  the  rebel  cruiser 
Florida;  the  Wyandotte,  Commander  Berryman  of  Virginia;  and 
the  Supply,  Captain  Walke,  also  of  Virginia.  We  attempted 
to  give  leave  to  our  crew,  but  soon  found  that  would  not  do  ;  a 
fight  of  large  proportions  occurred,  and  several  men  were  in- 
jured. Everybody  was  talking  secession ;  we  heard  nothing 
else.  Officers  at  the  mess  table,  and  at  home,  where  the  women 
always  took  a  strong  hand,  the  workmen  during  their  midday- 
meal  hour,  even  Jack  took  a  hand,  but  his  argument  was  all 
on  one  side,  for  the  Union.  Nothing  was  thought  of  or  talked 
of  but  this  infernal  secession  of  the  States.  The  excitement 
grew  day  by  day,  our  mails  from  the  north  were  interfered 
with,  and  toward  the  last  cut  off,  I  may  say.  The  money 
sent  from  Washington  was  held  somewhere,  in  fact  we  felt 
ourselves  completely  cut  off,  and  that  if  we  had  a  government, 
it  had  deserted  us.  No  one  knew  what  to  do,  the  people  at 
their  meetings  became  more  bold,  open  threats  were  made  that 
the  yard  and  forts  would  be  taken,  and  large  numbers  of  men 
were  drilled  in  the  open  streets.  Orders  from  Washington  were 
asked  for,  but  most  likely  these  requests  never  got  out  of  the 
State  ;  at  all  events,  no  replies  were  received,  until  the  Commo- 
dore got  the  ridiculous  order  to  keep  the  Department  advised 
as  to  what  was  going  on,  and  to  be  vigilant  in  protecting  the 
Government  property.  Another  order  came  to  Lieutenant 
Slemmer,  commanding  the  company  of  artillery  in  Fort 
Barrancas,  to  move  his  command  to  Fort  Pickens.  This  order 
came  through  the  mail  in  a  small  pink  envelope  and  addressed 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  NAVY   YARD   AT  PENSACOLA.      215 

in  a  woman's  hand.  At  last  it  was  necessary  to  take  some 
action  ;  officers  had  to  decide  whether  to  go  with  their  States, 
or  to  remain  with  the  Union.  Of  all  the  Southern  officers 
there,  I  will  say  I  did  not  know  one  who  wished  to  go  out  of 
the  service ;  most  of  them  were  forced  out  by  family  pressure, 
particularly  by  wives,  mothers,  or  sisters.  A  classmate  of  mine 
and  our  assistant  surgeon  went  up  to  the  city  of  Pensacola 
for  a  day  or  so  ;  a  secesh  meeting  took  place  at  their  hotel,  the 
only  hotel  in  town.  Both  officers  were  strong  Union  men, 
and  thinking  they  could  enter  into  a  free  discussion  on  the 
merits  of  secession,  they  went  into  the  meeting  room,  which 
was  of  course  the  bar-room,  but  they  soon  found  it  was  not  a 
free  discussion  at  all,  but  that  they  had  a  free  fight  on  their 
hands.  The  next  day  they  returned  to  their  ships  with  black- 
ened eyes  and  cut  faces,  a  sorry-looking  pair  of  defenders  of 
the  Union.  Within  ten  days  my  classmate  had  thrown  up 
his  commission,  taken  himself  off  into  Georgia,  and  fought  all 
through  the  war  in  the  Confederate  navy  ;  this  was  but  one  of 
many  similar  cases.  The  Crusader  with  Maffitt  got  off  to  Mobile, 
leaving  only  the  Wyandotte  and  Supply,  the  Fulton  being  hauled 
up  for  repairs.  We  in  the  Supply  and  Wyandotte  got  stores 
aboard,  which,  I  may  add,  were  given  to  us  with  great  reluct- 
ance  by  the  storekeeper,  Mr.  Gonzales ;  even  then,  the  amount 
was  far  below  what  we  should  have  had  ;  we  made  ready 
to  haul  off  from  the  yard,  to  defend  it  if  ordered,  at 
all  events,  to  be  off  when  the  surrender  came.  Two  forts 
stand  at  the  entrance  of  Pensacola  Harbor,  Fort  Pickens, 
one  of  the  largest  in  the  country,  and  Fort  McCrea,  in  which 
a  large  quantity  of  ammunition  was  stored,  which  would  be 
used  by  the  rebels  against  Lieutenant  Slemmer,  should  an 
attempt  be  made  to  occupy  Fort  Pickens.  This  fort  com- 
manded the  fine  harbor  of  Pensacola,  which  never  fell  into 
Confederate  hands.  No  one  would  order  the  removal  or  the 
destruction  of  the  ammunition,  so  I  proposed  to  do  it  myself, 
and  with  a  boat's  crew  pulled  down  the  harbor  and  up  the 
bayou  to  Fort  McCrea.  There  was  a  sergeant  in  charge,  but 
he  was  away,  in  town ;  his  wife  came  out,  but  refused  to  give 


2l6     SURRENDER  OF  THE  NAVY  YARD  AT  PENSACOLA. 

me  the  keys  of  the  fort.  It  only  required  one  word  to  the 
boat's  crew,  the  doors  were  soon  broken  open  and  the  work  of 
destruction  began.  Several  thousand  pounds  of  powder  were 
rolled  out  of  the  magazine,  and  the  heads  of  the  barrels  were 
knocked  in,  and  the  powder  tumbled  into  the  sea.  The  fuses 
were  thrown  away,  rope  and  other  property  destroyed,  and 
the  guns  facing  on  Fort  Pickens  partly  spiked,  as  well  as  we 
could  do  it ;  and  when  we  left  Fort  McCrea,  it  was  in  no  con- 
dition to  prevent  the  landing  of  our  force  of  artillerymen  and 
sailors  at  Fort  Pickens.  Meanwhile  the  sergeant's  wife  got 
word  out  to  the  small  towns  near  by  of  what  was  being  done 
in  Fort  McCrea,  and  a  party  fully  armed  started  in  a  boat  to 
prevent  the  destruction,  or  to  intercept  us  on  our  way  out.  It 
was  dark  when  we  got  out  of  the  bayou  ;  we  were  pulling 
back  to  the  ship  when  we  met  this  boat.  Those  in  it  hailed 
us  in  not  polite  language  ;  we  rested  on  our  oars,  drifting  with 
the  tide,  keeping  perfectly  quiet.  Then  came  several  shots 
from  the  boat ;  we  pulled  as  I  believe  no  other  boat  ever  pulled 
before,  reaching  the  ship,  to  find  her  away  from  the  wharf  in 
case  of  her  services  being  needed,  and  so  as  not  to  be  included 
in  the  impending  surrender.  I  reported  to  Captain  Walke 
what  I  had  done,  and  about  eight  o'clock  went  up  to  the  Com- 
mandant to  ask  permission  to  destroy  everything  in  the  Naval 
Magazine  and  Ordnance  Department  so  that  no  warlike  mate- 
rial might  be  found,  which  could  be  of  service  to  the  mob  out- 
side— threatening  the  Navy  Yard.  The  Commandant  had  been 
informed  of  what  had  been  done  at  Fort  McCrea ;  he  appeared 
to  be  completely  dazed  at  my  proposal  to  destroy  this  mate- 
rial ;  he  read  to  me  his  order,  "  To  be  vigilant  in  protecting 
Government  property,"  saying  to  me,  "  Now  you  ask  me  to 
destroy  it."  I  did  all  I  could  to  get  his  permission,  but  failed. 
He  went  to  the  parlor  door,  called  his  orderly,  and  sent  him 
for  Commander  Farrand ;  then  I  knew  it  was  all  up.  There 
was  some  violent  talk  after  Farrand  came  ;  he  asked  the  Com- 
modore to  put  me  under  arrest,  and  send  me  back  to  the  ship, 
that  I  was  crazy,  and  had  been  disrespectful  to  him.  The 
Commodore  refused  to  do  this ;  then  Farrand  rose,  seized  his 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  NAVY  YARD   AT  PENSACOLA.      21  / 

chair,  threw  it  at  my  head,  and  left  the  room.  I  remained  with 
the  old  Commodore  for  a  while  ;  his  face  was  buried  in  a  hand- 
kerchief and  he  was  crying  like  a  child.  I  bade  him  good- 
night, and  started  for  the  ship.  As  I  got  out  on  the  veranda, 
just  closing  the  door,  Farrand  stepped  up  to  me  and  in  the 
most  violent  manner,  shook  his  fist  in  my  face,  saying,  "  D— n 
you,  I  will  teach  you  how  to  treat  your  superior  officer." 
Thinking  he  would  strike  me,  I  seized  him  by  the  coat  collar, 
shaking  him  off  for  a  moment.  He  came  at  me  again,  we 
clinched  and  rolled  down  the  steps  together.  I  held  him  and 
said,  "  I  will  have  you  hung  as  a  traitor."  He  called  for  as- 
sistance and  Lieutenant  Renshaw  stepped  out  from  the  hedge ; 
my  companion  from  the  ship,  the  same  man  who  got  the  black 
eye  in  town,  came  out  from  his  hiding-place  also.  Farrand  ran 
off  in  a  state  of  rage,  going  to  the  officers'  houses,  saying,  "  Erben 
is  drunk  and  wants  to  blow  up  the  yard."  Towards  midnight, 
January  nth,  we  dropped  down  with  the  Wyandotte  to  take 
Captain  Slemmer's  command  over  to  Fort  Pickens.  Lieu- 
tenant Oilman  was  the  only  commissioned  officer  with  Slem- 
mer,  who  had  urged  upon  Commodore  Armstrong  the  necessity 
of  some  plan  to  insure  the  safety  of  Government  property,  but 
Armstrong,  after  consulting  with  Farrand,  deemed  it  inexped- 
ient to  do  so.  After  valuable  time  had  been  lost,  the  Com- 
modore agreed  to  assist,  but  at  the  very  last  moment  this 
promised  assistance  was  refused,  then  we  knew  we  had  to  act 
on  our  own  responsibility.  Farrand  even  had  an  order  given 
to  the  ships  not  to  fire  a  gun  unless  the  vessels  were  attacked, 
but  no  assistance  was  to  be  offered  if  Slemmer  was  attacked. 
I  can  say  that  no  such  order  would  have  been  obeyed,  or  even 
thought  of,  had  Slemmer  been  attacked.  The  command,  with 
all  belonging  to  it,  was  put  in  boats,  taken  down  the  harbor  in 
tow  of  the  ship  and  landed,  and  when  daylight  came  the  reb- 
els found  Slemmer  and  the  ships  gone,  our  flag  flying  from  the 
walls  of  Fort  Pickens,  and  they  knew  they  had  lost  control  of 
the  finest  harbor  in  the  South.  Our  flag  never  came  down 
from  that  fort.  The  officers  and  men  from  the  ships  were 
sent  on  shore  to  assist  in  putting  Fort  Pickens  in  a  state  of  de- 


218      SURRENDER  OF  THE  NAVY  YARD  AT   PENSACOLA. 

fense,  but  it  was  a  large  place  to  be  defended  by  so  few  men. 
The  troops  of  Alabama  and  Florida  were  marching  on  the 
Navy  Yard, — mind  you  the  troops  of  Alabama  had  invaded  the 
sacred  sand  of  Florida.  We,  in  the  ships,  were  ready  and 
anxious  to  defend  the  yard,  as  were  the  marines  stationed 
there.  The  Commodore  thought  a  show  of  force  might  keep 
the  rebels  back  ;  extra  sentinels  were  placed  and  doubled 
along  the  wall,  with  loaded  muskets.  A  howitzer  or  two  were 
placed  near  the  gate  and  a  great  display  made  to  intimidate 
the  mob  outside,  but  after  nightfall  Commander  Farrand  coun- 
termanded the  Commodore's  order,  the  marines  were  returned 
to  their  barracks,  and  the  howitzers  put  away  for  further  use  in 
the  Confederacy.  Nothing  was  done  to  meet  the  force  march- 
ing  on  the  yard ;  every  man,  woman,  and  child  knew  these 
troops  were  coming,  and  for  what  purpose.  Florida  seceded 
January  I  ith — vote  62  to  7.  A  little  before  noon,  this  force 
appeared  before  the  Warrington  gate,  demanding  the  surren- 
der of  the  yard,  with  threats  of  an  assault  in  case  of  refusal. 
Farrand  met  their  commanding  officer,  Capt.  Victor  M.  Ran- 
dolph, late  of  our  navy,  and  conducted  him  to  Commodore 
Armstrong.  Terms  were  made  to  surrender  the  entire  depart- 
ment, the  officers,  blue  jackets,  marines,  and  workmen  to  be 
paroled  as  prisoners  of  war,  not  to  serve  again  against  Ala- 
bama or  Florida.  At  noon,  on  January  12,  1861,  our  flag  was 
lowered  for  the  first  time,  and  another,  the  flag  of  Florida, 
hoisted  in  its  stead.  All  the  property,  including  vast  quan- 
tities of  stores  of  all  kinds,  with  the  Fulton,  the  Marine  Bar- 
racks, and  Naval  Hospital  with  all  in  them,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  rebels.  Gentlemen,  if  this  was  not  war,  what  is  war  ? 
A  great  Government  depot,  its  workshops,  its  million-dollar 
dry  dock,  all  seized  under  threat  of  a  large  armed  force,  its 
people  paroled,  and  sent  off  to  the  ships  to  be  taken  away, 
must  be  considered  as  the  first  act  of  the  Great  Rebellion.  It 
was  a  fete  day  for  Farrand,  but  a  sad  one  to  us,  looking  on 
from  the  ships.  Farrand  ordered  an  old  quartermaster,  named 
Conway,  to  haul  down  the  flag.  Conway  refused,  though 
threatened  with  cutting  down  ;  then  Lieutenant  Renshaw  with 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  NAVY  YARD  AT  PENSACOLA.      219 

his  own  hands  hauled  down  the  flag  and  Conway  was  put  in 
irons.  We  heard  a  great  deal  about  shooting  on  the  spot  any 
man  who  hauls  down  the  American  flag,  yet  no  one  was  ever 
shot.  This  man  Farrand  most  certainly  should  have  been  shot. 
I  tried  my  best  to  have  him  tried  for  treason  after  the  war  was 
over,  for  while  he  was  doing  this  rascally  work  he  held  a  com- 
mander's commission  in  the  navy.  Three  commissioners  from 
the  sovereign  States  of  Alabama  and  Florida  came  to  the  ships 
under  a  flag  of  truce,  demanding  their  surrender  as  part  of  the 
naval  establishment ;  this,  of  course,  was  refused,  for  with  the 
ships  in  rebel  hands  Slemmer  would  very  soon  have  been 
driven  out  of  Pickens,  and  then  the  rebels  would  have  held  the 
harbor ;  the  same  commissioners  went  to  see  Slemmer.  On 
January  I3th,  the  Supply,  under  a  flag  of  truce,  went  to  the 
anchorage  off  the  yard,  and  received  the  paroled  blue  jackets, 
marines,  people  from  the  hospital,  in  all  numbering  over  one 
hundred  men,  with  all  their  effects.  Captain  Slemmer's  com- 
mand was  very  short  of  provisions — the  three  months'  supply 
should  have  arrived  from  New  Orleans  by  January  1st.  We 
could  not  give  him  much  from  our  small  stock,  with  our  in- 
creased number  on  board.  We  had  noticed  a  schooner  knock- 
ing about  outside  the  bar,  evidently  with  the  stores  on  board. 
As  soon  as  our  flag  was  lowered  she  stood  in  for  the  harbor. 
I  took  a  boat,  went  on  board  her  with  the  crew ;  we  seized  the 
helm  put  it  hard  a-port,  running  her  on  the  beach  under  our 
guns.  She  was  the  craft  with  the  stores  from  New  Orleans. 
The  skipper  swore  tremendously  at  being  captured,  but  our 
boatswain's  mate,  Walsh,  knocked  him  overboard  and  so  we  se- 
cured the  three  months'  rations  for  the  troops.  The  garrison 
of  Fort  Pickens  consisted  of  Company  G,  First  Artillery,  and 
thirty  men  sent  from  the  ships  ;  everything  was  done  to  help 
put  the  fort  in  a  state  to  resist  the  threatened  attack.  There 
is  no  doubt  this  attack  would  have  been  made,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  Supply  and  Wyandotte.  It  was  the  intention  to  attack 
these  vessels  by  boarding  from  protected  river  steamers,  but 
the  attempt  was  not  made.  The  Wyandotte  had  but  one  offi- 
cer— and  on  the  Supply  we  were  very  uncertain  as  to  some  of 


22O      SURRENDER  OF  THE  NAVY  YARD  AT  PENSACOLA. 

ours.  Of  the  lieutenants,  I  was  the  only  one  to  remain  in  the 
service. 

The  Supply  sailed  for  New  York  with  the  warrant  officers, 
surrendered  men,  and  the  wives  of  the  officers,  their  furniture 
and  baggage  arriving  on  February  4,  1861. 

For  three  months,  this  small  force  held  this  great  fort, 
which  would  require  seven  or  eight  hundred  men  to  properly 
man  it ;  they  were  supported  only  by  the  Wyandotte  with  her 
crew,  and  the  one  officer,  Captain  Berryman,  who,  worn  out 
by  constant  watching  and  work,  died  at  his  post  in  Pensacola. 
On  February  6th,  the  Brooklyn,  one  of  our  new  large  sloops 
of  war,  appeared  off  the  harbor,  with  reinforcements  for  Slem- 
mer ;  these  were  not  allowed  to  land,  and  the  ship  remained, 
rolling  outside  the  bar,  for  weeks.  Her  presence,  no  doubt, 
gave  courage,  and  relieved  the  little  garrison  of  sailors  and 
soldiers,  of  anxiety.  Just  think  of  it,  the  Government  did  not 
have  backbone  enough  to  order  these  troops,  which  had  been 
sent  purposely  to  reinforce  Pickens,  to  land.  The  few  supplies 
received  by  the  garrison  in  some  roundabout  manner  were 
cut  off.  The  frigate  Sabine  also  arrived  shortly  after  the 
Brooklyn^  but  these  vessels  did  not  land  their  troops  till  April 
1 3th,  and  then,  as  we  understood  it,  the  great  responsibility  of 
landing  them  on  their  own  soil  was  taken  by  the  senior  naval 
officer  present.  This  brought  the  strength  of  the  garrison  up 
to  several  hundred  men,  yet  this  not  being  thought  sufficient, 
the  celebrated  Billy  Wilson  Zouaves  were  added.  The  Wyan- 
dotte having  left  the  harbor,  the  rebels  ferried  themselves  across 
the  bay  to  Santa  Rosa  Island,  where  they  landed,  and  made  a 
furious  attack  upon  the  fort,  but  were  driven  off.  The  forts 
and  Navy  Yard  were  bombarded  by  Fort  Pickens ;  some  months 
later  the  yard,  with  buildings,  dry  dock,  and  all  it  contained, 
were  fired  and  destroyed,  and  we  took  possession  of  the 
wreck. 

It  may  be  of  interest  to  know  what  became  of  the  officers 
present  at  this  time.  Commodore  Armstrong  was  tried  by 
court-martial  for  surrendering  the  yard,  and  was  sentenced  to 
five  years'  suspension.  When  I  went  to  Washington  in  Sep- 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  NAVY  YARD  AT  PENSACOLA.   221 

t ember,  1865,  to  see  if  it  was  possible  to  have  Farrand  arrested 
and  tried  as  a  traitor,  I  told  the  story  of  the  surrender  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  shortly  after,  Armstrong  was 
released,  but  Farrand  was  never  tried ;  he  joined  the  Confed- 
eracy, but  never  saw  a  battle,  I  am  told. 

Lieutenant  Kell,  of  the  Navy  Yard,  served  on  the  Alabama 
with  Semmes,  from  first  to  finish.  Captain  Walke  of  the 
Supply  was  tried  by  court-martial,  for  the  Lord  only  knows 
what,  and  was  under  suspension  when  the  war  began  ;  he  made 
a  fine  reputation  as  a  fighting  man  under  Admirals  Foote  and 
Porter,  on  the  Western  rivers,  and  yet  lives,  a  hale,  hearty 
old  man. 

Berryman,  as  I  said,  died  at  Pensacola.  Maffitt  com- 
manded the  cruiser  Florida  for  two  years.  Our  executive 
officer  resigned  as  a  lieutenant  in  April,  1861,  but  did  not  join 
the  Confederacy;  he  re-entered  the  service  in  1863,  as  a  mate  I 
think,  fought  the  rest  of  the  war,  and  at  its  end,  his  commis- 
sion as  lieutenant-commander  was  restored  to  him,  on  his 
death-bed,  by  President  Lincoln.  One  of  the  Supply's  lieu- 
tenants, Bradford,  went  from  New  York  to  Cuba,  to  be  married. 
I  begged  him  to  stay  north,  to  go  to  China,  or  anywhere  to 
get  out  of  the  way,  but  he  went  to  Cuba,  spent  all  his  money 
and  wrote  home  for  more  ;  he  was  told  it  would  be  sent  him, 
provided  he  would  go  home  to  Alabama ;  he  went,  the  women 
got  hold  of  him,  and  he  left  the  service ;  the  next  time  I  saw 
him,  he  was  minus  an  arm,  which  he  lost  on  the  rebel  ram 
Tennessee  at  Mobile,  Ala. ;  his  brother  had  commanded  a  com- 
pany of  troops  from  Alabama,  at  the  surrender  of  Pensacola. 
I  remember,  when  I  was  a  witness  in  both  Commodore  Arm- 
strong and  Captain  Walke's  trials,  I  made  use  of  the  word 
"rebel  "in  my  testimony.  I  was  stopped,  as  the  word  was 
considered  objectionable.  I  persisted  in  using  it,  for  I  knew 
no  better  one.  The  court  was  cleared,  and  the  point  deliber- 
ated, and  I  was  told  not  to  use  the  term  again.  Good  heavens  \ 
after  what  we  had  gone  through,  what  were  we  to  call  them  ? 

Courts-martial  appeared  to  be  in  order.  I  did  not  know 
but  that  my  time  might  come  to  be  tried  for  malicious  mischief 


222      SURRENDER   OF  THE  NAVY  YARD   AT  PENSACOLA. 

in  destroying  public  property,  so  I  hurried  off  to  sea,  to  get 
out  of  the  way. 

After  serving  on  various  stations  during  the  war,  it  was  my 
good  fortune  to  be  in  command  of  a  ship  at  this  same  Pensa- 
cola  Navy  Yard  in  June,  1865.  A  rather  remarkable  co-inci- 
dent was  that  the  Commandant  then  was  James  Armstrong, 
but  another  man  than  the  one  surrendering  the  yard, — and  I 
was  there  to  receive  the  rascals  who  drove  us  out  four  years 
before. 


THE  CAVALRY  AT  CHANCELLORS VILLE, 
MAY,  1865. 

Read  by  Capt.  W.  L.  HEERMANCE,  U.  S.  V.,  April  3,  1895. 

A  T  a  dinner  of  the  Sons  of  the  Revolution  there  met  James 
^^  E.  Tucker,  who,  in  1863,  was  color-bearer  of  the  2d 
Virginia  Cavalry,  a  regiment  in  Fitzhugh  Lee's  brigade,  and 
the  late  Col.  Floyd  Clarkson,  who  had  been  a  major  in  the 
6th  New  York  Cavalry.  On  the  3Oth  of  April,  1863,  the 
latter  regiment  was  surrounded  by  Gen.  L.  Lee's  brigade, 
but,  though  outnumbered  by  a  force  treble  his  own,  the  gal- 
lant Lieutenant-Colonel  McVicar,  who  was  in  command  of  the 
6th  New  York,  ordered  a  charge  with  sabres,  and  the  greater 
number  of  those  with  him  reached  the  main  army  at  Chancel- 
lorsville,  leaving  only  dead  and  wounded  behind ;  among 
the  former  the  brave  McVicar,  who,  had  his  life  been  spared, 
would  have  made  his  record  high  among  the  dashing  leaders 
of  the  Union  cavalry. 

Colonel  Clarkson  was  not  with  the  regiment  at  the  time. 
Mr.  Tucker,  whose  horse  was  shot  under  him  in  the  engage- 
ment, was  anxious  to  meet  those  who  had  participated  in  it, 
and  Colonel  Clarkson  invited  those  who  could  be  reached, 
to  meet  Mr.  Tucker  at  his  house,  to  talk  over  this  and  other 
engagements  in  which  these  two  regiments  had  met  each 
other,  for  the  "  Old  Sixth  "  was  well  known  to  all  the  Con- 
federate cavalry  serving  in  Virginia ;  each  having  the  respect 
for  the  other  that  brave  men  feel  towards  those  they  meet  in 
battle  where  true  manhood  is  shown. 

It  so  happened  that  a  short  time  before  this,  the  writer 
was  told  that,  living  in  the  same  suburb  of  New  York  with 

223 


224  THE  CAVALRY  AT  CHANCELLORSVILLE. 

him,  was  a  Confederate  officer,  who  had  been  in  this  en- 
gagement with  the  6th  New  York,  and  received  a  sabre  cut 
that  nearly  severed  his  nose  from  his  face,  and  thought  that 
his  fellow  townsman  had  been  the  offending  party.  And  on 
my  meeting  Captain  Benjamin  F.  Medina  of  the  5th  Virginia 
Cavalry,  it  proved  to  be  so.  How  strange  it  seemed  that, 
after  a  lapse  of  more  than  twenty-seven  years,  he  should  tell 
me,  in  my  own  home,  how  in  that  wild  charge  in  the  woods  of 
Virginia,  at  night,  the  officer  that  gave  him  that  "  right  cut " 
was  shot  by  Captain  Reuben  Boston  of  his  regiment,  almost 
at  the  same  moment,  and  how  Captain  Boston  was  killed  at 
the  last  fight  of  the  war,  near  Appomattox.  As  he  told  his 
story  it  seemed  there  could  be  no  mistake  in  his  conclusion  ; 
for,  as  I  was  engaged  with  one  on  my  right,  before  I  could 
turn  my  horse  to  give  the  "  left  cut "  to  one  who  had  a  pistol 
that  I  could  feel  pressed  against  me,  he  fired,  the  ball  going 
through  my  left  arm  and  making  a  wound  in  my  stomach  ;  at 
the  same  time  a  blow  on  the  head  knocked  me  from  my  horse, 
and  I  was  left  behind  to  be  taken  to  Libby  Prison. 

Captain  Medina  participated  with  us  in  the  re-union  of  the 
"  Blue  and  Gray,"  and  the  reminiscences  awakened  then  have 
prompted  me  to  write  of  this  and  other  work  done  by  the 
cavalry  at  Chancellorsville.  However,  before  leaving  the  sub- 
ject of  this  little  gathering,  where  so  much  good  feeling  was 
shown  by  those  who  had  often  met  in  deadly  strife,  let  me 
mention  how  we  called  to  mind  that  as  General  Lee  stopped 
at  the  little  log-house  where  we  were,  the  next  morning,  and 
learning  that  the  body  of  the  gallant  leader  of  the  little  band, 
which  had  driven  back  his  whole  brigade,  lay  unburied  on  the 
field  of  battle,  he  had  it  brought  in,  a  coffin  made  from  the 
material  that  could  be  had,  and  buried  it  there,  whence  we 
afterward  had  it  removed  to  its  final  resting-place  in  Rochester, 
New  York.  Such  kindly  feelings  existing,  with  the  loyalty 
expressed  for  the  Union  by  those  who  had  once  fought  against 
it,  made  all  feel  that  sectional  animosity  would  not  have  con- 
tinued long  had  the  men  who  did  the  fighting  had  the  readjust- 
ment of  affairs  when  the  South  laid  down  her  arms. 


THE  CAVALRY  AT  CHANCELLORSVILLE.  22$ 

A  newspaper  correspondent  once  being  asked  why  so  little 
mention  was  made  of  the  work  done  by  the  cavalry  in  our 
civil  war,  tersely  replied,  "that  they  were  generally  so  far 
to  the  front,  and  so  near  the  enemy,  that  it  was  rather  danger- 
ous and — unpleasant  to  be  with  them."  And  this  was  the 
case  at  Chancellorsville.  The  reports  of  that  engagement 
written  since  the  war  give  but  little  attention  to  the  work 
done  by  the  cavalry  at  that  time. 

General  Hooker,  who  was  then  commanding  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  says  :  "  The  cavalry  under  General  Pleasanton 
saved  the  army  from  annihilation."  Upon  entering  the  Chan- 
cellorsville campaign,  General  Hooker  detached  the  cavalry, 
with  the  exception  of  the  brigade  commanded  by  General 
Pleasanton,  and  sent  them  under  command  of  General 
Stoneman  to  make  a  raid  on  the  enemy's  line  of  com- 
munication. This  command  accomplished  nothing.  There 
were  left  with  Pleasanton  the  6th  New  York,  8th  and  i/th 
Pennsylvania  regiments  of  cavalry,  with  Pennington's  regular 
and  Martin's  volunteer  batteries.  As  Stoneman's  column 
moved  out  leaving  us  behind,  we  felt  how  unjust  had  been 
the  detail  that  kept  us  from  sharing  in  what  all  thought 
would  bring  so  much  glory  to  those  who  should  ride  with 
them ;  but  the  work  done  by  our  little  brigade  was  the  com- 
mencement of  what  gave  our  cavalry  the  name  which  has 
been  unequalled  by  that  of  the  cavalry  of  any  other  country. 

In  the  advance  to  Chancellorsville  I  will  follow  only  that 
part  of  my  own  regiment  that  led  the  advance  of  the  Twelfth 
Corps,  under  General  Slocum,  which  was  the  right  wing  of 
the  army ;  the  8th  Pennsylvania  leading  the  advance  of  General 
Meade's  column  and  the  i/th  Pennsylvania  doing  the  same 
duty  for  General  Howard,  the  remainder  of  the  6th  New  York 
being  assigned  to  the  divisions,  but  joining  the  cavalry  com- 
mand before  the  battle  was  over. 

On  Wednesday  morning  about  two  hundred  of  the  6th  New 
York,  under  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  McVicar,  were 
ordered  to  report  to  General  Slocum ;  we  crossed  the  Rappa- 
hannock  River  at  Kelley's  Ford,  and  soon  after  were  engaged 


226  THE   CAVALRY  AT   CHANCELLORSVILLE. 

with  a  North  Carolina  cavalry  regiment,  driving  them  and  tak- 
ing some  prisoners,  among  them  a  captain,  whose  lieutenant 
commanded  the  guard  that  a  few  days  later  escorted  me  to 
Richmond.  The  lieutenant  remarked,  when  he  found  out  that 
it  was  the  same  command  that  had  captured  his  captain, 
"  that  the  captain  was  in  the  habit  of  being  taken  without 
much  trouble." 

We  skirmished  all  that  day  with  cavalry  in  our  front, 
reaching  Germania  Ford  on  the  Rapidan  late  in  the  afternoon, 
a  heavy  force  in  rifle-pits  on  the  other  side  preventing  our 
crossing.  We  took  possession  of  an  old  mill  on  the  banks  of 
the  river,  exchanging  shots  with  them  until  the  infantry  came 
up,  and  a  battery  put  in  position  shelled  the  rifle-pits,  while 
the  infantry  crossed  and  captured  all  the  defenders  of  the 
works.  Crossing  the  ford  we  again  took  the  advance,  captur- 
ing some  prisoners  and  baggage  of  the  famous  Black  Horse 
Cavalry.  We  reached  the  Chancellorsville  House  Thursday 
afternoon,  having  been  engaged  more  or  less  all  the  time  since 
we  started,  with  a  loss  of  three  men  killed,  one  officer  and  five 
men  wounded.  Having  reported  our  arrival  to  General  Slocum, 
who  was  about  three  miles  back,  orders  were  received  from 
him  to  go  to  Spottsylvania  Court-House.  Colonel  McVicar 
knew  full  well  from  prisoners  captured  that  the  force  we  had 
skirmished  with  since  crossing  Kelly's  Ford  was  vastly  superior 
to  ours,  and  that  our  advance,  so  far  from  support,  would  be 
attended  with  great  risk,  but  as  he  told  the  officers  with  him 
what  we  were  expected  to  do,  he  ordered  the  bugle  to  sound 
"  Forward." 

"  His  not  to  make  reply, 
His  not  to  reason  why, 
His  but  to  do  and  die." 

As  we  marched  on  a  few  of  the  enemy  were  seen,  but  they 
fell  back  as  we  advanced  ;  about  dark,  after  marching  through 
the  woods,  we  reached  a  small  clearing;  the  order  to  halt 
and  dismount  was  given  ;  a  mounted  guard  was  thrown  out 
to  the  rear,  and  Captain  Bell,  with  a  few  men,  was  sent 


THE   CAVALRY   AT   CHANCELLORSVILLE.  227 

towards  the  Court-House.  The  men  had  been  on  almost 
continuous  duty  for  forty-eight  hours,  and  as  they  rested, 
holding  their  horses'  bridles,  most  of  them  were  lying  asleep  by 
the  roadside.  Captain  Bell  soon  returned  and  reported  that 
there  was  a  heavy  force  at  the  Court-House;  about  the  same 
time,  the  rear-guard  was  fired  upon  and  driven  in.  The  com- 
mand sprang  to  their  feet,  and,  mounting,  very  soon  formed  in 
line  in  the  open  field.  It  was  now  very  dark,  and  there  was 
some  fear  that  some  of  our  own  troops  had  come  up  and,  by 
mistake,  had  fired  upon  the  rear-guard.  Colonel  McVicar  sent 
Captain  Goler  back  to  ascertain  the  true  state  of  affairs.  Going 
back  to  the  junction  of  the  -roads  to  Todds'  Tavern  and  the 
Chancellorsville  House,  he  was  challenged,  and  on  answering, 
"  The  6th  New  York  Cavalry,"  was  fired  upon  and  driven  back 
to  the  main  body.  Sergeant  Carroll  was  killed  by  the  volley. 
As  the  enemy  came  down  the  road,  which  was  only  wide 
enough  for  a  column  of  fours,  our  men  formed  in  line,  fired 
upon  them,  and  checked  their  farther  advance.  Then  Colonel 
McVicar  ordered  the  command  to  draw  sabre,  break  by  fours 
to  the  right,  and  cut  our  way  through.  As  our  bugle  sounded 
the  charge,  it  was  at  the  same  moment  sounded  by  the  5th 
Virginia,  and  the  notes  rang  out  clear  and  full  in  defiance  of 
each  other,  as  we  rode  down  to  where  they  waited  for  us.  In 
the  darkness,  it  seemed  as  though  a  sheet  of  fire  belched  forth 
from  their  carbines,  and  at  this  first  fire  the  brave  McVicar 
fell,  and  the  rest  of  the  command  were  mixed  up  with  the 
Confederates  as  we  rode  through  them.  Besides  Colonel  Mc- 
Vicar, who  was  killed,  three  officers  were  wounded,  and  about 
twenty  men  killed  and  wounded.  These  were  left  behind, 
and  the  survivors  drove  the  enemy  until  the  cross-roads  were 
reached,  where  the  Confederates  took  the  one  to  Todd's  Tavern, 
and  our  men  went  on  to  our  own  lines  at  Chancellorsville. 
The  wounded  were  taken  to  a  house  near  where  they  fell,  and 
after  a  few  days  were  sent  to  Libby  Prison. 

I  copy  extracts  from  an  article  written  for  BlackwoocTs 
Magazine,  published  in  1866,  at  Edinburgh,  by  Major  Heros 
Von  Borche,  who  was  chief  of  staff  to  General  J.  E.  B.  Stuart 


228  THE  CAVALRY  AT  CHANCELLORSVILLE. 

at  the  time  of  the  engagement,  and  received  a  bullet  through 
his  hat  and  had  his  horse  shot  through  the  head  as  we  rode 
through  the  enemy's  ranks.  The  extract  commences  at  the 
time  of  Captain  Goler  being  challenged. 

"  General  Stuart  dispatched  Captain  White  of  our  staff,  to  Fitz- 
hugh  Lee  with  orders  to  send  on  one  of  his  regiments  as  soon  as 
possible  and  to  follow  slowly  with  the  rest  of  his  brigade.  General 
Stuart  and  his  staff  were  trotting  along  at  the  head  of  the  column, 
when,  at  the  moment  of  emerging  out  of  the  dark  forest,  we  suddenly 
discovered  in  the  open  field  before  us,  and  at  a  distance  of  not  more 
than  a  hundred  and  sixty  yards,  a  line  of  hostile  cavalry,  who  received 
us  with  a  severe  fire  which  concentrated  on  the  narrow  road.  Fully 
conscious  of  our  critical  position,  Stuart  drew  his  sword  and  with 
his  clear  ringing  voice,  gave  the  order  to  attack,  taking  the  lead  him- 
self. For  once  our  horsemen  refused  to  follow  their  gallant  com- 
mander ;  they  wavered  under  the  thick  storm  of  bullets  ;  soon  all 
discipline  ceased,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  greater  part  of  this 
splendid  regiment,  which  had  distinguished  itself  in  so  many  battle- 
fields, broke  to  the  rear  in  utter  confusion.  At  this  moment  the 
enemy's  bugle  sounded  the  charge,  and  a  few  seconds  after  we 
brunted  the  shock  of  the  attack,  which  broke  upon  us  like  a  thunder 
cloud,  and  bore  our  little  band  along  with  its  vehement  rush,  as  if 
driven  by  a  mighty  wave,  sweeping  us  along  with  it,  in  the  darkness 
of  the  forest." 

During  the  night  and  next  day,  the  scattered  remnants  of 
the  regiment  were  brought  together  and  re-formed  within  our 
lines.  On  Saturday  afternoon,  General  Sickles,  occupying  a 
position  near  the  right  of  the  line,  seeing  Stonewall  Jackson's 
flank  movement,  thought  the  Confederate  Army  was  about  to 
retreat,  and  called  for  the  cavalry  to  help  in  their  pursuit. 
What  was  left  of  the  "  Old  Sixth  "  was  deployed  as  skirmish- 
ers. When  the  heavy  fighting  gave  the  first  indication  that 
Howard's  Eleventh  Corps  was  being  attacked,  an  aide-de-camp 
from  him  galloped  up  to  General  Pleasanton  and  asked  for 
cavalry  to  check  the  enemy's  advance  until  he  could  re-form 
his  lines.  Major  Keenan,  commanding  the  8th  Pennsylvania, 
was  sent  with  his  regiment  to  charge  the  head  of  the  advancing 
column,  while  General  Pleasanton  put  his  batteries  in  position, 


THE   CAVALRY  AT   CHANCELLORSVILLE.  22Q 

faced  to  the  rear  and  double-shotted  with  canister,  awaiting  the 
appearance  of  the  enemy.  The  I7th  Pennsylvania  and  6th 
New  York  were  engaged  in  trying  to  arrest  the  wild  flight  of 
the  demoralized  Eleventh  Corps,  who  in  the  greatest  confusion 
were  running  over  the  batteries  already  in  position  ;  while  more 
artillery  was  stopped  and,  with  the  help  of  the  cavalry,  given  a 
field  for  action.  General  Sickles,  seeing  the  danger,  told  Gen- 
eral Pleasanton  to  hold  his  ground  at  all  hazard  until  he  could 
put  his  Third  Corps  in  position  to  hold  the  ground  which  was 
the  key  to  the  position  of  the  whole  Union  Army,  for  with 
Stonewall  Jackson  in  possession  of  this  elevation,  he  would 
not  only  be  able  to  throw  his  shells  into  the  headquarters  at 
the  Chancellorsville  House,  but  from  the  rear  pour  an  enfilading 
fire  upon  the  entire  army. 

While  this  was  going  on,  the  8th  Pennsylvania,  with  Keenan 
riding  at  their  head,  charged  on  the  advancing  corps  of  Stone- 
wall Jackson.  Brave  Keenan  fell,  sabre  in  hand,  and  scores  of 
gallant  troopers  with  him,  but  the  advance  was  checked  until 
Pleasanton  and  Sickles  had  completed  the  formation  that 
was  to  turn  back  that  advancing  host;  which  without  this 
check  would  have  continued  on  and  swept  all  before  them  and 
driven  our  army  back  to  the  Rapidan. 

44  By  the  shrouded  gleam  of  the  western  skies, 
Brave  Keenan  looked  into  Pleasanton's  eyes 
For  an  instant,  clear  and  cool  and  still ; 
Then  with  a  smile,  he  said  :  '  I  will.' 

4 '  '  Cavalry,  charge  ! '     Not  a  man  of  them  shrank, 
Their  sharp,  full  cheer,  from  rank  on  rank, 
Rose  joyously,  with  a  willing  breath, — 
Rose  like  a  greeting  hail  to  death. 

4<  And  full  in  their  midst  rose  Keenan,  tall 
In  the  gloom,  like  a  martyr  awaiting  his  fall ; 
While  the  circle-stroke  of  his  sabre  swung 
Round  his  head,  like  a  halo  there,  luminous  hung. 

44  They  raised  no  cheer — 

They  have  ceased,  but  their  glory  shall  never  cease, 
Nor  their  light  be  quenched  in  the  light  of  peace. 
The  rush  of  their  charge  is  resounding  still, 
That  saved  the  army  at  Chancellorsville." 


230  THE   CAVALRY  AT   CHANCELLORSVILLE. 

As  the  enemy  advanced,  General  Pleasanton  gave  the  order 
to  fire,  and  those  twenty-two  guns  carried  death  and  destruc- 
tion into  the  enemy's  ranks.  Three  times  they  charged,  but 
they  could  not  stand  the  hail-storm  of  shot,  and  fell  back,  leav- 
ing their  dead  and  wounded.  General  Sickles's  line  was  formed 
and  the  army  saved. 

From  this  time  the  cavalry  played  an  important  part  in  all 
movements  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  A  few  weeks  later 
that  tournament,  with  all  of  Stuart's  cavalry  in  and  about 
Brandy  Station,  followed  by  the  cavalry  engagement  at  Gettys- 
burg, established  its  reputation,  which  later,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  General  Sheridan,  became  known  the  world  over.  The 
following  general  order  was  issued  after  Chancellorsville  : 

"  General  Order,  No.  27.  "  Army  of  the  Potomac, 

"  May  10,  1863. 

"  The  General  Commanding  takes  this  occasion  to  commend  the 
conduct  of  the  t Second  Brigade'  and  Martin's  6th  Independent 
New  York  Battery  in  the  late  engagement  near  Chancellorsville. 
The  distinguished  gallantry  of  the  8th  Pennsylvania  regiment  in 
charging  the  head  of  the  enemy's  column  advancing  on  the  Eleventh 
Corps  on  the  evening  of  the  26.  inst.  ;  the  heroism  of  the  6th  New 
York  regiment  in  cutting  its  way  back  to  our  own  lines,  through 
treble  its  force  of  the  enemy's  cavalry,  on  the  ist  inst.  ;  and  the 
coolness  displayed  by  the  lyth  Pennsylvania  regiment  in  rallying 
fugitives  and  supporting  the  batteries,  including  Martin's, — which 
repulsed  the  enemy's  attack  under  Jackson, — on  the  evening  of  the 
2d  inst.,  have  excited  the  highest  admiration. 

"  These  noble  feats  of  arms  recall  the  glorious  days  of  Middle- 
town,  Boonsboro,  Antietam,  Martinsburg,  Upperville,  Barber's,  and 
Amisville,  where  the  First  Brigade  shared  with  us  the  triumphs  of 
victory,  and  they  will  now,  while  exulting  in  this  success,  join  in 
sorrow  for  the  brave  who  have  fallen.  The  gallant  '  McVicar,'  the 
generous  *  Keenan,'  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  killed  and  wounded 
from  your  small  numbers,  attest  to  the  terrible  earnestness  that  ani- 
mated the  midnight  conflict  of  the  '  26.  of  May.' 
"  A.  PLEASANTON, 

"  W.  L.  HEERMANCE,  "  Brigadier- General  Commanding. 

"Late  Lieutenant-Colonel, 

"  6th  New  York  Volunteer  Cavalry." 


SOME  PERSONAL  REMINISCENCES  OF  THE 
NAVAL  SERVICE. 

A  Paper  Read  by  Asst.  Paymaster  A.  NOEL  BLAKEMAN,  late  U.  S.  Navy, 
May  12,  1885. 

pROBABLY  no  arm  of  the  service  during  the  Civil  War 
afforded  the  opportunity  for  greater  variety  of  experience 
than  did  the  navy.  Its  ships  were  engaged  in  not  a  few  great 
sea-fights,  its  forces  were  frequently  an  important  factor  in 
land  operations,  it  maintained,  with  an  efficiency  that  at  first 
many  thought  would  be  impossible,  a  blockade  of  hundreds  of 
miles  of  sea-coast,  and  it  patrolled  the  high  seas  in  chase  of  the 
enemy's  ships  and  in  search  of  contraband  cargoes  both  in- 
ward and  outward  bound.  The  fight  between  the  Monitor 
and  Merrimac  was  the  beginning  of  a  revolution  in  naval  con- 
struction and  naval  warfare.  The  heroic  deeds  of  Farragut  at 
Mobile,  of  Porter  at  New  Orleans  and  Wilmington,  of  Rowan  at 
Charleston,  and  of  Foote  upon  the  Mississippi  have  added  a 
lustre  to  the  renown  of  the  U.  S.  Navy  that  will  never  dim  so 
long  as  history  is  read  and  the  great  Republic  stands.  But  while 
these  were  the  great  naval  engagements  of  the  war ;  there  are 
many  of  lesser  renown  where  equally  brave  men  and  equally  gal- 
lant deeds  led  to  important  if  not  as  great  results.  It  is  not  my 
purpose  to  enter  upon  a  description  of  any  of  the  great  naval 
events  of  the  war  in  which  I  may  have  been  a  participant,  or 
of  which  I  may  have  been  a  spectator,  but  rather  to  give  a  few 
personal  reminiscences  in  a  vein  that  will  perhaps  afford  more 
entertainment  than  would  a  more  serious  effort  to  deal  with 
any  of  the  great  military  achievements  that  characterized  the 
struggle  from  'sixty-one  to  'sixty-five. 

231 


232  REMINISCENCES   OF  THE  NAVAL  SERVICE. 

After  serving  three  months  with  a  militia  regiment,  in 
August,  1861,  I  received  an  appointment  in  the  Volunteer 
Navy.  Life  on  shipboard  was  not  new  to  me.  I  had  al- 
ready spent  two  years  before  the  mast  and  on  the  quarter 
deck  of  a  merchantman ;  I  had  crossed  the  line,  been  properly 
shaved  under  the  direction  of  old  Neptune  and  eaten  my  share 
of  hard  tack  and  salt  horse  ;  and  when  I  returned  home  in  1859 
was  considered  a  pretty  well-seasoned  young  salt,  fully  capable 
of  working  up  a  day's  reckoning,  steering  a  trick  at  the  wheel, 
handing  the  bunt  of  a  topsail  or  passing  a  weather  earing,  and 
as  handy  with  a  palm  as  with  a  marline-spike.  But,  alas,  steam 
and  iron  are  fast  displacing  wind  and  wood,  and  it  would  seem 
that  ere  long  the  old  shellback  of  thirty  years  ago  will  be  a  thing 
of  the  past,  and  a  new  kind  of  sea-dog  will  take  his  place. 
Only  one  thing  is  likely  to  remain  the  same,  and  that  is 
the  weather.  The  ship  of  to-day  will  have  to  encounter  and 
battle  with  the  same  kind  of  weather,  the  same  storms,  the 
same  calms,  the  same  provoking  head-winds,  the  same  fair 
breezes.  Old  Ocean  remains  the  same,  but  we  will  endeavor 
to  conquer  her  in  a  different  way. 

As  I  look  back  over  those  early  days  of  the  war,  I  am 
reminded  of  the  impressions  I  received  of  the  gallant  officers 
with  whom  I  came  in  contact,  who  long  since  have  passed 
away  and  are  to-day  numbered  among  our  naval  heroes.  A 
man's  peculiarities  make  up  his  individuality,  and  that  these 
men  had  their's  in  any  marked  degree,  not  only  goes  to 
prove  their  strength  of  character  but  their  fitness  to  be  lead- 
ers among  men.  Let  me  briefly  enumerate  a  few  of  those 
distinguished  names,  and  the  first  I  recall  is  that  of  Admiral 
Thos.  K.  Thatcher,  then  a  captain,  and  in  every  sense  a  grand 
old  sailor.  Stiff  and  starchy  in  his  manner  as  the  enormous 
stock  he  always  wore  about  his  neck,  quick  in  his  enuncia- 
tion yet  always  speaking  with  a  commanding  precision  that 
made  one  feel  that  he  meant  to  be  obeyed.  Then  there  was 
the  benevolent  and  mild-mannered  McKean,  who  at  that  time 
commanded  the  frigate  Niagara.  The  big,  big  D  was  tabooed 
from  that  ship  by  his  express  commands,  and  when  an  officer 


REMINISCENCES   OF  THE  NAVAL   SERVICE.  ^33 

felt  the  necessity  of  using  even  a  little  D  he  quietly  went  to 
the  ship's-side  and  out  of  respect  to  the  flag-officer  threw  it  over- 
board as  quietly  as  he  could  ;  but  not  always  as  quietly  as  he 
might  have  done,  for  echo  often  repeated  it  down  on  the  lower 
deck.  The  best  pictures,  we  are  told,  are  made  up  of  the 
strongest  contrasts,  and  accordingly  against  these  two  men  I 
would  next  mention  Captain  Louis  M.  Goldsborough.  When 
I  first  came  in  contact  with  him  he  was  in  command  of  the  old 
frigate  Congress,  then  at  anchor  in  Boston  harbor.  He  was 
under  orders  to  sail  to  Hampton  Roads,  but  something  had 
occurred  to  delay  his  departure,  which  evidently  caused  him 
much  irritation.  I  happened -to  be  in  the  office  of  the  com- 
mandant of  the  yard,  Captain  William  Hudson,  when  the 
ponderous  Goldsborough  came  on  shore  for  the  purpose 
of  straightening  out  his  difficulties.  We  heard  him  talking 
to  Commodore  Hudson  as  though  that  officer  had  lost  his 
hearing,  and  whenever  the  office  door  opened  the  air  seemed 
tinged  with  the  bluish  tints  of  sulphurous  smoke.  We  heard 
big  D's  and  little  D's.  After  his  departure,  the  Commodore's 
secretary,  the  genial  Jack  Isaacs,  quietly  remarked  that 
Goldsborough  seemed  to  be  a  little  ruffled.  It  struck  me  that 
the  gallant  old  skipper  was  in  a  thundering  rage,  for  he  caused 
the  timbers  of  the  little  building  to  quake  as  he  strode  about  the 
office  and  hammered  the  floor  with  an  unusually  stout  walking- 
stick,  that  he  always  carried  on  shore,  while  his  ejaculations 
were  to  my  mind  neither  calm  nor  peaceful ;  but  Isaacs  assured 
me  that  what  I  had  witnessed  was  as  but  a  summer  shower 
compared  with  what  could  be  accomplished  when  the  Golds- 
borough  craft  had  all  its  ports  down  for  action.  A  few  months 
afterward,  in  Hampton  Roads,  I  had  an  encounter  with  the 
Admiral  that  fully  convinced  me  that  Isaacs  was  right.  And  yet 
I  have  heard  from  those  who  knew  him  best  that  when  so 
minded,  there  was  no  more  genial  and  entertaining  companion, 
with  a  keen  sense  of  wit,  and  quick  appreciation  of  a  joke ;  but 
my  own  experience  never  harmonized  with  any  such  description. 
Associated  in  my  mind  with  Goldsborough  is  the  fiery  and  pep- 
pery Max  Woodhull,  who  never  saw  the  funny  side  of  anything, 


234  REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  NAVAL  SERVICE. 

dealt  with  everything  as  an  actual  reality,  was  nervous,  easily 
excited,  and  seldom  in  a  calm  and  collected  frame  of  mind. 
During  the  early  part  of  the  war  he  commanded  the  supply 
steamer  Connecticut,  that  made  monthly  trips,  supplying  with 
fresh  provisions  the  blockading  fleet  from  Hampton  Roads  to 
Galveston.  On  one  occasion  a  paymaster  for  some  reason  had 
disputed  and  refused  to  sign  his  account.  The  fact  had  been 
reported  to  Woodhull,  who  thereupon  began  to  prance  about 
his  cabin,  and  finally  came  rushing  out  just  as  I  was  innocently 
and  respectfully  opening  the  cabin  door.  "  Leave  the  ship, 
sir !  "  he  shouted,  "  Leave  the  ship,  sir !  I  shall  report  you  to 
the  flag-officer."  Quite  unaware  what  all  this  meant,  I  was 

about  to  say  that  I  was  paymaster  of  the .  "  I  don't  care 

who  you  are !  Leave  the  ship  at  once  !  "  and  then  apparently 
exhausted,  he  retreated  to  his  sanctum.  The  sight  of  a  pay- 
master that  morning  seemed  to  effect  the  Captain  very  much 
as  a  red  flag  does  a  bull,  for  every  pay-officer  that  attempted  to 
enter  the  cabin  was  taken  to  be  the  offender  and  treated 
accordingly.  There  are  circumstances  when  a  man  is  justified 
in  losing  his  temper;  as  for  instance  when  the  afternoon 
practice  of  the  band  becomes  so  deafening  that  he  cannot 
hear  himself  think,  much  less  speak.  Such  a  performance  was 
in  progress  one  afternoon  in  the  harbor  of  Key  West,  when 
Admiral  Lardner,  after  vainly  endeavoring  to  communicate  with 
his  secretary,  sent  out  a  peremptory  order  that  the  band  with 
their  instruments  should  be  thrown  overboard. 

I  wish  time  permitted  of  my  referring  to  the  stately  Du- 
pont,  the  genial  Spotts,  the  sea-sick  Dahlgren,  or  that  sturdy 
old  sailor  Commodore  Hudson.  I  consider  it  a  privilege,  as 
well  as  an  honor,  to  have  served  under  them  and  to  be  able  to 
speak  of  those  I  have  enumerated  as  having  been  my  com- 
manding officers. 

Some  of  the  men  who  received  appointments  to  the  navy 
at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  had  queer  ideas  upon  the  subject 
of  uniform.  One  young  man  from  Wisconsin  who  received  an 
appointment  as  assistant  paymaster  marched  into  the  Brooklyn 
Navy  Yard  one  fine  morning  clad  in  the  uniform  of  a  full-rigged 


REMINISCENCES   OF  THE  NAVAL   SERVICE.  235 

captain  of  the  navy.  The  guard  at  the  gate  had  been  turned 
out  to  salute  him  upon  his  entrance,  and  as  he  passed  down  the 
main  avenue  caps  were  touched  right  and  left.  Fortunately, 
before  he  reached  the  commandant's  office,  whither  he  was  ad- 
vancing under  full  sail  to  report,  a  few  of  us  found  out  who  and 
what  he  was,  smuggled  him  into  a  side  office,  persuaded  him  to 
take  off  his  coat,  and  with  penknives  ripped  off  the  three  broad 
bands  of  gold  lace  with  which  his  sleeves  were  adorned.  His 
look  of  amazement  when  informed  that  he  had  narrowly  escaped 
the  guard-house  can  be  better  imagined  than  described.  He 
confessed  that  he  had  never  seen  a  man-of-war,  much  less  a 
naval  officer.  But  his  mistake  was  scarcely  equal  to  that  of  a 
man  from  New  Bedford,  who  although  brought  up  at  sea,  upon 
receiving  an  appointment  as  acting  master  turned  up  at  the 
Boston  yard  attired  in  a  cavalry  uniform,  which  he  afterward 
informed  me  he  purchased  expressly  for  the  occasion. 

Before  asking  you  to  accompany  me  down  upon  the  blockade^ 
let  me  say  a  word  respecting  the  gallant  little  craft  in  which  we 
are  to  cruise.  The  Kingfisher  was  a  taut,  trim  little  bark,  with 
the  lines  and  sailing  qualities  of  a  yacht  and  the  staunchness  of  a 
regularly  built  warship.  She  had  been  constructed  for  whaling 
in  the  artic  seas,  and  was  among  the  first  and  best  purchases 
made  by  the  Government  from  the  merchant  marine.  The  after 
achievements  of  the  gallant  Worden  in  his  Yankee  cheese-box 
in  Hampton  Roads,  and  the  revolution  in  naval  architecture 
which  has  made  steam  and  armor-plating  the  essentials  of  an 
efficient  navy,  impart  a  somewhat  old-fashioned  look  to  the 
Kingfisher  at  this  distance ;  nevertheless,  she  was,  twenty-four 
years  ago,  admirably  adapted,  with  a  battery  of  seven  guns  and 
crew  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  men,  to  the  cruising  service  for 
which  she  was  intended  ;  and  whenever  the  opportunity  offered 
she  never  failed  to  give  a  good  account  of  herself.  In  this  taut 
little  craft  we  came  very  near  taking  part  in  the  capture  of  Mason 
and  Slidell,  but  we  did  n't.  The  way  of  it  was  this.  Bound  for 
the  Gulf,  we  put  into  Key  West  to  replenish  our  supply  of 
water,  and  found  the  steamer  Huntsville  commanded  by  Cicero 
Price  with  "  Bully  "  Erben  for  Executive  officer,  in  port,  caulk- 


236  REMINISCENCES   OF  THE  NAVAL  SERVICE. 

ing  ship,  coaling,  and  repairing  her  boilers.  While  there  the 
San  Jacinto,  Captain  Wilkes,  steamed  into  harbor,  ostensibly 
for  coal,  but  really  in  search  of  some  one  to  assist  him  in  the 
projected  capture  of  Mason  and  Slidell.  The  three  skippers, 
Wilkes,  Price,  and  Couthouy,  held  a  long  conference  on  board 
the  San  Jacinto,  and  Wilkes  used  all  his  powers  of  persuasion 
to  induce  one  or  both  to  accompany  him ;  but  the  Huntsville 
was  not  in  a  condition  to  go  to  sea  and  our  captain  was  un- 
willing to  deviate  from  his  orders,  so  the  San  Jacinto  and 
her  officers  had  all  the  glory  of  that  notable  affair  to  them- 
selves. 

Blockading  was  not  a  very  attractive  service,  but  although 
it  was  not  "  so  easy  as  it  looks,"  it  was  far  less  monotonous 
than  was  generally  supposed.  True,  much  of  the  time  we 
were  in  a  condition  of  masterly  inactivity,  but  then,  like  the 
renowned  Major  de  Boots,  we  were  always  in  a  warlike  atti- 
tude ;  and  then  we  were  constantly  watching  and  waiting 
like  Wilkins  Micawber  for  "  something  to  turn  up,"  and 
whether  that  something  proved  to  be  the  appearance  of  a 
blockade  runner  or  a  hostile  demonstration  from  the  enemy, 
we  were  always  ready  to  fight  or  run,  as  prudence  or  necessity 
required.  Our  swords  did  not  rust  in  their  scabbards,  nor  were 
we  without  opportunity  to  test  the  range  of  our  guns.  Never- 
theless, the  pleasures  of  blockade  service  had  to  be  experienced 
to  be  fully  appreciated.  There  may  have  been  an  occasional 
spot  of  monotony  here  and  there,  but  upon  the  average  station 
the  experience  was  as  varied  as  it  was  exciting.  An  occasional 
skirmish  on  shore  with  an  outlying  picket  of  observation ;  a 
midnight  alarm,  which  sometimes  resulted  in  a  beat  to  quarters 
merely  to  receive  on  board  a  boat-load  of  contrabands  seeking 
refuge  under  cover  of  darkness  on  the  "  Lincum  "  gunboat ;  fre- 
quent dashes  after  blockade  runners  that  somehow  or  other  so 
often  managed  to  elude  our  grasp ;  a  cutting-out  expedition 
that  often  resulted  in  the  gallant  capture  of  a  very  hostile  fish- 
ing-smack; the  destruction  of  salt  works  that  increased  in 
number  the  more  they  were  destroyed ;  and,  in  the  words  of 
Uncle  Remus,  "  laying  low  "  for  the  monthly  visit  of  the  beef 


REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  NAVAL  SERVICE.  237 

boat,  that  brought  our  supplies  of  fresh  meat,  ice,  blockade 
sherry,  and  our  mail,  made  up  a  round  of  duty  that  could  not 
be  fairly  termed  monotonous.  Then  it  afforded  a  splendid 
opportunity  for  the  development  and  study  of  character  as  well 
as  for  the  exercise  of  qualities  that  under  other  circumstances 
would  not  have  been  so  prominently  called  into  requisition. 
If  you  want  to  find  out  what  a  man  really  is,  go  and  spend  a 
year  with  him  on  the  blockade  and  you  will  discover  what  kind 
of  stuff  he  is  made  of  as  well  as  what  kind  of  a  fellow  you  are 
yourself. 

One  of  the  skirmishes  we  had  on  shore  was  a  very  neat  little 
affair.  While  stationed  in  St.-  Helena  Sound,  off  the  coast  of 
South  Carolina,  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  capture  a  cavalry 
picket  that  kept  watch  of  our  movements.  Accordingly  a 
night  expedition  was  organized.  We  landed  about  half  a  mile 
from  the  house  where  the  enemy  was  quartered,  and  under  the 
guidance  of  an  old  servant  of  the  officer  in  charge,  who  had 
run  away  and  taken  refuge  with  us,  we  crept  stealthily  up  to 
the  point  of  attack.  The  picket  numbered  eighteen,  our  force 
twenty-seven.  The  house  was  surrounded  without  our  being 
discovered.  Three  officers  and  the  contraband  walked  up  to 
the  veranda  and  there  saw  the  guard  fast  asleep,  seated  upon 
a  chair.  They  took  away  his  musket  without  awaking  him, 
pushed  the  door,  which  was  unfastened,  gently  open,  went  into 
the  main  room  where  the  picket  lay  asleep  upon  the  floor,  and 
without  raising  an  alarm  deprived  every  man  of  his  piece  and 
carried  them  into  the  hall.  As  they  were  returning  some  one 
cried  out,  "  Who  's  that  ?  "  The  contraband  promptly  replied, 
"  Me,  Massa  James,"  but  the  premature  discharge  of  one  of  our 
muskets  without,  caused  our  whole  force  surrounding  the  house 
to  open  fire,  ignoring  the  fact  that  their  own  officers  were 
within.  Fortunately  the  bullets  did  no  harm,  but  the  volley 
awoke  the  heavy  sleepers ;  the  man  on  the  porch  rushed  in  cry- 
ing out  that  they  were  surrounded  and  his  musket  gone.  Our 
officers  stepped  to  the  door  and  called  upon  them  to  surrender. 
Evidently  dumbfounded  at  their  position,  they  obeyed  our 
order  to  fall  in  without  resistance,  were  marched  out  of  the 


238  REMINISCENCES   OF  THE  NAVAL  SERVICE. 

house  and  down  to  our  boats,  and  were  afloat  before  they  fully 
recovered  their  senses. 

One  of  the  midnight  alarms  of  which  I  have  spoken,  although 
a  comical  affair  when  viewed  in  the  past,  was  no  laughing  matter 
at  the  time.  We  were  blockading  off  the  Mississippi  at  Pass 
Aloutre  in  company  with  the  old  side-wheel  frigate  Mississippi, 
commanded  by  the  elder  Selfridge.  From  day  to  day  and 
night  to  night  we  watched  for  the  appearance  of  an  expedition 
that  we  understood  was  being  fitted  out  in  New  Orleans  for 
our  destruction ;  but  for  days  and  weeks  and  months  we 
watched  in  vain.  Suddenly,  one  night  between  twelve  and 
one  o'clock,  the  much  expected  and  welcome  long  roll  of 
the  drum  caused  every  man  to  spring  to  his  post.  The  enemy 
was  upon  us  at  last !  We  saw  the  occasional  flash  of  his  lights 
and  distinctly  heard  the  sound  of  his  paddles,  although  they 
seemed  to  be  a  good  distance  off.  The  boarding  nettings  were 
triced  down,  and  the  Captain  mounted  the  rigging  to  catch  a 
better  view,  for  the  blackest  of  darkness  prevailed.  Every 
now  and  again  he  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  light,  but  it  did  not 
seem  to  approach.  The  Mississippi  signalled  us  to  slip  our 
anchor,  and  the  splash  of  her  paddles  announced  that  she  was 
under  weigh.  Still  our  skipper  held  on  and  all  hands  peered 
out  into  the  darkness  in  breathless  suspense.  Both  batteries 
were  cast  loose,  with  the  starboard  side  manned,  as  the  force  of 
the  tide  laid  that  side  next  the  shore.  All  at  once  there  was 
an  ominous  thump  against  the  ship's  side.  "  Run  out  and  fire  !  " 
shouted  the  Captain  to  the  officer  in  charge  of  No.  I,  and  bang  it 
went,  followed  by  a  scratching  and  catching  of  boat-hooks  and 
a  dozen  voices  shouting,  "  O  Massa,  don't  shoot,  don't  shoot," 
"  Don't  hurt  this  nigger,"  "  We  wants  to  come  aboard."  We 
breathed  more  freely  but  those  ten  nigger  boys  were  never 
more  scared  in  their  lives.  Lanterns  were  brought,  the  net- 
tings were  raised,  and  ten  sons  of  Ham  scrambled  over  the  side. 
After  hiding  in  the  marsh  for  four  days  they  had  ventured  to 
pull  off  to  the  gunboat.  The  paddles  we  heard  was  the  noise 
of  their  oars,  the  light  we  had  watched  so  closely  must  have 
been  a  will-of-the-wisp,  for  they  had  neither  lantern,  candle, 


REMINISCENCES   OF  THE  NAVAL  SERVICE.  239 

nor  matches.  The  retreat  was  sounded,  we  sheathed  our 
swords  and  began  to  smile  at  our  first  encounter  with  the 
enemy.  Meanwhile  the  Mississippi  had  been  steaming  about, 
expecting  every  minute  to  encounter  an  enemy.  The  discharge 
of  our  gun  gave  the  impression  that  we  were  engaged  at  close 
quarters  and  accordingly  she  came  to  our  assistance  and 
learned  the  full  particulars  of  our  bloodless  victory  and  capt- 
ure. That  expected  expedition  from  New  Orleans  never 
came  down,  and  when  we  left  the  station  Porter,  Farragut,  and 
Butler  had  gone  up  the  river  to  try  and  discover  its  where- 
abouts. The  Kingfisher  was  not  altogether  unsuccessful  in 
capturing  prizes,  and  several  of- her  chases  were  not  altogether 
devoid  of  excitement,  but  a  number  of  times  she  ran  after  those 
that  were  enabled  to  show  us  a  clean  pair  of  heels  and  we  real- 
ized the  truth  of  the  adage  that  "  a  stern  chase  is  a  long  one." 
But  I  am  reminded  that  every  good  story  must  have  an  end 
and  this  yarn  would  seem  to  have  already  spun  its  proper 
length.  What  I  have  said  may  serve  to  inform  you,  compan- 
ions, how  we  who  were  blockading  employed  the  time. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ATLANTA. 

Read  by  Major-General  GRENVILLE  M.  DODGE,  May  8,  1895. 

the  I7th  of  July,  1864,  General  John  B.  Hood  relieved 
General  Joseph  E.  Johnston  in  command  of  the  Confed- 
erate Army  in  front  of  Atlanta,  and  on  the  2Oth  Hood  opened 
an  attack  upon  Sherman's  right  commanded  by  General  Thomas. 
The  attack  was  a  failure  and  resulted  in  a  great  defeat  to 
Hood's  army  and  the  disarrangement  of  all  his  plans. 

On  the  evening  of  the  2ist  of  July,  General  Sherman's  army 
had  closed  up  to  within  two  miles  of  Atlanta,  and  on  that  day 
Force's  brigade  of  Leggett's  division  of  Blair's  Seventeenth 
Army  Corps  carried  a  prominent  hill,  known  as  Bald  or  Leggett's 
Hill,  that  gave  us  a  clear  view  of  Atlanta,  and  placed  that  city 
within  range  of  our  guns.  It  was  a  strategic  point,  and  unless 
the  swing  of  our  left  was  stopped  it  would  dangerously  inter- 
fere with  Hood's  communications  towards  the  south.  Hood 
fully  appreciated  this,  and  determined  upon  his  celebrated 
attack  in  the  rear  of  General  Sherman's  army. 

On  the  22d  of  July,  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  was  occu- 
pying the  rebel  intrenchments,  its  right  resting  very  near  the 
Howard  House,  south  of  the  Augusta  railroad,  thence  to  Leg- 
gett's Hill,  which  had  been  carried  by  Force's  assault  on  the 
evening  of  the  2ist.  From  this  hill,  Giles  A.  Smith's  division 
of  the  Seventeenth  Army  Corps  stretched  out  southward  on  a 
road  that  occupied  this  ridge,  with  a  weak  flank  in  air.  To 
strengthen  this  flank,  by  order  of  General  McPherson  I  sent, 
on  the  evening  of  the  2 1st,  one  brigade  of  Fuller's  division, 
the  other  being  left  at  Decatur  to  protect  our  parked  trains. 
Fuller  camped  his  brigade  about  half  a  mile  in  the  rear  of  the 

240 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ATLANTA.  241 

extreme  left  and  at  right  angles  to  Blair's  lines  and  command- 
ing the  open  ground  and  valley  of  the  forks  of  Sugar  Creek, 
a  position  that  proved  very  strong  in  the  battle.  Fuller  did 
not  go  into  line,  simply  bivouacked,  ready  to  respond  to  any 
call. 

On  the  morning  of  the  22d  of  July,  General  McPherson 
called  at  my  headquarters,  and  gave  me  verbal  orders  in  rela- 
tion to  the  movement  of  the  Second,  Sweeny's,  Division  of  my, 
the  Sixteenth,  Corps,  which  had  been  crowded  out  of  line  by 
the  contraction  of  our  lines  as  we  neared  Atlanta ;  and  told  me 
that  I  was  to  take  position  on  the  left  of  the  line  that  Blair  had 
been  instructed  to  occupy  and  "intrench  that  morning,  and  cau- 
tioned me  about  protecting  my  flank  very  strongly.  McPher- 
son evidently  thought  that  there  would  be  trouble  on  that 
flank,  for  he  rode  out  to  examine  it  himself. 

I  moved  Sweeny  in  the  rear  of  our  army,  on  the  road  lead- 
ing from  the  Augusta  railway,  down  the  east  branch  of  Sugar 
Creek,  to  near  where  it  forks.  Then  turning  west,  the  road 
crosses  the  west  branch  of  Sugar  Creek,  just  back  where 
Fuller  was  camped,  and  passed  up  through  a  strip  of 
woods  and  through  Blair's  lines  near  where  his  left  was 
refused.  Up  this  road  Sweeny  marched  until  he  reached 
Fuller,  when  he  halted,  waiting  until  the  line  I  had  se- 
lected on  Blair's  proposed  new  left  could  be  intrenched,  so 
that  at  mid-day,  July  22d,  the  position  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  was  as  follows  :  One  division  of  the  Fifteenth,  across 
and  north  of  the  Augusta  railway  facing  Atlanta,  the  balance 
of  the  Fifteenth  and  all  the  Seventeenth  Corps  behind  intrench- 
ments  running  south  of  the  railway  along  a  gentle  ridge  with  a 
gentle  slope  and  clear  valley  facing  Atlanta  in  front  and 
another  clear  valley  in  the  rear.  The  Sixteenth  Corps  was 
resting  on  the  road  described,  entirely  in  the  rear  of  the  Seven- 
teenth and  Fifteenth  Corps  and  facing  from  Atlanta.  To  the 
left  and  left  rear  the  country  was  heavily  wooded.  The  enemy, 
therefore,  was  enabled,  under  cover  of  the  forest,  to  approach 
close  to  the  rear  of  our  lines. 

On  the  night  of  July  2ist,  Hood  had  transferred  Hardee's 

16 


242  THE  BATTLE  OF  ATLANTA. 

corps  and  two  divisions  of  Wheeler's  cavalry  to  our  rear,  go- 
ing around  our  left  which  reached  Decatur,  where  our  trains 
were  parked.  At  daylight,  Stewart's  and  Cheatham's  corps  and 
the  Georgia  militia  were  withdrawn  closer  to  Atlanta,  and  in  a 
position  to  attack  simultaneously  with  Hardee,  the  plan  thus 
involving  the  destroying  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  by 
attacking  it  in  rear  and  front,  and  the  capturing  of  all  its 
trains  corralled  at  Decatur.  Hardee's  was  the  largest  corps 
in  Hood's  army;  and  according  to  Hood,  they  were  thus 
to  move  upon  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  about  40,000 
troops. 

Hood's  order  of  attack  was  for  Hardee  to  form  entirely  in 
the  rear  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  but  Hardee  claims 
that  he  met  Hood  on  the  night  of  the  2ist ;  that  he  was  so  late 
in  moving  his  corps  that  they  changed  the  plan  of  attack  so 
that  his  left  was  to  strike  fthe  Seventeenth  Corps.  He  was  to 
swing  his  right  until  he  enveloped  and  attacked  the  rear  of  the 
Seventeenth  and  Fifteenth  Corps. 

Hood  stood  in  one  of  the  batteries  of  Atlanta,  where  he 
could  see  Blair's  left  and  the  front  line  of  the  Fifteenth  and 
Seventeenth  Corps.  He  says  he  was  astonished  to  see  the  at- 
tack come  on  Blair's  left  instead  of  his  rear,  and  charges  his 
defeat  to  that  fact,  but  Hardee,  when  he  swung  his  right  and 
came  out  into  the  open,  found  the  Sixteenth  Corps  in  line,  in  the 
rear  of  our  army,  and  he  was  as  much  surprised  to  find  us  there, 
as  our  army  was  at  the  sudden  attack  in  our  rear.  The  driving 
back  by  the  Sixteenth  Corps  of  Hardee's,  made  his  corps  drift 
to  the  left  and  against  Blair,  not  only  to  Blair's  left,  but  his 
front  and  rear,  so  that  what  Hood  declares  was  the  cause  of  his 
failure  was  not  Hardee's  fault,  as  his  attacks  on  the  Sixteenth 
Corps  were  evidently  determined,  and  fierce  enough  to  relieve 
him  from  all  blame  in  that  matter. 

The  battle  began  exactly  at  12  o'clock  (noon)  and  lasted 
until  midnight,  and  covered  the  ground  from  the  Howard 
House,  along  the  entire  front  of  the  Fifteenth  (Logan's) 
Corps,  the  Seventeenth  (Blair's),  and  on  the  front  of  the  Six- 
teenth, which  was  formed  in  the  rear  of  the  army,  and  on  to 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ATLANTA.  243 

Decatur,  where  Sprague's  brigade  of  the  Sixteenth  Army 
Corps  met  and  defeated  Wheeler's  cavalry — a  distance  of  about 
seven  miles. 

The  Army  of  the  Tennessee  had  present  on  that  day  at  At- 
lanta and  Decatur  about  26,000  men  ;  10,000  in  the  Fifteenth 
Army  Corps,  9000  in  the  Sixteenth  Corps,  and  7000  in  the 
Seventeenth.  About  21,000  of  these  were  in  line  of  battle. 
Three  brigades  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  being  absent,  only 
about  5000  men  in  a  single  line  received  the  attack  of  the 
three  divisions  of  Hardee's  corps.  Hardee's  left,  Cleburne's 
division,  lapped  the  extreme  left  of  Blair,  and  joined  Cheat- 
ham's  corps,  which  attacked  •  Blair  from  the  Atlanta  front. 
According  to  Hood,  they  were  joined  by  the  Georgia  militia 
under  Smith  extending  down  the  line  in  front  of  the  Fifteenth 
Corps.  Stewart's  corps  occupied  the  works  and  held  the  lines 
in  front  of  the  rest  of  Sherman's  grand  army.  The  Sixteenth 
Army  Corps  fought  in  open  ground ;  the  Fifteenth  and  Seven- 
teenth behind  intrenchments. 

Where  I  stood,  just  at  the  rear  of  the  Sixteenth  Army 
Corps,  I  could  see  the  entire  line  of  that  Corps,  and  could  look 
up  and  see  the  enemies'  entire  front  as  they  emerged  from  the 
woods.  I  quickly  saw  that  both  of  my  flanks  were  overlapped 
by  the  enemy. 

Knowing  General  McPherson  was  some  two  miles  away,  I 
sent  a  staff  officer  to  General  Giles  A.  Smith,  requesting  him 
to  refuse  his  left  and  protect  the  gap  between  the  Seventeenth 
Corps  and  my  right,  which  he  sent  word  he  would  do.  Later, 
as  the  battle  progressed,  and  I  saw  no  movement  on  the  part 
of  General  Smith,  I  sent  another  aide  to  inform  him  that  the 
enemy  was  passing  my  right  flank,  which  was  nearly  opposite 
his  centre,  and  requested  him  to  refuse  his  left  immediately,  or 
he  would  be  cut  off.  This  officer  (who,  by  the  way,  belonged 
to  the  Signal  Corps,  and  acted  as  my  aide  only  for  the  time 
being)  found,  on  reaching  Smith,  that  he  was  just  becoming 
engaged  ;  that  he  had  received  orders  to  hold  his  line,  with  a 
promise  that  other  troops  would  be  thrown  into  the  gap. 

My  second  messenger,  returning  over  the  road  upon  which 


244  THE  BATTLE   OF  ATLANTA. 

McPherson  was  a  few  minutes  later  shot  dead,  met  the  General 
on  the  road  with  a  very  few  attendants,  turned  to  warn  him  of 
his  dangerous  position,  assuring  him  that  the  enemy  held  the 
woods  and  were  advancing.  The  General  paying  no  heed  to 
his  warning,  and  moving  on,  my  aide  turned  and  followed  him. 
They  had  proceeded  but  a  short  distance  into  the  woods  when 
a  sharp  command,  "  Halt,"  was  heard  from  the  skirmish  line  of 
the  rebels.  Without  heeding  the  command,  General  McPher- 
son and  his  party  wheeled  their  horses,  and  at  that  moment  a 
heavy  volley  was  poured  in,  killing  McPherson  and  so  frighten- 
ing the  horses  that  they  became  unmanageable  and  plunged 
into  the  underbrush  in  different  directions.  My  aide  became 
separated  from  the  General  and  the  rest  of  the  party,  was 
knocked  from  his  horse  by  coming  in  contact  with  a  tree,  and 
lay  for  some  time  in  an  unconscious  condition  on  the  ground. 
As  soon  as  he  was  sufficiently  recovered  he  returned  on  foot  to 
me,  having  lost  his  horse  and  equipments.  Of  General  Mc- 
Pherson he  saw  nothing  after  his  fall.  His  watch,  crushed  by 
contact  with  the  tree,  was  stopped  at  two  minutes  past  2 
o'clock,  which  fixed  the  time  of  General  McPherson's  death. 

General  McPherson  could  not  have  left  his  point  of  obser- 
vation more  than  a  few  minutes  when  I  detected  the  enemy's 
advance  in  the  woods  some  distance  to  my  right,  and  between 
that  flank  and  General  Blair's  rear.  Fuller  quickly  changed 
front  with  a  portion  of  his  brigade  to  confront  them,  and  push- 
ing promptly  to  the  attack,  captured  their  skirmish  line  and 
drove  back  their  main  forces.  Upon  the  persons  of  some  of 
these  prisoners  we  found  McPherson's  papers,  field-glass,  etc., 
which  conveyed  to  me  the  first  knowledge  I  had  of  his  death, 
or  rather,  as  I  then  supposed,  of  his  capture  by  the  enemy  ;  and 
seeing  that  the  papers  were  important  I  sent  them  by  my  chief 
of  staff  with  all  haste  to  General  Sherman. 

General  McPherson,  it  seems,  had  just  witnessed  the  de- 
cisive grapple  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  with  the  charging  columns 
of  the  enemy,  and,  as  probably  conveying  his  own  reflections 
at  that  moment,  I  quote  the  language  of  General  Strong,  the 
only  staff  officer  present  with  him  at  that  critical  moment. 


THE  BATTLE   OF  ATLANTA.  245 

"  The  General  and  myself,"  said  Strong,  "  accompanied  only  by 
our  orderlies,  rode  on  and  took  positions  on  the  right  of  Dodge's  line, 
and  witnessed  the  desperate  assaults  of  Hood's  army. 

"  The  divisions  of  Generals  Fuller  and  Sweeny  were  formed  in 
a  single  line  of  battle  in  the  open  fields,  without  cover  of  any  kind 
(Fuller's  division  on  the  right),  and  were  warmly  engaged.  The 
enemy,  massed  in  columns  three  or  four  lines  deep,  moved  out  of 
the  dense  timber  several  hundred  yards  from  General  Dodge's  posi- 
tion, and  after  gaining  fairly  the  open  fields,  halted  and  opened  a 
rapid  fire  upon  the  Sixteenth  Corps.  They,  however,  seemed  surprised 
to  find  our  infantry  in  line  of  battle,  prepared  for  attack,  and  after 
facing  for  a  few  minutes  the  destructive  fire  from  the  divisions  of 
Generals  Fuller  and  Sweeny,  fell  back  in  disorder  to  the  cover  of 
the  woods.  Here,  however,  their  lines  were  quickly  re-formed,  and 
they  again  advanced,  evidently  determined  to  carry  the  position. 

"  The  scene  at  this  time  was  grand  and  impressive.  It  seemed 
to  us  that  every  mounted  officer  of  the  attacking  column  was  riding 
at  the  front  of,  or  on  the  right  or  left  of,  the  first  line  of  battle.  The 
regimental  colors  waved  and  fluttered  in  advance  of  the  lines,  and 
not  a  shot  was  fired  by  the  rebel  infantry,  although  the  movement 
was  covered  by  a  heavy  and  well-directed  fire  from  artillery,  which 
was  posted  in  the  woods  and  on  higher  ground,  and  which  enabled 
the  guns  to  bear  upon  our  troops  with  solid  shot  and  shell,  firing  over 
the  attacking  column. 

"  It  seemed  impossible,  however,  for  the  enemy  to  face  the 
sweeping,  deadly  fire  from  Fuller's  and  Sweeny's  divisions,  and  the 
guns  of  the  Fourteenth  Ohio  and  Welker's  batteries  of  the  Sixteenth 
Corps  fairly  mowed  great  swaths  in  the  advancing  columns.  They 
showed  great  steadiness,  and  closed  up  the  gaps  and  preserved  their 
alignments,  but  the  iron  and  leaden  hail  which  was  poured  upon 
them  was  too  much  for  flesh  and  blood  to  stand,  and,  before  reach- 
ing the  centre  of  the  open  fields,  the  columns  were  broken  up  and 
thrown  into  great  confusion.  Taking  advantage  of  this,  Dodge  with 
a  portion  of  Fuller's  and  Sweeny's  divisions,  with  bayonets  fixed, 
charged  the  enemy  and  drove  them  back  to  the  woods,  taking  many 
prisoners. 

"  General  McPherson's  admiration  for  the  steadiness  and  deter- 
mined bravery  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  was  unbounded.  General 
Dodge  held  the  key  to  the  position. 


246  THE  BATTLE   OF  ATLANTA. 

"  Had  the  Sixteenth  Corps  given  way  the  rebel  army  would  have 
been  in  the  rear  of  the  Seventeenth  and  Fifteenth  Corps,  and  would 
have  swept  like  an  avalanche  over  our  supply  trains,  and  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  would  have  been  very  critical, 
although,  without  doubt,  the  result  of  the  battle  would  have  been  in 
our  favor,  because  the  armies  of  the  Cumberland  and  Ohio  were 
close  at  hand,  and  the  enemy  would  have  been  checked  and  routed 
farther  on." 

General  Blair  in  his  official  report  of  the  battle  says : 

"  I  witnessed  the  first  furious  assault  upon  the  Sixteenth  Army 
Corps,  and  its  prompt  and  gallant  repulse.  It  was  a  fortunate  cir- 
cumstance for  that  whole  army  that  the  Sixteenth  Army  Corps  occu- 
pied the  position  I  have  attempted  to  describe,  at  the  moment  of 
the  attack,  and  although  it  does  not  become  me  to  comment  upon 
the  brave  conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  of  that  Corps,  still  I  can- 
not refrain  from  expressing  my  admiration  for  the  manner  in  which 
the  Sixteenth  Corps  met  and  repulsed  the  repeated  and  persistent 
attacks  of  the  enemy. 

"  The  Sixteenth  Corps  has  a  record  in  that  battle  which  we  sel- 
dom see  in  the  annals  of  war.  It  met  the  shock  of  battle  and  fired 
the  last  shot  late  that  night,  as  the  enemy  stubbornly  yielded  its 
grasp  on  Bald  Hill.  It  fought  on  four  parts  of  the  field,  and  every- 
where with  equal  success  ;  it  lost  no  gun  that  it  took  into  the  en- 
gagement, and  its  losses  were  almost  entirely  in  killed  and  wounded 
— the  missing  having  been  captured  at  Decatur  through  getting 
mired  in  a  swamp. 

"  At  no  time  during  the  Atlanta  campaign  was  there  present  in 
the  Sixteenth  Corps  more  than  two  small  divisions  of  three  brigades 
each,  and  at  this  time  these  two  divisions  were  widely  scattered  ;  on 
the  Atlanta  field  only  ten  regiments  and  two  batteries  were  present, 
three  entire  brigades  being  absent  from  the  corps.  It  was  called 
upon  to  meet  the  assault  of  at  least  three  divisions  or  nine  brigades, 
or  at  the  least  forty-nine  regiments,  all  full  to  the  utmost  that  a  des- 
perate emergency  could  swell  them,  impelled  by  the  motive  of  the 
preconcerted  surprise,  and  orders  from  their  commander  at  all  haz- 
ards to  sweep  over  any  and  all  obstructions  ;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  force  attacked  and  surprised  was  fighting  without  orders,. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ATLANTA.  247 

guided  only  by  the  exigency  of  the  moment.  Their  captures  repre- 
sented forty-nine  different  regiments  of  the  enemy.  How  many 
more  regiments  were  included  in  those  nine  brigades  I  have  never 
been  able  to  learn.  The  fact  that  this  small  force,  technically,  if 
not  actually,  in  march,  in  a  perfectly  open  field,  with  this  enormously 
superior  force  leaping  upon  them  from  the  cover  of  dense  woods, 
was  able  to  hold  its  ground  and  drive  its  assailants,  pell-mell,  back 
to  the  cover  of  the  woods  again,  proves  that  when  a  great  battle  is 
in  progress,  or  a  great  emergency  occurs,  no  officer  can  tell  what  the 
result  may  be  when  he  throws  in  his  forces,  be  they  5000  or  20,000 
men  ;  and  it  seems  to  me  to  be  impossible  to  draw  the  line  that  gives 
the  right  to  a  subordinate  officer  to  use  his  own  judgment  in  engag- 
ing an  enemy  when  a  great  battle  is  within  his  hearing. 

"  Suppose  the  Sixteenth  Corps,  with  less  than  5000  men,  seeing 
at  least  three  times  their  number  in  their  front,  should  have  re- 
treated, instead  of  standing  and  fighting  as  it  did,  what  would  have 
been  the  result  ?  I  say,  that  in  all  my  experience  in  life,  until  the 
two  forces  struck  and  the  Sixteenth  Corps  stood  firm,  I  never  passed 
more  anxious  moments. 

"  Sprague's  brigade,  of  the  same  corps,  was  engaged  at  the  same 
time  within  hearing,  but  on  a  different  field,  at  Decatur,  fighting  and 
stubbornly  holding  that  place,  knowing  that  if  he  failed  the  trains 
massed  there  and  en  route  from  Roswell,  would  be  captured.  His 
fight  was  a  gallant  and,  sometimes,  seemingly  almost  hopeless  one — 
giving  ground  inch  by  inch,  until,  finally,  he  obtained  a  position 
that  he  could  not  be  driven  from,  and  one  that  protected  the  entire 
trains  of  the  army." 

As  Hardee's  attack  fell  upon  the  Sixteenth  Army  Corps, 
his  left  division  (Cleburne's)  lapped  over  and  beyond  Blair's 
left,  and  swung  around  his  left  front ;  they  poured  down 
through  the  gap  between  the  left  of  the  Seventeenth  and  the 
right  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps,  taking  Blair  in  front,  flank,  and 
rear.  Cheatham's  corps  moved  out  of  Atlanta  and  attacked  in 
Blair's  front.  General  Giles  A.  Smith  commanded  Blair's  left 
division,  his  right  connecting  with  Leggett  at  Bald  Hill,  where 
Leggett's  division  held  the  line  until  they  connected  with  the 
Fifteenth  Corps,  and  along  this  front  the  battle  raged  with 
great  fury. 


248  THE  BATTLE  OF  ATLANTA. 

As  they  advanced  along  the  open  space  between  the  Six- 
teenth and  Seventeenth  Corps,  they  cut  off  from  Blair's  left 
and  captured  an  entire  regiment  of  his  command,  and  forced 
the  Seventeenth  Corps  to  form  new  lines,  utilizing  the  old 
intrenchments  thrown  up  by  the  enemy,  fighting  first  on  one 
side  and  then  on  the  other,  as  the  attack  would  come,  from 
Hardee  in  the  rear  or  Cheatham  in  the  front,  until  about  3.30 
P.M.,  when  evidently,  after  a  lull,  an  extraordinary  effort  was 
made  by  the  rebels  to  wipe  out  Giles  A.  Smith's  division  and 
capture  Leggett's  Hill,  the  enemy  approaching  under  cover  of 
the  woods  until  they  were  within  fifty  yards  of  Smith's  tem- 
porary position,  when  they  pressed  forward  until  the  fight 
became  a  hand-to-hand  conflict  across  the  trenches  occupied  by 
Smith,  the  troops  using  bayonets  freely  and  the  officers  their 
swords.  This  attack  failed  ;  it  was  no  doubt  timed  to  occur 
at  the  same  time  that  Cheatham's  corps  attacked  from  the 
Atlanta  front,  which  Leggett  met.  The  brunt  of  Cheatham's 
attack  was  against  Leggett's  Hill,  the  key  to  the  position  of 
that  portion  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee.  General  Smith's 
division  had  to  give  up  the  works  they  occupied,  and  fall  into 
line  at  right  angles  with  Leggett's  division,  Leggett's  Hill 
being  the  apex  of  the  formation  ;  and  here,  for  three  quarters  of 
an  hour,  more  desperate  fighting  was  done  around  this  posi- 
tion than  I  can  describe.  Up  to  midnight  the  enemy  occupied 
one  side  of  the  works  while  we  occupied  the  other,  neither  side 
giving  way  until  Hood  saw  that  the  whole  attack  was  a  failure, 
when  those  who  were  on  the  outside  of  the  works  finally  sur- 
rendered to  us.  Their  attack  at  this  angle  was  a  determined 
and  resolute  one,  advancing  up  to  our  breastworks  on  the  crest 
of  the  hill,  planting  their  flag  side  by  side  with  ours,  and  fight- 
ing hand  to  hand  until  it  grew  so  dark  that  nothing  could  be 
seen  but  the  flash  of  the  guns  from  the  opposite  side  of  the 
works.  The  ground  covered  by  these  attacks  was  literally 
strewn  with  the  dead  of  both  sides.  The  loss  of  Blair's  corps 
was  1801,  killed,  wounded,  and  missing.  Blair's  left,  struck  in 
the  rear,  flank,  and  front,  gave  way  slowly,  gradually,  fighting 
for  every  inch  of  ground,  until  their  left  was  opposite  the  right 


THE  BATTLE   OF  ATLANTA.  249 

flank  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  ;  then  they  halted  and  held  the 
enemy,  refusing  to  give  another  inch. 

It  would  be  difficult,  in  all  the  annals  of  war,  to  find  a  par- 
allel to  the  fighting  of  the  Seventeenth  Corps ;  first  from  one 
side  of  its  works  and  then  from  another,  one  incident  of  which 
was  that  of  Colonel  Belknap,  of  the  Union  side,  reaching  over 
the  works,  seizing  the  colonel  of  the  45th  Alabama,  and 
drawing  him  over  the  breastworks,  making  him  a  prisoner  of 
war. 

About  4  P.M.,  Cheatham's  corps  and  the  Georgia  militia 
were  ordered  by  Hood  to  again  attack.  They  directed  their 
assault  this  time  to  the  front  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  using  the 
Decatur  wagon  road  and  railway  as  a  guide,  and  came  forward 
in  solid  masses,  meeting  no  success  until  they  slipped  through 
to  the  rear  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps  by  a  deep  cut  used  by  the 
railway  passing  through  our  intrenchments. 

As  soon  as  they  reached  our  rear,  Lightburn's  division  of 
the  Fifteenth  Corps  became  partially  panic-stricken,  and  fell 
back,  giving  up  the  intrenchments  for  the  whole  front  of  this 
division,  the  enemy  capturing  the  celebrated  Degress  Battery 
of  2O-pounders  and  two  guns  in  advance  of  our  lines.  The 
officers  of  Lightburn's  division  rallied  it  in  the  line  of  intrench 
ments,  just  in  the  rear,  where  they  had  moved  from  in  the 
morning. 

General  Logan  was  then  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  ;  he  rode  over  to  where  I  was,  and  I  sent  Mersey's 
brigade  of  the  2d  Division,  under  the  guidance  of  Major 
Edward  Jonas,  my  aide-de-camp,  to  the  aid  of  the  Fifteenth 
Corps. 

Of  the  performance  of  that  brigade  on  that  occasion,  I 
quote  the  words  of  that  staff  officer,  Major  Jonas : 

"  I  conducted  Mersey's  brigade  to  the  point  where  needed  ; 
arrived  at  the  railroad,  he  at  once  deployed  and  charged,  all  men  of 
the  Fifteenth  Corps  at  hand  joining  with  him.  Mersey's  brigade 
recaptured  the  works  and  the  guns.  Old  Colonel  M.  was  slightly 
wounded,  and  his  celebrated  horse  '  Billy '  killed.  By  your  direc- 
tion I  said  to  General  Morgan  L.  Smith  (temporarily  in  command  of 


250  THE  BATTLE   OF  ATLANTA. 

the  Fifteenth  Corps)  :  '  General  Dodge  requests  that  you  return  this 
brigade  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment,  as  there  is  every  indica- 
tion of  renewed  assault  on  our  own  line,'  and,  after  saying  that  your 
request  would  be  respected,  General  Smith  added:  'Tell  General 
Dodge  that  his  brigade  (Mersey's)  has  done  magnificently,  and  that 
it  shall  have  full  credit  in  my  report.'  " 

Afterwards,  one  of  Mersey's  officers — Captain  Boyd,  I  think — 
in  trying  his  skill  as  an  artillerist,  cracked  one  of  the  recapt- 
ured guns. 

In  this  battle  Colonel  Mersey  and  many  of  his  men,  whom 
he  so  gallantly  led,  had  served  their  time,  and  were  awaiting 
transportation  home.  Eloquent  words  have  been  written  and 
spoken  all  over  the  land  in  behalf  of  the  honor,  of  the  bravery 
of  the  soldier,  but  where  is  the  word  spoken  or  written  that 
can  say  more  for  the  soldier  than  the  action  of  these  men  on 
that  field  ?  They  were  out  of  service,  they  had  written  that 
they  were  coming  home,  and  their  eyes  and  hearts  were  toward 
the  North ;  many  an  anxious  eye  was  looking  for  the  boy  who 
voluntarily  laid  down  his  life  that  day ;  and  many  a  devoted 
father,  mother,  or  sister  has  had  untold  trouble  to  obtain  re- 
cognition in  the  War  Department  because  the  soldier's  time 
had  expired.  He  was  mustered  out,  waiting  to  go  home,  and 
was  not  known  on  the  records  ;  but  on  that  day  he  fought  on 
three  different  parts  of  that  field,  without  a  thought  except  for 
his  cause  and  his  country.  General  Sherman  had  discovered 
the  breach  in  the  Fifteenth  Corps'  line.  Chas.  R.  Wood's  divis- 
ion of  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  which  was  in  the  intrenchments 
north  of  the  railway,  was  formed  in  echelon,  by  his  order, 
General  James  A.  Williamson's  brigade  in  advance.  They 
moved  at  the  same  time  that  Lightburn  and  Mersey  attacked 
from  the  rear,  Wood's  division  being  on  the  flank ;  and  the 
combined  forces  soon  retook  the  line  and  the  battery,  and 
thereafter  held  it. 

The  continuous  attacks  of  Cheatham  made  no  other  impress- 
ions on  the  line.  Our  men  were  behind  the  intrenchments 
and  the  slaughter  of  the  enemy  was  something  fearful.  Gen- 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ATLANTA. 

eral  J.  C.  Brown  who  commanded  the  Confederate  division 
that  broke  through  our  line  told  me  that  after  breaking 
through  it  was  impossible  to  force  his  men  forward  ;  the  fire  on 
their  flanks  and  front  was  so  terrific  that  when  driven  out  of 
the  works  one  half  of  his  command  was  killed,  wounded,  or 
missing.  The  Confederate  records  sustain  this  and  it  is  a  won- 
der that  they  could  force  their  line  so  often  up  to  within  100 
to  300  feet  of  us  where  our  fire  would  drive  them  back,  in  spite 
of  the  efforts  of  their  officers,  a  great  many  of  whom  fell  in 
these  attacks. 

I  could  see  the  terrific  fighting  at  Leggett's  Hill,  but  along 
the  line  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps;  I  can  only  speak  of  as  shown 
by  the  records,  and  as  told  me  by  General  John  C.  Brown  of  the 
Confederate  Army.  The  stubbornness  and  coolness  with  which 
they  contested  every  inch  of  the  ground  won  his  admiration, 
and  the  manner  and  method  with  which  the  line  was  retaken, 
must  have  been  seen  to  be  appreciated. 

When  dark  fell  upon  us  the  enemy  had  retired,  except  around 
the  angle  in  the  Seventeenth  Corps,  known  as  Leggett's  or  Bald 
Hill.  Here  there  was  a  continuous  fire,  desultory  and  at  close 
quarters,  the  enemy  in  places  occupying  ground  close  up  to 
our  intrenchments;  and  to  relieve  these  men  of  the  Seventeenth 
Army  Corps  holding  this  angle  who  were  worn  out,  at  the  re- 
quest of  General  Blair  I  sent  two  regiments  of  Mersey's  brigade. 
They  crawled  in  on  their  hands  and  knees,  and  swept  the 
enemy  from  that  front. 

The  whole  of  Hood's  Army  except  Stewart's  corps,  was 
thrown  into  our  rear  upon  the  flank  and  front  of  the  Army 
of  the  Tennessee,  and  after  fighting  from  mid-day  until  dark 
were  repulsed  and  driven  back,  and  that  army  held  or  com- 
manded the  entire  battle-field,  demonstrating  the  fact  that  the 
Army  of  the  Tennessee  alone  was  able  and  competent  to  meet 
and  defeat  Hood's  entire  army.  The  battle  fell  almost  entirely 
upon  the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Corps  and  two  divisions 
of  the  Fifteenth  Corps,  three  brigades  of  the  Sixteenth  being 
absent.  The  attack  of  the  enemy  was  made  along  this  line 
some  seven  times,  and  they  were  seven  times  repulsed. 


252  THE  BATTLE   OF  ATLANTA. 

We  captured  18  stands  of  colors — 500x3  stands  of  arms — 
2017  prisoners.  We  lost  in  killed  and  wounded  3521  men — 
10  pieces  of  artillery  and  over  1800  men,  mostly  from  Blair's 
Corps,  were  taken  prisoners.  The  enemy's  dead  reported  as 
buried  in  front  of  the  different  corps,  was  over  2000  and  the 
enemy's  total  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners  was  8000. 

The  criticism  has  often  been  made  of  this  battle  that  with 
two  armies  idle  that  day,  one  the  Army  of  the  Ohio  (two  thirds 
as  large  as  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee),  the  other  the  Army  of 
the  Cumberland  (the  largest  of  all  Sherman's  armies),  why  we 
did  not  enter  Atlanta?  General  Sherman  urged  Thomas  to 
make  the  attack.  Thomas's  answer  was,  that  the  enemy  were  in 
full  force  behind  his  intrenchments.  The  fact  was  Stewart's 
corps  was  guarding  that  front,  but  General  Schofield  urged 
Sherman  to  allow  him  to  throw  his  army  upon  Cheatham's 
flank,  and  endeavor  to  roll  up  the  Confederate  line,  and  so  in- 
terpose between  Atlanta  and  Cheatham's  corps,  which  were  so 
persistently  attacking  the  Fifteenth  and  Seventeenth  Corps 
from  the  Atlanta  front.  Sherman,  whose  anxiety  had  been 
very  great,  seeing  how  successfully  we  were  meeting  the  attack, 
his  face  relaxing  into  a  pleasant  smile,  said  to  Schofield,  "  Let 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  fight  it  out  this  time."  This  flank 
attack  of  Schofield  on  Cheatham  would  have  no  doubt  cleared 
our  front  facing  the  Atlanta  intrenchments  but  Stewart  was 
ready  with  his  three  divisions  to  hold  the  Atlanta  intrench- 
ments. 

General  Sherman,  in  speaking  of  this  battle,  always  regretted 
that  he  did  not  allow  Schofield  to  attack  as  he  suggested,  and 
also  force  the  fighting  on  Thomas's  front,  but  no  doubt  the  loss 
of  McPherson  really  took  his  attention  from  everything  except 
the  Army  of  the  Tennessee. 

At  about  ten  o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  22d,  the  three  corps 
commanders  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee  (one  of  them  in 
command  of  the  army)  met  in  the  rear  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps, 
on  the  lines  of  the  Decatur  road,  under  an  oak  tree,  and  there 
discussed  the  results  of  the  day.  Blair's  men  were  at  the  time 
in  the  trenches  ;  in  some  places  the  enemy  held  one  side  and 


THE  BATTLE  OF  ATLANTA.  253 

they  the  other ;  the  men  of  the  Fifteenth  Corps  were  still  in 
their  own  line,  but  tired  and  hungry,  and  those  of  the  Sixteenth 
were,  after  their  hard  day's  fight,  busy  throwing  up  intrench- 
ments  on  the  field  they  had  held  and  won.  It  was  thought 
that  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  and  the  Army  of  the  Ohio, 
which  had  not  been  engaged  that  day,  should  send  a  force  to 
relieve  Blair.  Dodge  being  the  junior  corps  commander,  was 
dispatched  by  General  Logan,  at  the  requests  of  Generals  Logan 
and  Blair,  to  see  General  Sherman.  My  impression  is  that  I 
met  him  in  a  tent ;  I  have  heard  it  said  that  he  had  his  head- 
quarters in  a  house.  When  I  met  him  he  seemed  rather  sur- 
prised to  see  me,  but  greeted  me  cordially,  and  spoke  of  the 
loss  of  McPherson.  I  stated  to  him  my  errand.  He  turned 
upon  me  and  said  :  "  Dodge,  you  whipped  them  to-day,  did  n't 
you  ?  "  I  said,  "  Yes,  sir."  Then  he  said :  "  Can't  you  do  it 
again  to-morrow  ?  "  and  I  said,  "  Yes,  sir,"  bade  him  good  night, 
and  went  back  to  my  command,  determined  never  to  go  upon 
another  such  errand.  As  he  explained  it  afterward,  he  wanted 
it  said  that  the  little  Army  of  the  Tennessee  had  fought  the 
great  battle  that  day,  needing  no  help,  no  aid,  and  that  it 
could  be  said  that  all  alone  it  had  whipped  the  whole  of  Hood's 
army.  Therefore  he  let  us  hold  our  position  and  our  line, 
knowing  that  Hood  would  not  dare  attack  us  after  the  "  thrash- 
ing  "  he  had  already  received.  When  we  consider  that  in  this, 
the  greatest  battle  of  the  campaign,  the  little  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  met  the  entire  rebel  army,  secretly  thrust  to  its 
rear,  upon  its  flank  and  advanced  centre,  with  its  idolized  com- 
mander killed  in  the  first  shock  of  battle,  and  at  nightfall 
found  the  enemy's  dead  and  wounded  on  its  front,  showing 
that  no  disaster,  no  temporary  rebuff  could  discourage  this 
army,  every  man  at  his  post,  every  man  doing  a  hero's  duty, 
the  conclusion  is  irresistable  that  they  might  be  wiped  out  but 
never  made  to  run  ;  or  in  other  words  that  they  were  invincible. 
Companions,  regarding  so  great  a  battle,  against  such  odds, 
with  such  loss,  the  question  has  often  been  asked  me — and  I 
know  it  has  come  to  the  mind  of  all  of  us — why  it  was  that 
this  battle  was  never  put  forth  ahead  of  many  others  its  in- 


254  THE   BATTLE   OF  ATLANTA. 

ferior,  but  .better  known  to   the  world  and  made  of   much 
greater  comment  ? 

The  answer  comes  to  all  of  us.  It  is  as  apparent  to  us  to- 
day as  it  was  that  night.  We  had  lost  our  best  friend,  that 
superb  soldier,  our  commander,  General  McPherson ;  his  death, 
counted  so  much  more  to  us  than  victory,  that  we  spoke  of  our 
battle,  our  great  success,  with  our  loss  uppermost  in  our 
minds. 


THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL,  S.  C. 
November  7,  1861. 

By  Brevet  Lieutenant-Colonel  WM.  CONANT  CHURCH.     Read  at  the  Meeting  of 
the  N.  Y.  Commandery,  October  2,  1895. 

1P\URING  the  early  months  of  1861,  when  the  dark  clouds 
were  gathering  over  our  native  land,  I  was  travelling 
in  Europe,  and  in  March  of  that  year  was  visiting  the  palaces 
of  Genoa,  sampling  Italian  wines  in  company  with  John  B. 
Magruder,  then  Captain  and  Brevet  Lieutenant-Colonel  1st  U. 
S.  Artillery,  and  listening  to  his  stories  of  adventures  in  which, 
I  regret  to  say,  Venus  bore  a  more  important  part  than 
Mars.  On  my  return  to  the  United  States  in  July,  I  availed 
myself  of  the  first  opportunity  to  take  part  in  the  war,  and 
joined  as  a  volunteer  the  military  expedition  then  organizing 
under  General  Thomas  W.  Sherman,  for  a  descent  upon  some 
point  of  the  Southern  coast  not  yet  determined  upon.  The 
organization  of  this  expedition  was  in  pursuance  of  what  was 
known  as  General  Scott's  "Anaconda  Policy,"  designed  to 
involve  the  Confederacy  in  the  coils  of  the  Grand  Army,  by  sur- 
rounding it  on  all  sides,  and  then  to  crush  the  life  out  of  it. 

No  one  who  took  part  in  such  an  expedition  as  that  against 
Port  Royal,  could  fail  to  realize  the  gigantic  nature  of  the  task 
General  Scott  had  imposed  upon  himself.  The  difficulties 
attending  the  organization  of  a  body  of  twelve  thousand  men, 
securing  transportation  and  supplies  for  them,  and  carrying 
them  over  the  uncertain  waters  of  the  sea  to  their  final  destina- 
tion on  the  Southern  coast,  required  the  utmost  efforts  of  all 
in  command. 

The  demand  for  troops  in  all  directions  was  so  great  that 

255 


256  THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT   ROYAL. 

General  Sherman  had  difficulty  in  obtaining  the  forces  he 
needed,  and  by  the  time  the  fifty  sail  required  for  the  transport- 
ation of  his  troops  had  gathered  at  Annapolis,  days  had  length- 
ened into  weeks,  and  weeks  into  months.  The  preliminary 
orders  were  received  early  in  August  by  General  Sherman,  and 
his  coadjutor  of  the  navy,  Captain  (afterwards  Rear- Admiral) 
Samuel  F.  Dupont,  but  the  expedition  did  not  move  until  the 
1 8th  of  October.  Meanwhile  the  troops  were  gathered  in  camp 
at  Annapolis,  Md.,  and  in  the  harbor  of  that  city  was  assembled 
as  variegated  a  fleet  as  ever  set  sail  upon  the  sea.  There  were 
vessels  of  every  sort,  from  the  four-masted  Great  Republic,  then 
the  leviathan  of  the  ocean,  and  the  caloric  steamer  Ericsson 
with  her  four  smoke-stacks,  down  to  the  spiteful  little  tugs  and 
wheezy  double-ender  ferry  boats  from  the  North  and  East 
rivers,  the  sight  of  which  made  a  New  Yorker  feel  entirely  at 
home. 

On  Friday,  October  18,  1861,  Sherman's  troops  began  to 
embark,  and  by  Sunday  night  they  and  their  belongings  were 
ready  for  the  sea.  Then  they  proceeded  from  Annapolis  to 
Hampton  Roads,  where,  after  lying  for  a  tedious  week  cooped 
up  on  board  their  several  vessels,  they  set  sail  under  convoy  of 
Dupont's  fleet  of  fourteen  war-vessels,  one  hundred  and  thirty 
guns,  towards  the  South,  every  man  resolved  to  do  and  die  for 
his  country  and  her  cause. 

No  one  knew  where  we  were  going,  not  even  the  subor- 
dinate officers  of  the  expedition,  for  we  proceeded  under  sealed 
orders.  We  only  knew  that  we  were  to  make  a  descent  some- 
where on  the  Southern  coast,  the  general  opinion  inclining  to 
Charleston.  Having  facilities  for  obtaining  information,  which 
involved  the  suspicion  of  treachery  at  Washington,  the  Con- 
federates discovered  the  secret  of  our  destination  sooner  than 
we  did,  and  reported  that  our  attack  would  be  directed  against 
Port  Royal. 

The  expedition  finally  got  under  way  on  October  29th. 
The  Baltic,  a  vessel  of  the  old  Collins  line,  to  which  I  was  at- 
tached, carried  a  brigade-commander,  H.  G.  Wright,  and  a  regi- 
ment of  New  Hampshire  troops  commanded  by  Colonel  Tom 


THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL.       257 

Whipple.  Colonel  Tom  was  the  hero  of  the  story  of  the  chap- 
lain who  came  to  him  one  day  and  told  him  there  had  been  a 
great  work  of  grace  in  the  adjoining  camp  and  five  men  had 
been  baptized.  Calling  his  adjutant,  Whipple  immediately  gave 
him  orders  to  detail  ten  men  for  baptism  the  next  morning 
saying  that  "  he  would  be  damned  if  he  would  let  any  other 
regiment  in  that  brigade  get  ahead  of  him."  Whipple  was 
only  one  of  the  host  of  jolly  good  fellows  who  had  assembled 
on  board  the  Baltic.  Among  those  I  recollect,  in  addition  to 
General  Wright,  and  other  dignitaries  of  the  expedition,  was  a 
young  man  named  Hubbell,  now  Captain  Henry  W.  Hubbell, 
of  the  1st  Artillery,  and  a  member  of  this  Commandery  ;  there 
was  Herbert  A.  Hascall,  also  of  the  artillery,  whose  fine  mind 
subsequently  became  a  wreck ;  there  was  Weld,  afterwards  a 
Massachusetts  general  officer ;  there  was  Grant,  later  the  head 
of  the  "  Grant  Locomotive  Works" ;  and  Frances  P.  Bangs, 
subsequently  a  leader  of  the  New  York  Bar. 

I  mention  these  names  to  show  that  I  am  not  mistaken  in 
my  recollection  that  we  had  an  uncommonly  bright  set  of  fellows 
in  the  society  we  organized  on  board  the  Baltic,  known  as  the 
"  Society  for  the  Confusion  of  Useless  Knowledge."  The  de- 
mand of  the  sea  for  tribute  from  the  novices,  while  it  did  not 
disturb  the  harmony  of  our  society's  proceedings,  did  interfere 
to  some  extent  with  their  continuity. 

On  the  second  night  out  we  were  aroused  from  our  slumbers 
by  a  singular  rolling  motion  of  the  vessel,  such  as  one  who  has 
experienced  it  never  forgets.  This  was  followed  in  an  instant 
by  a  sudden  stoppage,  which  threw  us  from  our  berths  and 
sent  a  quiver  through  every  fibre  of  that  staunch  steamer,  warn- 
ing us  of  some  great  danger,  we  scarcely  knew  what.  Then 
another  thump  and  another  shock,  and  quick  ran  the  report 
from  forecastle  to  cabin  "  The  ship  's  ashore  !  " 

A  current  of  unforeseen  strength  had  drifted  us  inland,  and 
while  we— the  passengers  at  least — supposed  ourselves  to  be 
safely  to  the  southward  of  Cape  Hatteras,  we  were  steering 
straight  on  to  Hatteras's  outer  shoal,  where  we  struck,  head  on, 
early  Thursday  morning,  October  31,  1861. 


2$8       THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL. 

A  few  moments  before  the  vessel  grounded,  the  officer  of 
the  deck  was  led  by  the  appearance  of  the  water  to  suspect  the 
vicinity  of  breakers,  and  almost  at  the  instant  of  the  collision 
he  had  ordered  the  engines  reversed.  In  the  twinkling  of  an 
eye  Captain  Comstock  was  at  his  post,  and  remembering  the 
vessel  bearing  down  upon  our  stern  sang  out : 

"  Cut  away  the  hawsers  aft !  "  Then,  "  Get  out  your  signal 
guns!" 

Quick  as  the  order  was  given  to  cut  adrift  the  vessel  we 
were  towing,  the  sharp  sailor  instinct  of  several  on  board  had 
anticipated  it,  and  one  or  two  were  already  at  the  hawser,  axe 
in  hand.  The  cable  parted,  the  Ocean  Express  promptly  put 
her  helm  hard  a-starboard,  and  bore  down  past  us  almost  with- 
in arm's  reach.  This  danger  escaped,  the  Baltic,  with  engines 
reversed,  drew  away  from  the  treacherous  shoal,  that  had  so 
nearly  compassed  her  destruction.  The  quiet  night,  the  slow 
rate  at  which  we  were  steaming,  and  the  prompt  action  of  our 
officers,  alone  saved  the  vessel.  The  lead  was  thrown  when 
the  ship  had  gone  a  length  or  two,  and  seven  fathoms  were 
announced,  next  ten,  and  in  another  moment  we  were  swim- 
ming in  deep  water  again.  Notwithstanding  the  heavy  shock 
she  had  experienced  not  a  timber  of  the  sturdy  ship  was  dis- 
placed, and  the  cheering  report,  "  No  water  in  the  hold,"  was 
soon  brought  to  the  deck  to  relieve  our  anxious  fears. 

But  there  was  still  another  danger:  All  on  board  were  now 
awake  to  our  peril,  and  while  the  cabin  passengers,  the  officers 
of  the  regiment,  and  others  hurried  to  the  deck,  shivering  in 
scanty  clothing,  a  thousand  soldiers,  equally  strong  in  their 
instinct  for  life,  were  struggling  up  from  the  hold  to  spread 
confusion  through  the  vessel,  at  the  moment  when  everything 
depended  upon  perfect  coolness,  unembarrassed  action,  and 
prompt  obedience  to  orders.  Though  the  command  was  given 
for  every  man  to  remain  below,  the  sentries  were  powerless  to 
restrain  the  surging  multitude,  and  it  is  impossible  to  say  what 
might  have  resulted  had  it  not  been  for  the  vigorous  action  of 
Lieutenant  Richardson,  the  officer  of  the  guard,  who  was  fortu- 
nately not  only  an  old  sailor  but  a  man  equal  to  the  emergency. 


THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL.        259 

Directing  the  sentinels  to  cut  down  every  one  who  attempted 
to  pass,  he  stationed  himself  with  a  revolver  at  the  head  of  the 
companion-way,  before  the  dense  mass  of  struggling  men, 
threatening  to  shoot  down  the  first  who  refused  to  obey  orders; 
at  the  same  time  assuring  the  anxious  soldiers  that  there  was 
no  danger  except  in  their  own  disregard  of  the  orders  to  re- 
main quiet. 

We  had  a  little  Englishman  on  board  named  Edge,  corre- 
spondent of  the  London  Standard,  who,  with  sarcastic  reference 
to  the  superstitions  of  the  time  concerning  masked  batteries, 
accounted  for  our  adventure  on  the  theory  that  we  had  run  up 
against  one  of  the  enemy's  "  masked  shoals."  Meanwhile  we 
consoled  ourselves  for  the  little  contre  temps  by  the  classical 
reflection  that  since  the  Greeks  met  with  a  similar  mishap  on 
their  way  to  the  conquest  of  Troy,  it  could  not  argue  anything 
against  the  final  success  of  the  expedition. 

With  daylight  came  the  discovery  that  worse  mishaps  had 
befallen  other  vessels,  though  our  tow,  the  Ocean  Express,  in 
which  we  were  chiefly  interested,  had  received  no  other  injury 
than  what  her  captain  had  emphatically  announced  through 
his  trumpet  as  having  "  lost  forty-five  fathoms  of  chain  cable 
and  knocked  hell  out  of  her  windlass."  Other  vessels  were  no 
doubt  turned  from  the  danger  by  the  warning  lights  we  sent 
up  from  the  Baltic,  but  the  Illinois  narrowly  escaped  a  similar 
fortune,  having  had  one  smoke-stack  carried  away  and  received 
other  trifling  injuries  from  the  collision  with  a  vessel  she 
was  towing,  while  bringing  up  suddenly  to  escape  the  shoal 
ahead.  We  soon  had  further  occasion  to  note  the  power  of 
the  sea,  when  a  furious  storm  on  the  succeeding  afternoon  scat- 
tered Dupont's  fleet  over  a  wide  area  of  ocean,  sinking  some, 
driving  others  on  to  the  enemy's  coast  and  compelling  the  flag 
officer  to  delay  action  until  he  could  gather  his  dispersed  vessels 
together,  some  of  them  coming  into  Port  Royal  harbor  limping 
painfully  from  the  injuries  they  had  received. 

The  poor  New  Hampshire  boys  of  Whipple's  regiment  im- 
prisoned below  were  left  to  imagine  unknown  terrors  in  the 
howling  storm  and  the  buffeting  waves  which  seemed  each 


26O       THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL. 

moment  about  to  rend  the  trembling  and  groaning  vessel  into 
a  thousand  fragments. 

A  beautiful  day  followed,  with  soft  and  balmy  air,  and  from 
the  near  shore  of  Carolina  the  bright-winged  butterflies  came 
floating  out  to  the  ships,  to  tell  the  frostbitten  Northerners  of 
the  summer  which  still  lingered  there.  In  the  afternoon  the 
gunboats  accompanying  us  had  a  brush  with  three  of  Tatnall's 
small  rebel  steamers,  which  came  down  Broad  River,  from  the 
direction  of  Savannah,  and  opened  fire  from  a  safe  distance. 
It  was  five  o'clock  when  the  first  gun  was  sounded,  and  during 
the  hour  the  twilight  lasted  the  decks  of  the  transports,  lying 
three  or  four  miles  outside  of  the  warships,  were  crowded  with 
officers  and  men  careering  the  vessels  far  over  to  the  starboard  ; 
all  eagerly  watching  the  fight  of  which  we  could  see  nothing 
more  than  the  flashing  of  the  guns  succeeding  one  another  at 
different  points  at  intervals  of  a  minute  or  less.  The  insignifi- 
cance of  the  affair  we  did  not  understand  until  the  following 
day.  During  Monday,  November  5th,  and  Tuesday  following 
we  laid  quiet  while  a  reconnoissance  was  made  by  two  officers 
of  the  flag-ship  Wabash,  Captain  (afterwards  Admiral)  C.  Ray- 
mond P.  Rogers,  and  Lieutenant  Stephen  P.  Luce,  now  a 
rear-admiral  retired. 

Early  next  morning  the  armed  vessels  formed  in  line  of  bat- 
tle ;  but  the  heavy  Wabash  got  aground  on  Fishing-ship  shoal, 
and  it  became  necessary  to  postpone  the  attack  until  the  follow- 
ing day.  That  night  every  preparation  was  made  by  the  troops 
for  the  action  which  seemed  near  at  hand.  Wills  were  drawn, 
letters  of  affection  were  written,  and  every  man  laid  down  to 
rest  uncertain  whether  it  might  not  be  for  the  last  time.  The 
Ocean  Express,  carrying  most  of  the  heavy  ordnance  and  the 
ordnance  stores  of  the  army,  was  still  at  sea,  and  our  steamer^ 
the  Baltic,  having  on  board  the  regiment  second  in  line  to 
land,  had  been  dispatched  in  search  of  her,  and  in  no  hopeful 
spirit,  our  generals  thought,  of  the  difficulties  before  them, — 
with  an  enemy  presumably  well  armed,  and  prepared  at  every 
point  to  oppose  the  landing  of  our  troops.  Disappointment 
succeeded  apprehension ;  for  we  soon  learned  that  we  were  to- 


THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL.       261 

have  no  part  in  the  engagement,  the  navy,  as  history  tells  us, 
reaping  all  the  glory  of  the  conquest  of  Port  Royal. 

I  need  not  describe  the  naval  attack  of  Thursday,  November 
7,  1 86 1,  which  put  us  speedily  in  possession  of  the  rebel  forts 
of  Hilton  Head  and  Bay  Point.  It  is  a  matter  of  record,  and 
this  paper  is  intended  rather  as  a  description  of  personal  ad- 
venture. It  was  impossible  to  witness  a  naval  engagement 
under  more  favorable  circumstances,  and,  as  the  only  one  that 
I  ever  saw,  it  has  left  an  indelible  impression  upon  my  mem- 
ory. The  day  was  clear  and  beautiful,  so  that  we  on  board 
the  transports,  lying  just  outside  the  line  of  fire,  could  observe 
every  movement  of  the  battle  without  risk  to  ourselves ;  and 
we  realized  the  sensations  of  a  Roman  populace  seated  in  the 
galleries  of  the  amphitheatre  and  watching  the  contest  for  life 
and  death  of  the  gladiators  below. 

We  had  our  little  jokes  even  amidst  the  alarms  of  war ; 
and  when  we  saw  that  the  engagement  was  about  to  begin,  a 
deputation  from  the  "  Society  for  the  Confusion  of  Useless 
Knowledge  "  waited  upon  the  Englishman  Edge,  and  fed  his 
egotism  with  the  report  that  Captain  Dupont  has  just  sent 
aboard  a  message  saying,  that  if  Mr.  Edge  was  ready  he  would 
begin  the  engagement.  The  doughty  correspondent  of  the 
Standard  hunted  up  his  field-glass,  and  presented  himself  on 
deck  as  speedily  as  possible,  so  that  he  might  not  be  accused 
of  delaying  so  important  an  affair.  We  had  our  revenge  upon 
him  at  that  time  for  his  joke  about  our  masked  shoals. 

When  the  frowning  fronts  of  the  rebel  forts  appeared,  the 
question  arose  as  to  who  threw  them  up.  We  had  with  us  a 
young  officer  of  U.  S.  Ordnance,  named  Horace  Porter,  who 
had  during  the  voyage  shown  such  a  remarkable  proclivity  for 
throwing  up  things  that  his  name  at  once  occurred  to  us  all. 
But  we  remembered  that  he  was  a  loyal  son  of  West  Point,  and 
would  throw  up  his  commission  rather  than  do  a  disloyal  act. 
Hence,  though  the  circumstantial  evidence  against  him  was 
strong,  he  was  unanimously  acquitted. 

We  were  lunching  on  the  Baltic  during  the  closing  hours  of 
the  naval  engagement,  and  as  I  had  hurried  on  deck  in  advance  of 


262  THE   NAVAL  VICTORY  AT   PORT  ROYAL. 

the  others,  it  was  my  fortune  to  be  the  first  one  on  board  the 
Baltic  to  discover  that  the  national  ensign  had  taken  the  place 
of  the  rebel  flag  upon  Hilton  Head,  and  that  the  purpose  of 
our  attack  had  been  accomplished.  I  hastened  to  convey  to 
General  H.  G.  Wright  this  glorious  news,  which  he  received 
with  some  incredulity,  and,  as  I  thought,  with  a  sigh  of  regret 
that  his  troops  were  to  have  no  part  in  that  day's  great  work. 
Soon  the  message  came  from  the  flag-ship  that  General  Wright 
was  expected  to  land  at  once  with  his  brigade.  The  disem- 
barkation began  without  delay,  and  we  were  still  uncertain 
whether  there  might  not  be  work  before  us  in  disloding  an 
enemy  supposed  to  be  in  force  upon  the  island  of  Hilton 
Head,  beyond  the  reach  of  "  Massa  Linkum's "  gunboats. 
But  we  found  our  enemy  had  had  enough  of  shot  and  shell  for 
one  day,  and  had  stood  not  upon  the  order  of  his  going,  but 
had  gone  "  to  onc't." 

That  night,  after  I  had  landed  with  others  in  the  surf,  wad- 
ing ashore  in  the  shallow  water  from  the  boat  that  carried  us 
to  the  land,  I  ran  up  against  a  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Evening  Express,  whom  I  was  destined  to  subsequently  know 
well  as  General  Adam  Badeau,  of  the  staff  of  General  Grant* 
Later  on  I  also  encountered  for  the  first  time  Doctor  J.  J. 
Craven,  a  surgeon  of  volunteers,  whose  narrative  of  his  experi- 
ences with  the  chief  of  the  Confederacy,  as  a  prisoner  at  Fort 
Monroe,  has  made  his  name  a  familiar  one.  In  one  of  the  forts 
I  came  upon  the  dead  body  of  Doctor  Buist,  formerly  an 
assistant  surgeon  in  U.  S.  Army,  who  was  killed  in  one  of  the 
galleries  of  the  fort  by  a  shell,  and  buried  by  the  falling  of  a 
parapet. 

It  would  occupy  too  much  of  your  time  to  enter  into  de- 
tails which  are  full  of  interest  in  the  retrospect.  The  gunboat 
Bienville  was  detailed  to  carry  the  news  of  our  victory  North, 
and  I  was  invited  by  Captain  Steedman  to  accompany  him. 
From  Hampton  Roads  I  proceeded  to  Washington,  where  I 
was  greeted  with  enthusiasm  as  an  eye-witness  of  the  victory 
which  had  thrilled  the  whole  country  with  excitement. 

Standing  in  the  lobby  of  Willard's  Hotel,  one  evening,  tell- 


THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL.       263 

ing  my  story  to  a  group  of  listeners,  I  was  accosted  by  a  little 
man  who  introduced  himself  as  Senator  Simmons,  of  Rhode 
Island.  Much  to  my  astonishment,  I  was  invited  by  the  Sen- 
ator to  go  with  him,  the  next  morning,  and  tell  my  story  to 
President  Lincoln.  When  we  appeared  at  the  White  House, 
with  a  little  company  of  the  Senator's  friends,  we  were  intro- 
duced immediately  to  the  presence  of  the  Chief  Magistrate, 
and  I  found  myself  the  centre  of  attentions,  very  pleasing  to  a 
young  man's  vanity.  As  I  discovered  later  on,  Senator  Sim- 
rnons's  motive  in  taking  me  to  the  White  House  was  to  furnish 
the  President  with  the  testimony  of  an  eye-witness  to  the  fact 
that  there  were  cotton-field's  white  with  the  harvest  within 
the  lines  of  our  army,  which  had  effected  a  lodgment  among 
the  sea-islands  on  the  South  Carolina  shore.  Simmons  was  a 
Rhode  Island  manufacturer,  as  well  as  a  Rhode  Island  Sena- 
tor. The  fact  that  he  was  subsequently  disciplined  by  the 
Senate  for  speculating  upon  his  official  influence,  showed  that 
his  chief  purpose  was  to  secure  a  permit  from  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
gather  cotton,  for  which  his  soul  longed.  I  did  not  understand 
it  at  the  time,  but  I  recall  now  the  shrewdness  with  which  the 
astute  Lincoln  divined  his  purpose,  and  succeeded  in  so  turn- 
ing the  conversation  that  the  Senator  had  no  opportunity,  dur- 
ing our  interview,  to  prefer  the  request  which  he  intended  to 
make.  Every  time  he  led  up  to  the  subject  of  cotton,  Mr. 
Lincoln  would  start  off  with  a  story  and  thus  divert  the  con- 
versation into  another  channel.  The  President  told  us  his  own 
experience  of  an  attempt  to  grow  cotton  in  Illinois,  where  he 
found  the  climate  too  cold  for  it ;  he  read  to  us  from  a  copy  of 
the  comic  weekly  of  that  date,  Vanity  Fair,  a  story  of  an  in 
terview  with  a  drunken  South  Carolinian  whose  Dutch  courage 
enabled  him  to  remain  in  Beaufort  whence  all  but  he  had  fled. 
In  these  and  in  other  ways  he  amused  an  hour  which  the  anx- 
ious Senator  had  proposed  to  employ  more  profitably,  to  him- 
self, at  least. 

The  fleet,  under  the  orders  of  Flag-Officer  Dupont,  at  Port 
Royal  was  the  largest  ever  commanded  by  an  officer  of  our 
navy,  up  to  that  time,  and  the  results  accomplished  with  it 


264       THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL. 

were  important.  Yet  the  battle  of  Port  Royal  will  not  rank 
among  great  naval  engagements.  It  was  a  fine  exhibition  of 
seamanship  and  naval  tactics  ;  but  the  resistance  encountered 
was  too  insignificant  to  seriously  test  the  metal  of  our  fleet. 
The  forts  were  open  works,  manned  by  a  few  hundred  raw 
militia,  who  soon  grew  weary  of  seeing  their  guns  dismounted 
and  their  gunners  killed  by  shot  from  the  fleet,  planted  with 
admirable  precision  precisely  where  they  were  intended  to  go. 
They  discovered  that  they  had  enough  of  it,  and  the  alacrity 
with  which  they  departed  was  a  pleasant  sight — at  least  from 
the  ships.  Apparently  the  Confederate  officers  recalled  the 
story  of  the  militia  captain  who  when  the  time  came  to  retreat, 
started  first  because  he  was  a  little  lame. 

Vessels  could  not  well  have  been  better  handled  than  were 
those  of  Dupont.  Their  constant  motion  distracted  the  fire 
of  the  Confederate  gunners,  and  their  own  broadsides  were  de- 
livered rapidly,  with  the  precision  of  target  practice. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  order  of  battle  followed  by 
the  Japanese  at  Yalu,  the  only  naval  engagement  thus  far 
fought  under  modern  conditions,  was  the  same  as  Dupont's. 
The  Japanese  fleet,  like  our  fleet  at  Port  Royal,  sailed  in  an 
ellipse,  but  while  Dupont  delivered  his  fire  at  a  distance  vary- 
ing from  600  to  800  feet,  the  Japanese  opened  fire  at  a  range  of 
5300  metres,  or  over  three  miles,  and  at  close  quarters  even 
the  range  was  nearly  two  thirds  of  a  mile.  As  the  principal 
Japanese  squadron  circled  around  the  doomed  Chinese,  in  the 
heat  of  the  fight,  the  range  varied  from  nearly  two  miles  to 
two  thirds  of  a  mile. 

The  casualties  of  Dupont's  fleet  were  25  in  all,  8  being 
killed ;  A  single  shell  from  the  Chen  Yuen,  fired  at  a  range  of 
1700  metres,  or  over  a  mile,  killed,  according  to  McGiffen,  49 
Japanese  and  wounded  over  50.  Both  engagements  lasted 
about  the  same  length  of  time,  five  hours,  and  the  number  of 
vessels  in  the  Japanese  fleet  was  the  same  as  Dupont  had  in 
line,  13.  Dupont's  flag-ship,  the  Wabash,  was  struck  34  times, 
and  without  serious  damage.  One  Chinese  vessel,  the  Chen 
Yuen,  was  struck  220  times,  and  another  vessel,  the  Ting  Yuen, 


THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL.       265 

1 59  times.*  A  single  4.7  inch  projectile  from  a  Japanese  vessel, 
fired  at  a  range  of  300  metres,  or  nearly  two  miles,  pierced  the 
conning-tower  of  a  Chinese  ship  and  shattered  its  inmates  "  into 
a  shapeless  mass."  The  heaviest  gun  in  our  fleet  was  XI  inch 
muzzle  loader,  but  its  destructive  effects  were  out  of  all  propor- 
tion less  than  those  of  the  12.6  inch  breech-loading  rifles  of  the 
foreign  vessels.  The  average  tonnage  of  the  Japanese  and  Chi- 
nese vessels  was  nearly  three  times  that  of  Dupont's  nondescript 
fleet  of  screw  and  paddle-wheel  steamers  and  sailing  sloops-of- 
war,  but  the  yankee  sailors  escaped  the  misery  of  being  shut  up 
in  fire  rooms  at  a  temperature  of  200  degrees,  and  they  were 
not  subjected  to  the  infernal*  din  occasioned  by  the  rattling  of 
steel  projectiles  against  impenetrable  armor.  Modern  ways  of 
fighting  may  be  more  effective  but  they  are  less  comfortable. 

This  comparison  between  the  old  and  the  new  might  be 
carried  much  further,  to  show  the  new  conditions  under  which 
our  sailors  must  accept  the  guage  of  battle.  Whatever  these 
conditions  may  be  we  may  be  sure  that  they  will  prove  equal 
to  them. 

"  '  But  what  came  of  it  at  last,' 
Quoth  little  Peterkin, 
1  Why  that  I  cannot  tell,'  said  he, 
'  But 't  was  a  famous  victory.'  " 

It  is  time  alone,  in  this  instance,  that  forbids  the  detail  of 
the  results  of  our  victory  at  Port  Royal.  Its  immediate  effect 
was  to  stimulate  patriotic  hopes,  and  to  encourage  new  efforts 
on  behalf  of  the  Union.  I  shall  never  forget  the  scene  wit- 
nessed in  Hampton  Roads  on  that  beautiful  Sabbath  morning 
when  the  Bienville  arrived  with  tidings  of  our  victory,  and  the 
cannon  roared  their  welcome,  as  the  sailors  manned  the  yards 
of  the  beautiful  Minnesota,  and  awakened  the  echoes  of  the 
Virginia  shore  with  their  shouts  of  greeting. 

*  Commander  McGiffen,  of  the  Chinese  Navy,  who  listened  to  this  paper 
corrected  it  by  saying  that  the  Chin  Yuen  was  struck  four  hundred  times.  The 
authority  for  that  statement  that  the  hits  were  220  is  an  article  in  the  North 
American  Review  by  Hon.  H.  A.  Herbert,  Secretary  U.  S.  Navy. 

w.  c.  c. 


266       THE  NAVAL  VICTORY  AT  PORT  ROYAL. 

I  have  been  shown  a  slab  of  stone  on  which  were  still  clearly 
visible  the  impressions  made  by  the  rain  drops  falling  upon  a 
sandy  shore  millions  of  years  ago,  when  the  ichthyosaurus  swam 
the  sea  and  the  mastodon  roamed  the  land.  In  the  fervid 
heat  of  Earth's  convulsions  these  passing  impressions  have  been 
made  as  enduring  as  the  everlasting  rock  itself. 

Thus  it  is  with  the  impressions  received  when  our  still  plas- 
tic souls  were  subjected  to  the  white  heat  of  a  fervid  patriotism. 
All  else  may  pass  away  like  a  dream  in  the  night,  but  these  im- 
pressions will  remain  with  us  so  long  as  the  soul  itself  shall 
endure.  It  is  the  common  inheritance  of  such  impression, 
ennobling,  elevating,  as  well  as  enduring,  that  unites  the  mem- 
bers of  this  Order  in  a  fellowship  that  not  even  death  itself 
can  destroy. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  CORINTH. 

A  Paper  Read  by  General  D.  S.  STANLEY,  U.  S.  A.,  December  4,  1895. 

HP  HE  surrender  of  Fort  Donelson,  on  the  i6th  February, 
1862,  was  a  great  joy  to  the  loyal  people  of  these  then 
disunited  States,  and  a  deadly  shock  to  the  people  who  had 
disunited  them. 

Kentucky,  with  its  blooded  horses,  its  big  mules,  its  jeans, 
and  its  old  whiskey,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  "  Black  Republi- 
cans." Nashville,  the  prospective  grand  capital  of  the  great 
Southern  Confederacy,  was  occupied  by  "  Lincoln's  hirelings," 
and  Tennessee,  which,  like  unto  ancient  Gaul,  was  divided  into 
three  parts,  had  hopelessly  gone  into  the  hands  of  the  "  mud- 
sills." East  Tennessee  spurned  secession,  and  the  control  of 
the  Cumberland  and  Tennessee  rivers  turned  slave-holding, 
aristocratic,  and  thoroughly  rebel  Middle  and  West  Tennessee, 
with  their  slaves,  rich  plantations,  their  wealth  of  grain  and 
cotton,  their  cities,  and  their  railroads,  to  the  use  of  the  loyal 
Union  armies.  I  remember  talking  to  a  very  enthusiastic  and 
clever  Confederate  at  the  time  of  the  surrender  of  Donelson. 
He  said  :  "  Oh,  this  only  gives  up  Middle  Tennessee,  and  no 
army  will  dare  invade  it  as  long  as  we  hold  East  and  West 
Tennessee."  But  the  early  fall  of  Island  No.  10,  put  West 
Tennessee  between  two  fires,  and,  as  time  proved,  it  was  lost 
to  the  Confederacy  forever.  The  fall  of  Forts  Donelson  and 
Henry  opened  the  problem  of  where  to  strike  next  and  strike 
at  a  vital  point. 

Two  great  railroad  centres  presented  tempting  prizes. 
These  were  Corinth,  Miss.,  and  Chattanooga,  Tenn.  These  two 
small  and  unimportant  towns  became  then  places  of  vital 

267 


268  THE  BATTLE  OF  CORINTH. 

importance  in  the  future  history  of  the  United  States — Corinth, 
a  city  of  the  plains ;  Chattanooga,  a  natural  fortress  of  the 
mountains ;  both  only  worth  notice  since  great  railroads  crossed 
within  their  narrow  limits.  Had  the  Union  armies  been  strong 
enough  it  would  have  spared  us  two  years  of  war  to  have  occu- 
pied at  the  same  time  both  Corinth  and  Chattanooga.  But  this 
could  not  be,  and  Corinth  was  selected  as  the  objective  of  the 
next  attack  upon  the  Confederacy,  and  as  promptly  accepted 
by  Albert  Sydney  Johnston  as  the  place  to  try  his  first  and  last 
battle,  offensive  and  defensive. 

The  battle  of  Shiloh,  on  the  6th  of  April,  was  one  of  the 
bloodiest  battles  of  history,  and  far-reaching  in  its  results. 
There  was  not  much  in  it  to  illustrate  the  science  of  war,  but 
it  was  a  trial  of  manhood  on  an  immense  field,  and  never  after- 
wards was  heard  from  Southern  lips  that  trite  saying,  "  One 
Southerner  can  lick  five  Yankees." 

The  battle  of  Shiloh,  27  miles  from  Corinth,  was  the  excit- 
ing event  that  immediately  called  out  the  energies  of  the 
Union  and  Confederate  armies.  To  hold  Pittsburg  Landing 
and  to  advance  on  Corinth  was  the  design  of  the  Union  general ; 
to  hold  Corinth  for  the  time  was  the  object  of  the  Confederate. 
The  commanders  of  the  opposing  forces  were  both  graduates 
of  West  Point.  General  Halleck,  formerly  of  the  Engineers, 
long  a  civilian,  rich,  fond  of  ease,  who  could  not  ride  a  horse 
faster  than  a  walk,  commanded  the  Union  Army :  Beauregard, 
late  a  captain  in  the  Engineer  Corps  of  the  army,  commanded 
the  defence  of  Corinth.  He  was  a  man  full  of  wonderful  theo- 
ries of  strategy,  and  fond  of  writing  them  on  paper.  He  had 
a  poor  stomach,  and  always  carried  with  him  a  Jersey  cow,  and 
almost  lived  on  milk ;  consequently,  when  Beauregard  could 
not  have  his  cow,  and  a  railroad  car  to  carry  her  with  him, 
strategy  had  to  be  delegated  to  another,  and,  fortunately,  often 
failed.  The  advance  of  General  Halleck's  army  on  Corinth  will 
be  a  curiosity  of  history  for  all  time  to  come.  Some  mathe- 
matical pessimist — I  knew  the  man,  a  staff  officer — computed 
the  time  of  Pope's  advance.  Pope  commanded  the  left  wing 
of  this  immense  army  of  100,000  men,  and  the  progress  from 


THE   BATTLE   OF  CORINTH.  269 

Pittsburg  Landing  to  Corinth,  up  to  the  day  we  entered 
the  place,  was  at  the  rate  of  one  furlong  and  three  rods  a 
day.  Several  small  battles — "  affairs  "  they  may  be  called — 
were  fought  during  this  advance,  the  most  notable  at  Farming- 
ton,  by  Pope's  left  wing  of  the  army.  The  grand  turning  move- 
ment of  Beauregard's  force  was  repulsed  and  failed,  and  two 
days  afterwards  we  found  that  the  rebel  army  of  nearly  100,000 
men  had  retreated  safely,  but  not  noiselessly.  They  had 
folded  their  tents  and  stolen  away.  I  say  not  noiselessly,  for 
I  was  close  to  their  intrenched  line  the  night  they  left,  and,, 
such  noise  of  whistling  engines,  such  beating  of  big  drums,  and 
flight  of  rockets,  and  even  cheers  of  seeming  thousands,  never 
before  or  since  disturbed  a  night  as  did  this  grand  charivari 
of  the  night  of  2Qth  of  May,  1862,  at  Corinth.  From  General 
Pope  down  to  the  drummer-boy,  we  were  all  awake  that  night, 
listening  and  interpreting  this  hubbub.  One  sentiment  pre- 
vailed, viz. :  Beauregard  is  reinforcing  his  right,  and  will  attack 
us  in  the  morning.  As  we  were  the  extreme  left  of  our  army, 
and  the  fellows  to  be  attacked,  we  were,  of  course,  interested. 
At  daybreak  our  pickets  went  forward  and  found — nothing. 
The  rockets,  the  drums,  all  were  for  effect ;  the  whistles  of  the 
engines  were  reality — they  meant  the  conveying  away  the  last 
of  Beauregard's  100,000  men.  Two  great  armies  had  confronted 
each  other  for  six  weeks,  had  parted,  and  no  harm  was  done. 

Without  waiting  for  the  next  move  of  the  rebels,  General 
Halleck  at  once  set  about  occupying  Chattanooga,  and  General 
Buell  marched  for  that  important  place.  Memphis  fell  with 
the  evacuation  of  Corinth,  and  General  Sherman  occupied  that 
city  coincident  with  Buell's  starting  for  Chattanooga. 

Bragg  left  Opelika  with  40,000  of  the  best  trained  of 
Beauregard's  army,  for  the  same  place.  Bragg  had  700  miles 
to  march,  over  poor  country  roads.  Buell  had  a  shorter  march, 
and  a  railroad  to  assist  him,  yet  Bragg's  army  was  there  first, 
and  from  thence  invaded  Kentucky.  The  great  army  which  at 
immense  expense  had  been  collected  under  General  Halleck, 
rapidly  dispersed.  General  Pope  was  called  to  Washington, 
and  we  whom  he  commanded  regretted  his  departure  sincerely.. 


2/0  THE  BATTLE   OF   CORINTH. 

His  command — two  divisions — fell  to  Rosecrans,  and  was  called 
a  corps,  but  without  a  number.  General  Halleck  remained  at 
Corinth  until  the  middle  of  July,  when  he  too  was  ordered  to 
Washington. 

During  his  stay  at  Corinth,  his  engineer  officer,  General 
Cullum,  erected  a  line  of  earthworks,  and  in  many  places  abatis 
were  constructed  around  Corinth,  so  extensive  that  200,000 
men  would  have  been  necessary  to  man  them  properly.  For 
the  angles  and  redoubts  of  this  work,  artesian  wells  were  sunk, 
over  300  feet  in  depth,  to  provide  for  contingencies.  During 
June  and  July,  little  worth  while  recording  occurred. 

Upon  the  departure  of  General  Halleck,  General  Grant  took 
command  of  all  the  troops  in  West  Tennessee  and  Mississippi, 
and  fixed  his  headquarters  at  Corinth.  The  largest  force  in  the 
Department,  about  10,000  of  all  arms,  were  in  camps  5  or  6 
miles  outside  of  the  village  of  Corinth  ;  Hamilton's  and  Stan- 
ley's divisions,  5  miles  southeast  of  Corinth,  at  the  Big  Springs, 
very  beautiful  camping-grounds,  with  the  finest  water.  Here, 
although  the  weather  was  intensely  hot  in  July  and  August, 
we  drilled  industriously,  practised  outpost  duties,  and  fitted 
ourselves,  I  believe,  for  future  usefulness. 

Corinth  was,  before  the  war,  a  village  of  1000  inhabitants, 
only  noted,  after  the  war  commenced,  as  the  place  of  crossing 
of  an  east  and  west  railroad,  connecting  Memphis  with  Charles- 
ton, and  a  north  and  south  railroad,  connecting  Mobile  with 
Cairo. 

The  general  country  about  is  flat,  with  poor  soil  and  scarc- 
ity of  water.  The  greater  part  of  the  country  is  wooded  with 
oak  and  pine.  It  is  a  meagre  cotton  country.  The  village  is 
near  the  summit  of  a  great  divide.  The  drain  of  the  village  is 
to  the  Tennessee,  27  miles  north  ;  10  miles  to  the  west,  is  the 
Tuscumbia,  running  northwest  to  the  Hatchie,  and  thence  into 
the  Mississippi,  40  miles  above  Memphis.  Six  miles  southeast 
of  Corinth,  the  water  flows  to  the  Tombigbee,  and  thence  to 
the  Gulf.  The  outposts  for  Corinth  were  Rienzi,  Jacinto,  and 
luka,  the  latter  on  the  Charleston  railroad,  and  30  miles  east 
of  Corinth. 


THE  BATTLE  OF   CORINTH.  2/1 

Meantime,  our  Confederate  foes  south  of  us  had  two  com- 
manders, General  Sterling  Price,  commanding  the  district  of 
the  Tennessee,  though  far  from  Tennessee,  and  General  Van 
Dorn,  commanding  the  district  of  Mississippi ;  headquarters, 
Oxford.  They  were  both  directly  south  of  our  lines,  and  their 
forces  were  close  together. 

Our  daily  life  at  Big  Springs  was  first  disturbed  by  the  dis- 
covery that  General  Price  was  moving  on  luka,  which,  strangely, 
he  did  upon  false  information.  Both  General  Price  and  Gen- 
eral Van  Dorn  were  informed  by  General  Bragg,  now  well  on 
his  way  to  central  Kentucky,  that  General  Rosecrans  had  left 
Corinth,  and  had  crossed  the*  Tennessee  River,  and  was  march- 
ing to  join  Buell.  Bragg  asked,  and  indeed  commanded,  that 
General  Price  follow  Rosecrans.  General  Price  accordingly 
marched  to  luka,  intending  to  cross  the  Tennessee  River  at 
Eastport ;  but  Rosecrans  had  not  gone,  and  General  Grant  was 
at  Burnsville,  8  miles  from  luka,  the  night  of  September  i8th, 
with  8000  men  commanded  by  General  Ord.  Rosecrans  had 
been  ordered  to  march  his  two  divisions  (Hamilton's  and  Stan- 
ley's) by  a  circuitous  route  by  Jacinto,  and  make  a  combined 
attack  with  Ord's  force  upon  Price's  army.  Rosecrans  reached 
the  vicinity  of  luka,  after  a  25-mile  march,  at  4  P.M.  the  i/th, 
and  immediately  engaged  the  enemy.  The  combat  was  fierce, 
with  the  advantage  in  favor  of  the  Union  troops  at  dark. 
Grant's  force,  6  miles  distant,  never  heard  the  sound  of  cannon 
and  remained  idle.  Very  early  in  the  night  Price's  force  fled 
by  the  Fulton  road.  The  failure  of  communication  between 
Grant's  and  Rosecrans's  forces  was  very  unfortunate,  but  only 
to  be  expected  where  the  wings  of  an  army  operate  on  widely- 
separated  lines  in  a  forest  country,  and  the  intervening  6  miles 
of  big  timber  accounts  for  General  Grant's  not  hearing  Rose- 
crans's cannon.  Price's  expedition  was,  however,  thwarted  and 
broken  up. 

Our  Union  hopes  were  disappointed,  and  a  quarrel  arose 
between  Generals  Grant  and  Rosecrans  that  had  far-reaching, 
and,  I  think,  very  sad  results.  This  occurred  in  the  middle  of 
September.  Price  retreated  to  Tupelo.  General  Grant  re- 


2/2  THE   BATTLE  OF  CORINTH. 

turned  to  Jackson,  Tennessee,  where  he  had  fixed  his  head- 
quarters, and  Rosecrans  retained  his  camps  about  Corinth. 

Several  weeks  before  the  movement  on  luka,  Captain  Fred- 
erick E.  Prime,  a  very  talented  engineer  officer  on  General 
Rosecrans's  staff,  suggested  that  the  immense  lines  of  defence 
constructed  under  General  Cullum's  direction,  were  too  extens- 
ive to  be  of  any  use  for  defence  by  a  small  army,  and  prepared 
to  construct  a  system  of  redoubts,  to  protect  the  railroad  depot 
of  Corinth.  Accordingly,  five  redoubts  were  constructed, 
practically  covering  the  approaches  to  Corinth  from  all  direct- 
ions. These  redoubts  had  4  guns  each,  24-pounders,  old  style, 
or  Parrotts  of  2O-pound  calibre.  The  soldiers  of  the  1st  U.  S. 
Infantry  were  drilled  to  work  these  guns. 

Immediately  upon  Price's  return  to  Tupelo,  he  joined  his 
force  to  all  of  Van  Dorn's,  making  an  army  of  25,000  efficients, 
and  on  the  1st  of  October,  was  at  Ripley,  30  miles  southwest 
of  Corinth,  moving  north.  At  this  date  General  Grant,  at 
Jackson,  and  Rosecrans,  at  Corinth,  knew  that  Van  Dorn  was 
coming  to  attack  somewhere.  He  marched  directly  north,  as 
if  intending  to  attack  Bolivar,  now  occupied  by  General  Ord 
with  4000  men. 

The  great  wooded  valley  of  the  Hatchie  River,  with  its 
deep,  sluggish  stream,  completely  screened  his  movements  from 
observation  from  Corinth.  Having  marched  as  far  north  as 
Pocahontas,  he  suddenly  turned  to  the  southeast,  soon  re- 
paired the  broken  bridges  over  the  Hatchie  River,  and  at  ten 
o'clock,  October  3d,  his  troops  were  in  line  of  battle  three  miles 
north  of  Corinth,  between  Grant's  and  Rosecrans's  forces,  and 
he  immediately  attacked  the  Union  force,  composed  of  Davies's 
and  McKean's  divisions,  which  were  posted  at  the  old  line  of 
works,  only  to  compel  the  enemy  to  develop  his  entire  force. 

Rosecrans's  force  to  defend  Corinth  was  four  small  divisions 
of  two  brigades  each,  commanded  by  Brigadier-Generals  Ham- 
ilton, Stanley,  McKean,  and  Davies.  In  addition  to  their  in- 
fantry force,  there  were  eight  batteries  and  1000  cavalry. 
Without  reference  to  tables,  Rosecrans's  force  may  be  fairly 
stated  at  14,000  men.  Van  Dorn  says  his  own  force  was  22,000. 


THE   BATTLE   OF  CORINTH.  273 

Three  of  the  divisions  of  Rosecrans's  army,  viz.,  McKean's, 
Davies's,  and  Hamilton's,  were  deployed  upon  this  outer  line, 
intended  only  for  development.  Davies's  division  and  two 
regiments  on  the  right  of  McKean  soon  became  engaged.  Gen- 
eral McArthur  commanded  this  force,  and,  as  he  called  for 
reinforcements  and  they  were  sent  him,  the  affair  intended  as 
the  action  of  a  grand  guard  turned  into  a  battle,  and  engaged 
the  greater  part  of  Price's  corps  and  Lovell's  division  of  the 
Confederates.  It  required  from  ten  o'clock  until  sundown  to 
push  McArthur  back,  which  finally  did  occur,  and  not  in  the 
best  order,  as  McArthur  was  sorely  pressed.  A  very  gallant 
and  promising  brigadier-general — Hackelman — was  killed  on 
the  Union  side,  and  General  Oglesby  was  badly  wounded.  A 
brigade  of  Stanley's  division  (Mower's)  was  called  for  at  nearly 
sundown,  and  assisted  in  covering  McArthur's  retreat,  in 
which  Colonel  Thrush,  47th  Illinois,  was  killed.  At  least 
ten  regiments  had  been  engaged,  and  many  officers  and 
men  had  been  killed  and  wounded.  The  day  was  very  hot, 
and  drinking-water  very  scarce.  Yet,  if  our  lines  were  hard, 
our  enemies'  were  by  no  means  easy.  They  marched  ten  miles 
in  the  morning,  fought  all  day,  and  had  only  the  water  they 
carried  in  their  canteens. 

Just  at  dusk  the  enemy  showed  force  right  up  the  Memphis 
road,  and  the  24-pounders  let  fly  shell  at  the  mark.  A  rebel 
told  me  a  day  afterward  that  old  Sterling  Price  was  there, 
and  a  shell  just  missed  his  head.  The  exciting  day  was  over, 
and  by  nine  o'clock  our  line  was  formed  for  the  next  day's  bat- 
tle. The  entire  action  had  taken  place  in  the  northwest  angle 
formed  by  the  two  railroad  tracks.  Our  line  this  night  con- 
nected three  redoubts,  none  more  than  half  a  mile  from  the 
centre  of  the  little  town. 

There  were  no  earthworks  or  intrenchments  ;  Hamilton  on 
the  right,  then  Davies,  next  Stanley,  McKean  on  the  left.  At 
midnight  all  slept.  At  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  all  suddenly 
awoke.  An  enterprising  rebel  artillery  captain  had  quietly 
brought  his  4-gun  battery  close  to  our  picket  line,  only  400 
yards  from  our  main  line,  and  suddenly  fired  a  volley  over 

18 


2/4  THE   BATTLE   OF  CORINTH. 

our  heads  and  into  the  town.  The  battery  continued  to 
fire  until  one  of  the  24-pounders  in  battery  Robinette  was 
trained  on  it,  when  they  limbered  up  and  hurried  away ;  but 
not  until  the  pickets  of  the  Ohio  brigade  made  a  rush  upon 
the  battery  and  captured  one  of  their  guns.  To  this  day  it  is 
a  puzzle  what  that  foolish  captain  of  artillery  expected  to  do 
by  crawling  his  battery  in  the  dark  near  to  our  picket  line,  and 
then  firing  shells  into  a  town  at  random. 

After  this  rude  reveille,  we  anxiously  awaited  daylight.  It 
came,  and  not  the  crack  of  a  gun  disturbed  us.  We  had  our 
coffee.  Eight  o'clock  came  and  the  ominous  stillness  was  yet 
unbroken.  When  the  redoubts  were  built  the  timber  in 
front  was  cut  down,  slashed  to  the  extent  of  400  yards  in 
front.  Beyond  this  all  was  timber,  so  dense  as  to  cover  all 
movements  of  the  troops.  At  nine  o'clock  General  Rosecrans 
came  to  me  and  ordered  a  reconnoissance  to  my  front.  I 
immediately  sent  Colonel  Joseph  Mower,  cammanding  the 
2d  Brigade  of  my  division,  with  two  regiments  to  feel  the 
enemy.  These  two  regiments  moved  to  the  front,  Major 
McDowell,  3Qth,  Ohio,  commanding  the  skirmishers.  In 
less  than  half  a  mile  he  was  stopped  by  a  heavy  line  of 
infantry. 

In  the  fight  which  ensued  Colonel  Mower  was  badly 
wounded.  His  horse  was  shot,  and  the  Colonel  was  captured. 
I  may  add  that,  after  the  defeat  of  the  Confederates,  at  three 
o'clock,  P.M.,  the  Colonel  walked  into  our  lines,  having  been 
abandoned  by  the  enemy. 

At  about  eleven  o'clock  the  storm  broke.  Four  brigades, 
formed  with  regimental  fronts,  burst  out  of  the  woods  directly 
north  of  the  railroad  station,  and  rushed  at  the  town.  They 
fairly  covered  the  front  of  Davies's  division,  which  stood  solid 
for  a  time,  but  as  the  charging  column  came  close,  gave  way 
and  dissolved  into  groups. 

I  stood  on  the  small  hill  to  the  right  of  the  Battery  Robin- 
ette, and  for  once  in  my  life  I  saw  a  grand  and  powerful  assault. 
The  brigades  were  in  columns  of  regiments,  and  coming  from 
cover  into  a  cleared  field  their  formation  was  splendid.  Their 


THE   BATTLE   OF   CORINTH.  275 

officers  rode  well  to  the  front,  their  flags  waved  gayly  and  full 
of  defiant  confidence.  After  they  had  fully  emerged  upon  the 
cleared  ground,  I  could  see  every  man  in  the*  huge  column  as 
they  broke  forth  in  their  high-keyed  rebel  yell. 

The  rebels  fairly  poured  into  the  little  town  ;  they  occupied 
the  depot  and  helped  themselves  to  commissaries ;  they  took 
possession  of  General  Rosecrans's  headquarters,  but  did  not 
stop  to  read  his  orders.  Rosecrans  himself  and  his  staff  were 
riding  furiously  amongst  the  runaways  of  Davies's  division, 
trying  to  rally  them.  Rosecrans  was  very  mad,  and  addressed 
very  severe  language  to  the  demoralized  soldiers,  for  which  he 
afterward  made  some  amends. 

The  panic  was  accounted  for  from  the  fact  that  these  regi- 
ments had  lost  heavily  in  the  battle  of  the  3d.  They  were 
weary  and  dispirited,  and  the  full  view  of  this  big  column  com- 
ing with  yells  straight  at  them  was  too  much  for  them.  Al- 
ready they  had  lost  many  of  their  comrades,  and  had  been 
fought  up  to  that  point  where  men  are  easily  whipped. 
They  fought  on  many  fields  afterwards  as  bravely  as  any 
troops  could  do.  But  the  great  assaulting  column  had  made 
a  mistake.  They  had  driven  Davies's  division  and  rushed  into 
the  interval.  Hamilton's  division,  on  their  left/and  Stanley's, 
on  their  right,  were  intact,  and  immediately  attacked  the  big 
column  on  both  flanks  with  infantry  and  artillery.  For  a  time 
the  Confederates  stood  their  ground,  but  Sullivan's  brigade 
pressing  close  to  their  left,  and  the  Fifth  Minnesota  closing  on 
their  right,  and  pouring  in  volleys,  the  column  vanished,  leav- 
ing the  ground  covered  with  their  slain.  Scarcely  had  the  big 
column  broken  up  when  another  column  from  Price's  corps 
emerged  from  the  shelter  of  the  woods  and  came  straight 
toward  the  centre  of  my  division.  The  key  of  the  position 
was  Battery  Robinette,  so  called  for  Lieutenant  Robinette, 
1st  U.  S.  Infantry,  whose  company  manned  it. 

The  Ohio  brigade,  composed  of  the  27th,  39th,  43d  and  63d 
regiments,  commanded  by  Colonel  J.  W.  Fuller,  27th  Ohio,  occu- 
pied the  right  and  left  of  the  battery.  This  was  called  at  the 
time,  the  Ohio  brigade.  It  was  my  first  brigade  command.  I 


2/6  THE  BATTLE   OF  CORINTH. 

had  drilled  them,  and  the  relations  of  commander  and  com- 
manded were  certainly  those  of  mutual  confidence.  The  2d 
brigade  was  commanded  by  Joseph  Mower,  n  Missouri,  who 
was  wounded  and  captured  early  in  the  forenoon. 

As  the  charging  column  emerged  from  the  woods  the  big 
guns  in  the  redoubt  opened  on  them,  as  well  as  the  three  field 
batteries  now  attached  to  the  division ;  but  the  column  came 
on,  the  fallen  timber  in  front  of  the  division,  instead  of  helping 
the  defence,  added  to  the  advantages  of  the  assailants,  as  their 
skirmishers,  by  the  hundreds,  tumbled  behind  the  shelter  of 
the  trees,  and  fired  point-blank  into  our  lines.  Soon  their 
advance  came  right  up  to  our  front,  and  their  men  and  ours 
were  exchanging  shots  at  thirty  paces  apart.  The  commander 
of  the  leading  brigade,  Colonel  Rogers,  2d  Texas,  rode  right 
up  to  the  muzzle  of  one  of  the  24-pounders,  and  he  and 
his  horse  fell  together.  He  was  a  brother-in-law  of  Sam 
Houston.  He  was  a  gallant  man,  but  not  a  Union  man,  as  was 
his  great  kinsman. 

At  this  period  the  fight  was  close  and  doubtful,  and  was 
eventually  ended  by  the  27th  Ohio  and  nth  Missouri  spring- 
ing up  and  charging  the  rebel  line  with  the  bayonet.  Early 
in  the  fight  my  adjutant-general,  Captain  W.  O.  Coleman,  was 
mortally  wounded.  I  was  dismounted,  and  I  ran  into  the  line 
of  my  hard-pressed  regiments.  These  were  the  43d  and  63d 
Ohio.  The  fire  on  them  was  very  deadly.  Colonel  J.  L.  Smith 
was  mortally  wounded  early  in  the  assault.  His  adjutant,  Heyl, 
was  killed. 

Colonel  Smith  was  a  model  soldier  and  engineer  officer,  of 
rare  talents,  the  son  of  a  brave  captain  killed  in  the  Mexican 
War.  He  had  taken  this  43d  Ohio  regiment,  and  had  made  it 
a  well  disciplined  and  drilled  regiment.  He  had  been  under 
fire  before,  but  only  a  few  days  previous  to  this  battle  said  to 
me :  "  I  want  to  go  into  one  fight  where  there  is  a  storm  of 
bullets,  just  to  see  how  I  can  behave."  Alas,  his  wish  was 
gratified,  but  it  was  his  last  storm  of  bullets. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Wager  Swayne,  lately  Commander  of 
the  Loyal  Legion  of  New  York  Commandery,  succeeded 


THE   BATTLE   OF  CORINTH.  2  77 

Colonel  Smith,  and  very  gallantly  directed  the  regiment  dur- 
ing the  remainder  of  the  fight. 

The  condition  of  things  in  the  meantime  was  very  precari- 
ous. As  the  charging  column  reached  the  muzzle  of  the  guns, 
Captain  George  A.  Williams,  1st  Infantry,  in  command  of 
the  battery  and  regiment,  seeing  his  cannon  were  no  longer 
useful,  directed  his  men  to  take  their  rifles.  Graybacks  came 
through  the  embrasures,  and  some,  running  around,  came  in 
through  the  gorge  of  the  battery;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  any 
Confederate  who  entered  the  battery  ever  left  it.  My  anxiety 
to  keep  our  men  up  to  the  scratch  led  me  to  run  into  the  line 
of  the  63d  Ohio,  which  held*  the  right  of  the  Ohio  brigade. 
The  fire  of  the  Confederate  force  was  particularly  fatal  to  this 
regiment.  Of  fifteen  officers  present  when  the  action  com- 
menced, nine  were  prostrated,  killed,  or  wounded,  when  the 
fight  ended.  Colonel  J.  W.  Sprague,  who  lately  was  a  prosper- 
ous citizen  of  Tacoma,  Washington,  and  his  adjutant,  Otis  W. 
Pollock,  were  unscathed,  and  did  gallant  duty  in  holding  the 
survivors  up  to  their  work.  Fifty-three  per  cent,  of  the  63d 
Ohio  were  down,  killed  or  wounded,  but  the  rest  stayed  and 
returned  the  assailants'  fire,  and  conquered. 

In  European  warfare,  it  is  calculated  that  when  one  third 
of  a  military  organization  are  struck  the  fight  is  gone  out  of 
the  rest,  and  I  think  this  is  generally  true  ;  but  here  we  have 
a  new  Ohio  regiment,  a  little  over  a  year  in  service,  with  officers 
taken  from  the  busy  circles  of  civil  life,  which  bravely  stood 
up  and  returned  the  hostile  fire  until  only  three  line  officers 
were  on  their  feet,  and  the  regiment  did  not  run  ;  but  as  soon 
as  the  fire  ceased  re-formed,  and  were  ready  for  a  renewal  of 
the  fight. 

A  part  of  the  63d  Ohio  had  been  recruited  near  my  old 
home  in  Wayne  County,  and,  passing  amongst  the  men 
stretched  on  the  ground  just  after  the  fight  ceased,  a  young 
lieutenant  named  McFadden,  who  had  received  his  promotion 
only  a  few  days  before,  called  to  me,  and  said  :  "  General, 
come  here ;  I  want  to  say  good-bye.  I  am  mortally  wounded." 
He  spoke  so  naturally  I  could  not  believe  it,  and  tried  to  en- 


278  THE   BATTLE  OF   CORINTH. 

courage  him  ;  but  he  died  in  half  an  hour.  He  was  born 
within  two  miles  of  my  home. 

The  charge  of  the  2/th  Ohio  and  the  nth  Missouri,  which 
was  directed  by  Colonel  John  W.  Fuller,  commanding  the  first 
brigade,  really  ended  the  battle  of  Corinth.  The  Confederates 
withdrew  into  the  woods  they  had  advanced  from.  We  re- 
adjusted our  lines,  and  expected  a  renewal  of  the  battle.  Gen- 
eral Rosecrans  felt  sure  that,  beaten  upon  this  front,  the  enemy 
was  moving  to  the  left,  to  renew  the  assault  from  the  east. 
Van  Dorn,  on  the  other  hand,  says :  "  Rosecrans  had  received 
large  reinforcements  from  Jacinto  and  Rienzi,  and  therefore  I  or- 
dered immediate  retreat."  Thus  both  commanders  were  mis- 
taken, and  the  rebel  army  left,  unmolested,  upon  the  roads  they 
had  advanced  upon.  The  next  morning  a  considerable  force 
had  crossed  Davies's  bridge,  over  the  Hatchie  River  near  Poca- 
hontas,  where  they  were  badly  defeated  by  General  Ord,  who 
crossed  his  force  and  attacked  them  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Hatchie.  Had  Rosecrans  been  up,  which  he  might  have  been, 
this  should  have  proved  utter  ruin  to  Van  Dorn's  army.  Ord's 
force  was  stopped,  and  the  Confederates  passed  up  the  Hatchie 
six  miles,  constructed  a  bridge  upon  the  dam  of  Crump's  Mill, 
and  continued  their  retreat  to  Ripley. 

General  Grant,  Rosecrans's  superior,  severely  censured  him 
at  the  time  for  not  following  Van  Dorn's  retreat  on  the  4th, 
and  for  his  tardiness  on  the  5th. 

There  may  be  some  justice  in  this,  but  it  is  easy  to  criticise 
after  the  fact.  The  test  is,  put  yourself  in  his  place.  Rose- 
crans's troops  had  marched  for  two  and  three  days,  had  fought 
two  days,  had  scarcely  a  supply  of  even  drinking-water,  the 
heat  was  excessive,  and  the  men  were  worn  out.  They  had 
narrowly  escaped  a  most  terrible  defeat,  and  no  one  was  anx- 
ious to  crowd  their  late  antagonists. 

The  battle  of  Corinth  was  not  a  great  battle  as  compared 
to  those  of  first  magnitude  in  the  war,  and  yet  it  was  bloody 
enough;  on  our  side  315  killed,  1812  wounded,  232  missing. 
Rosecrans  reported  1423  Confederates  buried  and  3000  prison- 


THE   BATTLE   OF  CORINTH.  279 

ers,  mostly  wounded  men.  We  now  know  that  it  was  most 
disastrous  to  the  Confederacy. 

General  Sherman,  in  his  Memoirs,  says :  "  It  was  indeed  a 
decisive  blow  to  the  Confederate  cause  in  our  quarter.  From 
the  timid  defensive  we  were  enabled  at  once  to  assume  the 
bold  offensive." 

The  Confederacy  never  recovered  from  it. 

They  were  brave  men, — the  Confederates  who  assailed  Cor- 
inth ;  they  were  just  as  gallant  men  who  defeated  them. 


A  FEW  YARNS  OF  THE  EARLY  'SIXTIES. 

A  Paper  Read  by  Admiral  O.  F.  STANTON,  U.  S.  Navy,  February  5,  1896. 

the  2  ist  of  December,  1860,  the  Pacific  mail  steamer 
North  Star  sailed  from  New  York  with  more  than  eleven 
hundred  passengers  on  board.  About  210  of  these  were  navy 
officers,  seamen,  and  marines,  on  their  way  to  Panama,  to  join 
the  United  States  ship  St.  Marys.  There  were  also  several 
army  officers,  with  their  families,  who  had  taken  passage  to 
join  their  regiments  in  California.  Some  of  these  officers  soon 
afterwards  returned  to  the  Southwestern  States  through  Mex- 
ico and  Texas,  and  became  prominent  in  the  Confederate 
Army. 

On  the  morning  of  the  day  we  sailed  from  New  York  the 
news  of  the  secession  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina  from  the 
Union  was  received.  The  comments  on  this  by  the  officers  of 
both  branches  of  the  service  were  tinged  with  sadness.  The 
friendship  between  the  officers,  whether  from  the  North  or  the 
South,  had  been  much  like  that  of  brothers  ;  but  now  all  felt 
that  a  change  was  coming.  The  prevailing  impression  seemed 
to  be  that  more  of  the  States  would  secede,  and,  under  the 
doctrine  of  States'-rights,  each  would  provide  for  its  own  gov- 
ernment. 

However,  no  arguments  as  to  the  merits  of  the  case  were 
held.  We  were  all  still  under  the  flag  of  our  country,  and  on 
the  high  seas. 

The  first  night  after  leaving  port  some  of  the  sailors  became 
involved  in  a  fight  on  the  forward  deck,  and  in  quelling  the 
disturbance  the  right  arm  of  the  executive  officer  was  broken. 
A  little  later  the  same  evening,  a  son  of  Colonel  Albert  Sydney 

280 


A  FEW  YARNS  OF  THE  EARLY  'SIXTIES.       28 1 

Johnston  missed  his  footing  by  a  sudden  roll  of  the  steamer, 
fell  down  the  companion-way,  was  badly  bruised,  and  broke 
his  nose.  These  two  accidents  made  enough  work  for  the 
army,  navy,  and  ship's  surgeons  for  one  evening.  While  the 
surgeons  were  employed  in  the  necessary  operations,  the  boy 
sat  on  his  father's  knee  and  hardly  winced.  This  pleased  the 
father,  but  the  only  remark  he  made  was  that  "  the  boy  shows 
good  grit."  General  Johnston  was  killed  at  the  battle  of 
Shiloh,  while  in  command  of  the  Confederate  forces. 

On  our  arrival  at  Panama  we  found  the  St.  Mary's  at  an- 
chor in  the  bay.  We  relieved  the  old  officers  and  men,  and 
they  went  to  New  York  by  the  same  steamer  on  her  return 
trip.  After  a  few  weeks  of  drills  and  sail  practice  we  sailed 
for  San  Francisco,  arriving  there  about  the  time  of  the  receipt 
of  the  news  of  the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter.  These  tidings  were 
at  first  received  by  the  people  almost  in  silence  and  wonder, 
for  there  were  many  citizens  who  favored  the  Southern  cause, 
but  few  apparently  seemed  to  gather  the  full  import  of  the 
event.  This  state  of  things  only  lasted  about  a  day,  when  the 
great  numbers  of  American  flags  of  all  sizes  displayed  by  the 
people  on  their  houses,  places  of  business,  and  on  the  streets 
showed  what  stand  the  new  State  had  taken.  The  sharp  divis- 
ion into  two  parties  greatly  relieved  the  army  and  navy  officers, 
who  had  then  only  to  decide  whether  they  were  for  or  against 
the  Union. 

The  St.  Marys  went  to  the  navy  yard  at  Mare  Island  for 
some  needed  repairs,  and  then  sailed  for  a  station  off  Cape  St. 
Lucas,  Lower  California,  where  we  remained  on  the  track  of 
the  mail  steamers,  all  the  time  being  spent  under  sail. 

This  was  done  to  guard  the  mails  and  passengers,  it  having 
been  reported  that  privateers  were  fitting  out  for  their  capture. 
After  three  months  of  this  work,  and  without  having  anchored 
since  leaving  San  Francisco  Bay,  we  returned  to  that  place. 
At  this  time  the  Pacific  railroad  was  not  completed — the  space 
intervening  between  the  Union  Pacific  and  the  Central  Pacific 
railroads  being  traversed  by  the  celebrated  Pony  Express. 

The  officers  of  the  ship,  except  the  captain  and  executive 


282       A  FEW  YARNS  OF  THE  EARLY  'SIXTIES. 

officer,  were  detached  and  ordered  to  New  York,  their  places 
being  supplied  by  officers  of  the  Volunteer  service.  When  we 
arrived  East  we  found  the  navy  largely  increased  in  number  by 
the  vessels  newly  built,  or  chartered,  and  we  were  all  soon  em- 
ployed in  the  blockading  squadrons  or  the  flotillas  on  the 
James  and  Potomac  rivers. 

Several  of  the  first  style  of  the  "  double-enders,"  so-called, 
had  been  completed  and  were  in  commission. 

These  vessels  were  fitted  with  rudders  in  both  bow  and 
stern,  so  they  might  be  ready  for  river  service,  and  could  run 
up  or  down  without  being  obliged  to  turn  around.  Of  some 
of  them  it  was  said,  they  were  built  to  go  both  ways,  and  could 
not  go  either ;  this,  however,  was  not  altogether  true.  They 
carried  heavy  batteries,  and  were  quite  efficient  in  rivers  or 
smooth  water,  but  were  very  uncomfortable,  and  some  of  them 
almost  unmanageable  in  a  gale  of  wind.  One  of  them,  the 
Tioga,  sailed  from  Boston  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Commanding  George  W.  Rogers,  with  a  new  crew,  and  one 
week  afterwards  was  engaged  near  Windmill  Point  on  the 
James  River,  with  a  part  of  the  Confederate  artillery  known 
as  Stewart's  battery.  The  crew  all  worked  their  guns  as 
calmly  and  quietly  as  if  it  were  something  they  had  been  used 
to  daily. 

The  Captain  was  on  the  hurricane-deck  directing  the  move- 
ments of  the  ship,  and  when  the  shot  began  to  come  pretty 
thick,  he  said  to  me :  "  You  had  better  go  down  out  of  this, 
you  may  get  hurt."  I  asked  him,  "  How  about  yourself  ?  "  His 
reply  was :  "If  I  get  hit  you  may  come  here  and  take  my 
place."  The  Captain  did  not  get  hurt  that  day,  but  was  killed 
subsequently  off  Charleston  by  a  shot  from  Fort  Sumter. 

A  few  days  later  the  Tioga  was  one  afternoon  employed  as 
escort  for  the  army  balloon,  when  one  of  the  dispatch  boats 
came  with  orders  to  go  up  the  river  to  Harrison's  Landing. 
On  nearing  that  place  it  was  seen  that  all  the  gunboats  had 
gone  three  or  four  miles  up  the  river  to  the  next  bend,  where 
a  number  of  Confederate  vessels  had  come  down  that  day.  As 
night  was  coming  on,  we  all  anchored  there. 


A  FEW  YARNS  OF  THE  EARLY  'SIXTIES.       283 

During  the  evening  the  enemy  began  firing  with  artillery 
from  three  or  four  positions  on  the  south  side,  opposite  Harri- 
son's Landing,  and  kept  up  a  lively  fire  on  the  Union  camp, 
for  about  half  an  hour.  The  gunboats  were  too  far  up  the 
river  to  reply,  and  expecting  an  attack  at  the  same  time  from 
the  vessels  above,  remained  in  their  positions.  It  so  happened, 
however,  that  one,  the  Conemaugh,  had  come  up  the  river  after 
nightfall,  and  had  anchored  in  a  position  from  whence  she  got 
in  some  effective  work.  The  next  day  General  McClellan  de- 
siring to  occupy  the  points  from  which  the  firing  had  occurred, 
sent  some  cavalry  across  to  reconnoitre  and  ascertain  whether 
a  large  creek  there  was  fordable. 

Two  boats  were  sent  from  the  Tioga  to  sound  for  the  same 
purpose.  I  went  in  the  launch  with  its  crew  and  part  of  the 
marines,  and  Acting-Master  Charles  O'Neil  was  in  charge  of 
the  first  cutter,  with  its  crew  and  the  remainder  of  the  mar- 
ines. We  found  the  creek  to  be  about  two  miles  long  and 
quite  deep.  Reaching  its  head  the  roll  of  a  drum  and  the 
sound  of  voices  were  heard.  Knowing  our  cavalry  did  not 
carry  drums,  it  was  evident  we  were  quite  near  the  outposts  of 
the  Confederates,  and  in  such  narrow  waters,  surrounded  by 
thick  woods,  had  gotten  ourselves  into  rather  close  quarters ; 
so  we  started  down  the  creek  as  quietly  as  we  could  pull,  and 
fully  on  the  alert  for  an  attack  from  any  point.  At  a  sharp 
bend  near  the  mouth  of  the  creek,  the  officer  in  the  cutter 
suddenly  gave  the  order,  "  Oars ! "  and  called  out,  "  There  are 
soldiers  with  arms  on  that  point."  Sure  enough,  there  they 
were,  and  quite  near.  As  they  stood  in  the  bushes  on  the  edge 
of  the  water,  their  uniforms  could  not  be  distinguished.  At 
this  moment  the  coxswain  of  the  launch,  an  excitable  Span- 
iard but  a  good  seaman,  levelled  his  carbine  and  exclaimed  : 
11 1  '11  kill  one  any  way !  "  He  was  pushed  down  in  the  boat 
while  I  hailed,  asking  who  they  were.  The  answer  came  back 
clear  and  distinct,  "  Friends."  Of  course  they  could  see  the 
flags  flying  in  our  boats.  Still  having  some  doubts,  I  called 
out,  "  What  regiment  do  you  belong  to  ?  "  The  answer  was, 
"The  i6th  Pennsylvania  reserves." 


284       A  FEW  YARNS  OF  THE  EARLY  'SIXTIES. 

This  was  so  particular  and  descriptive  that  I  could  not  but 
accept  it  as  satisfactory,  and  it  relieved  a  strain  on  the  nervous 
system  of  all  in  the  boats. 

It  turned  out  that  the  cavalry  had  returned  to  the  north 
side  of  the  river  before  we  had  left  the  ship,  owing  to  a  delay 
in  the  delivery  of  General  McClellan's  note  to  Captain  Rogers, 
and  this  force  of  infantry  had  just  come  over  and  established 
a  picket  station  near  the  mouth  of  the  creek. 

A  few  days  before  this  we  had  been  at  anchor  near  Point 
Powhattan,  and  another  vessel,  the  Port  Royal,  was  at  anchor 
below  the  point  about  the  same  distance  away. 

The  plan  was  to  keep  two  vessels  in  that  vicinity  to  prevent 
the  enemy  from  firing  from  their  rifle-pits  on  the  mail  steam- 
ers and  transports,  as  they  passed  up  and  down  the  river. 
Every  morning,  when  the  mail  came  down,  and  afternoons,  as 
they  went  up,  from  Fort  Monroe,  or  when  a  tow  of  transports 
passed,  we  would  commence  shelling  the  rifle-pits  and  a  large 
wood-pile  on  the  bank  above.  The  convoy  for  the  mail-boats 
also  used  to  put  in  some  target  practice  in  the  same  way,  so  we 
had  exercise  enough  of  this  kind  every  day.  The  wood-pile 
thus  gradually  accumulated  a  quantity  of  shell  that  had  not 
exploded. 

One  afternoon,  a  number  of  vessels  passing  by  were  fired 
on  by  the  Confederate  sharpshooters  concealed  in  the  rifle-pits 
and  behind  the  wood-pile.  One  of  the  vessels  broke  adrift 
from  the  tow  just  abreast  the  old  fort  on  the  point.  We  went 
to  her  rescue  and  so  got  too  close  for  the  efficient  use  of  our 
big  guns,  but  carried  on  a  rapid  fire  with  our  24-pounder  how- 
itzers on  the  hurricane-deck.  One  of  the  shot  struck  a  loaded 
shell  in  the  wood-pile,  making  a  bonfire  which  lasted  all  night, 
enlivened  with  occasional  pyrotechnic  displays  in  the  shape  of 
exploding  shell. 

These  howitzers  were,  for  their  time,  very  useful  guns  for 
river  work,  where  the  banks  were  not  too  high.  Of  course  they 
were  smooth-bore  and  muzzle-loading,  but  the  ammunition  was 
fixed,  and  they  may  be  said  to  have  represented  the  secondary 
battery,  which  plays  so  important  a  part  in  vessels  of  the  pres- 


A  FEW  YARNS   OF  THE  EARLY   'SIXTIES.  285 

ent  day.  We  never  got  caught  close  under  a  high  bank  but 
once,  and  then  our  opponents  were  in  the  opposite  plight,  for 
they  could  not  depress  their  guns  enough  to  fire  down  on  us  ; 
and  while  they  amused  themselves  at  firing  at  some  transports 
a  little  farther  off,  we  got  into  good  range  for  our  lo-inch  shell 
gun  and  that  finished  the  contention  for  that  day. 

One  Sunday  while  we  were  there,  two  or  three  negro  boys 
came  off  in  an  old  flat-boat  from  the  eastern  side  of  the  river. 
The  captain  asked  them  where  they  came  from  and  where  they 
lived.  They  pointed  to  a  house  and  said  they  belonged  to 
Missis  Mary  Wilther  Dowlis.  They  were  then  asked  where 
the  gentleman  of  the  plantati6n  was.  "  Gone  to  Richmond  to 
fight  the  Yankees/'  said  one. 

"  Where  are  the  negro  men  ?  "  asked  the  captain. 

"  Dase  gone  to  '  Old  Pint '  to  be  contrabands." 

"  Well,"  said  the  captain,  "  what  does  Mrs.  Dowlis  say 
about  these  gunboats  being  here  ?  " 

"  She  say  she  like  to  get  under  dey  bottom  and  blow 
'em  up." 

Then  the  captain  asked  them  if  their  mistress  needed  any- 
thing. They  thought  awhile,  and  looked  at  each  other ;  finally, 
one  said  he  had  heard  her  say  she  wished  she  had  some  salt. 
Of  this  we  had  plenty  and  were  throwing  it  overboard,  every 
day,  from  the  beef  and  pork  barrels ;  so  we  sent  some  ashore 
and  I  guess  it  was  welcome,  even  if  it  did  come  from  the  de- 
testable Yankee  gunboat. 

No  one  was  allowed  to  land,  but  one  evening,  when  at 
anchor,  not  far  from  this  place,  I  obtained  permission  to  take 
two  boat  crews  and  some  marines  to  go  ashore,  abreast  the 
ship,  where  there  appeared  to  be  a  sandy  beach,  to  get  some 
sand  for  scrubbing  decks.  We  pulled  in  very  carefully  and 
posted  the  marines  a  short  distance  away  from  the  edge  of  the 
river,  and  had  four  men  in  each  boat,  with  oars  in  their  hands, 
ready  to  shove  off  at  a  moment's  notice,  while  the  others 
rapidly  filled  the  tarpaulins  with  sand.  The  work  was  nearly 
done  when  one  of  the  marines  came  running  in  and  told  us,  in 
a  loud  whisper,  the  cavalry  were  coming.  A  snorting  of  horses 


286       A  FEW  YARNS  OF  THE  EARLY  'SIXTIES. 

was  plainly  heard  and  everybody  scrambled  into  the  boats 
lively  enough.  We  pushed  off  quickly,  but  did  not  get  so  far 
away,  as  we  turned  towards  the  ship,  to  prevent  us  from  learn- 
ing they  were  only  some  loose  animals  that  had  been  left  out 
to  graze  in  the  fields.  They  evidently  wanted  to  find  out  what 
we  were  doing  with  the  "  sacred  soil  of  Virginia." 

While  a  portion  of  the  army  was  encamped  on  the  south 
side  of  the  river,  from  whence  the  firing  on  the  camp  at  Harri- 
son's Landing  had  taken  place,  General  Butterfield,  who  was  in 
command  of  this  force,  invited  the  captain  and  myself  to  ride 
out  along  the  picket  line.  It  so  happened  that  the  horse  fur- 
nished me  had  been  captured  from  the  Confederate  cavalry, 
rider  and  all,  a  day  or  two  before.  He  was  a  fine  animal,  and 
went  along  very  quietly  with  the  party  of  some  seven  or  eight 
riders.  After  a  while  we  rode  into  the  grounds  of  a  plantation, 
and  on  the  lawn,  fronting  the  mansion,  were  a  number  of  slips 
of  paper. 

Having  some  curiosity  to  find  out  what  they  were,  I  drew 
my  sword  and  tried  to  pick  one  up.  As  I  did  this  the  horse 
started  off  on  a  run  and  darted  out  of  the  gate.  Instead  of 
turning  to  the  left,  where  our  pickets  were,  he  turned  to  the 
right  towards  the  Confederate  picket  line.  Here  was  a  state 
of  things,  and  the  horse  had  the  best  of  it  for  a  while ;  but 
coming  to  a  small,  rough  bridge  he  slowed  down,  and  one  of 
the  aides,  who  had  come  in  pursuit,  caught  him  by  the  bridle 
and  helped  turn  him  back.  I  have  always  thought  that  horse 
knew  the  way  to  make  prisoners  for  either  side.  He  certainly 
came  near  getting  one  that  day. 

Not  long  after  this  the  army  left  Harrison's  Landing  and 
went  to  the  vicinity  of  Aquia  Creek  and  Alexandria. 

We  remained  there  two  or  three  days  after  the  ninety  thou- 
sand men  composing  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  had  departed. 
The  contrast  with  the  bustle  and  hum  that  had  been  going  on 
there  for  six  or  seven  weeks  made  the  place  seem  very  lonely, 
and  suggested  the  appearance  of  the  plains  of  ancient  Troy. 

The  ship  then  went  around  to  the  Potomac,  was  present 
at  the  evacuation  of  Aquia  Creek,  and  later  sailed  with  the 


A   FEW   YARNS   OF  THE   EARLY   'SIXTIES.  287 

newly-organized  flying  squadron,  under  Admiral  Wilkes,  for 
Bermuda  and  the  West  Indies. 

We  have  lately  read  a  good  deal  about  the  fitting  out  of 
another  flying  squadron  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  We 
do  not  know  yet  whether  it,  too,  will  sail  for  "  Bermuda  and 
the  West  Indies  "  ;  but  history  sometimes  repeats  itself. 

On  our  arrival  at  Bermuda  we  found  several  blockade  run- 
ners from  Charleston  in  the  harbor,  so  the  admiral  left  one 
ship — the  Sonoma — outside,  to  chase  if  they  should  leave,  while 
his  ship — the  Wachusett — and  the  Tioga  went  into  the  harbor 
to  coal. 

The  Governor  promptly  called  our  attention  to  Her  Majes- 
ty's proclamation  of  neutrality,  but  it  did  not  forbid  our 
taking  coal  aboard  once,  and  we  availed  ourselves  of  that 
chance.  The  night  we  were  inside,  two  blockade  runners  left 
the  harbor,  but  being  discovered  by  the  Sonoma  they  did  not 
venture  outside  of  the  marine  league  and  soon  returned  to 
port.  The  next  day  we  went  outside  and  took  the  place  of  the 
Sonoma,  which  then  went  in  for  coal. 

By  this  time  the  wrath  of  the  officials  had  waxed  warm, 
and  an  English  man-of-war  was  sent  out — apparently  to  keep 
us  company. 

We  paid  no  attention  to  her,  and  both  remained  under  way 
near  each  other  two  days.  Then  the  Sonoma  came  out,  and 
we  went  around  to  the  western  entrance  to  the  harbor  to  pre- 
vent the  escape  of  the  blockade  runners  through  that  channel. 
The  Admiral  came  out  in  a  day  or  two  and  ordered  us  to 
remain  off  the  island  until  our  coal  supply  should  be  dimin- 
ished to  sufficient  to  take  us  to  Havana. 

During  this  time  we  boarded  and  examined  the  papers  of 
steamers  leaving  or  entering  the  port — but  always  outside  the 
marine  league, — and  two  or  three  times  with  the  aforesaid  man- 
of-war  close  to,  with  her  crew  at  their  guns.  Of  course  we 
were  likewise  ready  for  action.  The  people  on  shore  on  one 
of  these  occasions  became  much  excited,  the  stores  were 
closed,  business  suspended,  and  the  hills  covered  with  the  in- 
habitants of  the  island,  in  anticipation  of  witnessing  a  sea  fight. 


288       A  FEW  YARNS  OF  THE  EARLY  'SIXTIES. 

Our  neutral,  however,  apparently  remembered  that  we  were 
only  applying  a  doctrine  of  belligerent  rights  that  they  had,  as 
a  nation,  insisted  upon  through  a  long  series  of  maritime  wars, 
and  only  made  a  show  of  force,  while  we  made  the  examination 
of  their  vessels  in  spite  of  their  guns  and  the  bluster  and  in- 
dignation of  the  captains  and  passengers.  They  afterwards 
adopted  the  same  tactics  while  we  were  in  the  vicinity  of 
Nassau,  but  never  but  once  came  quite  so  close  to  us  with  their 
men-of-war.  When  we  fell  in  with  any  of  them  that  resembled 
the  Alabama  or  Florida  (for  some  of  them  did  very  much,  and 
they  knew  it),  they  were  prompt  to  assure  us  they  were  truly, 
bluely  Britons,  and  not  Confederate  cruisers  under  English 
colors. 

While  cruising  off  the  island  of  Abaco,  in  company  with 
the  Octorara  and  Santiago  de  Ctiba,  on  watch  for  the  Confed- 
erate cruisers  Alabama  and  Florida,  which  had  been  reported 
as  being  in  that  vicinity,  the  lookout  at  our  mast-head  reported 
black  smoke  to  the  northward.  We  made  signal  to  the  others 
and  all  of  us  started  in  chase. 

The  vessel  making  the  black  smoke  soon  saw  what  was 
coming  and  steamed  rapidly  off  to  the  northeastward. 

We  gradually  gained  on  her  and  soon  we  began  to  pass 
bales  of  cotton  that  her  crew  had  thrown  overboard.  Each 
bale  was  then  worth  about  four  hundred  dollars.  We  stopped, 
lowered  boats,  and  commenced  picking  up  the  cotton.  The 
Octorara  followed  our  motions,  but  the  Santiago  continued  in 
pursuit.  After  a  while  it  was  found  the  boats  could  not  tow 
the  bales  alongside  the  ships  fast  enough,  so  each  boat's  crew 
would  lash  two  or  three  bales  together  and  leave  a  man  on  one 
of  them  to  hold  the  claim  against  the  other  ship,  while  the 
boats  towed  all  they  could  manage  to  their  respective  vessels. 

The  ocean  soon  presented  the  scene  of  sailors  floating  on 
cotton  bales,  and  it  was  amusing  until  darkness  came  on  ;  then 
the  matter  changed  for  there  was  a  brisk  trade-wind  blowing. 
I  am  sure  the  officers  of  both  ships  felt  relieved  when  the  men 
had  all  been  collected,  with  their  cotton  bales,  late  that  night. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  we  would  have  fared  better  in  prize-money 


A  FEW  YARNS  OF  THE  EARLY  'SIXTIES.       289 

if  we  had  kept  on  and  been  present  when  the  Santiago  cap- 
tured the  vessel,  for  she  turned  out  one  of  the  best  prizes  dur- 
ing the  war,  and  we  could  have  been  within  signal  distance 
when  she  was  brought  to.  The  type  of  ships  to  which  I  have 
alluded  has  gone  from  the  service,  but  old  ocean  rolls  on  as 
ever — no  change  there.  Storms  still  rage  and  its  waves  break 
with  the  same  force  as  of  old.  The  same  care  and  alertness 
must  be  exercised  to  guard  against  its  dangers.  Well  and 
truthfully  are  these  facts  expressed  in  the  words  of  the  old 
ballad. 

"  Roll  on,  thou  deep  and  dark  blue  Ocean,  roll ! 
Ten  thousand  fleets  sweep  over  thee  in  vain. 
Time  writes  no  wrinkle  on  thine  azure  brow  ; 

Such  as  creation's  dawn  beheld,  thou  rollest  now." 
19 


IN  MEMORY  OF  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN  GIBBON, 
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

A  Paper  Read  by  Major  C.  A.  WOODRUFF,  U.  S.  A.,  May  6,  1896. 

COMMANDER  AND  COMPANIONS:  I  appreciate  the  honor 
^^  of  appearing  before  this  Commandery,  to  present  my  trib- 
ute of  love  and  devotion  to  the  memory  of  our  late  commander- 
in-chief,  Major-General  John  Gibbon. 

For  twenty-four  years,  in  garrison,  camp,  and  field,  it  was 
my  proud  privilege  to  call  him  ray  friend.  On  duty,  the  strict 
but  just  commander ;  at  home,  the  genial  host ;  around  the 
camp-fire,  the  entertaining  comrade  and  wise  counsellor, —  all 
these,  and  more,  I  found  him,  and  your  invitation  to  speak 
was  a  call  to  duty ;  to  respond,  a  labor  of  love. 

I  shall  not  eulogize  a  creature  of  the  fancy, — a  little  more 
than  human,  a  little  less  than  divine, — but  simply  tell  the  story 
of  a  pleasant  companion,  a  brave  patriot,  a  stout  soldier,  a  true 
friend,  an  earnest  opponent,  an  honest  man, — as  ready  to  re- 
buke the  powerful  as  to  defend  the  weak ;  one  whose  strong 
but  kindly  heart  beat  warmly  with  those  human  sympathies 
and  passions  that  ever  animate  a  vigorous  physical,  mental, 
and  moral  manhood. 

Could  his  spirit  whisper  to  the  speakers  to-night  't  would 
simply  say,  "  Tell  the  truth  "  ;  and  his  heroic  character  will  not 
suffer  if  we  only  "  hold,  as  't  were,  the  mirror  up  to  nature." 

General  Gibbon  came  of  English  Quaker  and  Scotch  Pres- 
byterian stock,  and  it  was  manifested  alike  by  his  gentleness 
towards  the  weak,  his  toleration  of  the  honest  opinions  of 
others,  and  his  stern,  unyielding  devotion  to  duty  and  princi- 
ple, regardless  of  the  world's  opinion.  He  was  not  one  of 

290 


IN   MEMORY   OF  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON.         2QI 

those  time-servers  who  "  shut  their  doors  against  a  setting 
sun/'  and  turn  a  smiling  face  upon  the  rising ;  but  all  through 
his  long  career  was  pre-eminently  one  who  never  permitted 
selfish  policy  to  hold  the  helm  of  duty,  nor  trim  the  sails  of 
action  to  catch  the  shifting  breezes  of  popularity,  but  he  man- 
fully steered  for  the  right,  as  God  gave  him  light  to  see  the 
right. 

He  always  tried  to  be  just,  but  in  private  life  could  n't 
help  being  a  partisan,  even  as  all  pugnacious,  positive,  honest, 
warm-hearted  men  are  partisans ;  prompt  to  redress  another's 
wrongs,  his  own  he  did  not  leave  to  Time,  Truth,  and  Peni- 
tence, but  fearlessly  battled  for  them ;  yet,  clothed  with 
official  responsibility,  was  always  the  just  judge  and  truthful 
witness  for  friend  or  foe. 

In  all  his  acts  and  thoughts  he  was  candor  itself,  and  posi- 
tively abhorred  deceit ;  the  wiles  of  the  intriguer  and  schemer 
were  absolutely  unknown  to  him.  He  was  no  believer  in,  nor 
promulgator  of,  rigid  personal  liberty  laws ;  yet  there  was  an 
honest  manhood  about  him  that  created  an  atmosphere  inim- 
ical to  dishonor  or  demoralization,  and  no  man  could  serve 
under  him  without  being  the  better  soldier  for  such  service. 
While  a  strict  disciplinarian,  he  was  no  martinet ;  did  n't  care 
for  the  "  fuss  and  feathers  "  of  his  profession,  and  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs  exhibited  that  greatest  of  military  vir- 
tues, sound  common-sense ;  was  kind  to,  and  considerate  of, 
the  rights  of  his  juniors,  and  while  tenacious  of  his  own  rights, 
thoroughly  loyal  to  his  seniors  when  he  considered  them  within 
the  law. 

His  dictum,  "  The  law  is  supreme,"  was  a  protest  against 
what  he  considered  its  violation  by  those  in  authority  when 
they  considered  it  inconvenient  or  objectionable,  and  was  char- 
acteristic of  the  man  ;  for  with  him  law  and  duty  were  supreme, 
and  a  tortuous  construction  he  could  not  or  would  not  com- 
prehend. 

Gibbon  was  a  natural  man,  never  posed  for  effect ;  easy  to 
approach,  and  while  he  never  clothed  himself  with  chilling  dig- 
nity, had  no  trouble  in  avoiding  undue  familiarity.  As  the  old 


IN   MEMORY   OF   MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON. 

soldier  said  to  the  recruit :  "  Yes  ;  you  can  go  right  up  to  the 
General  same  as  you  would  to  me,  and  you  '11  get  your  rights 
and  he  '11  speak  gentle-like  ;  but  you  '11  just  feel  that  you  had  n't 
better  call  him  Johnnie." 

He  loved  nature,  was  fond  of  books,  yet  devoted  to  rod 
and  gun,  and  encouraged  every  manly  sport. 

Children  always  looked  upon  him  as  their  personal  friend, 
and  for  woman  he  had  a  respectful  admiration,  and  was  her 
earnest  champion.  A  better  husband  and  father  I  never  knew. 
He  was  a  model  of  faithful  devotion,  tender,  thoughtful,  and 
most  considerate. 

Was  of  a  very  social  disposition,  loved  to  be  in  the  midst 
of  friends,  old  or  young,  and  while  he  could  keep  up  his  end  of 
the  conversation  with  anecdote,  reminiscence,  or  argument, 
was  also  a  good  listener. 

In  all  our  intercourse  I  never  knew  him  to  manifest  a  dis- 
position to  be  alone  but  once,  and  that  was  when  he  stood 
on  San  Juan  Island  where  his  class-mate,  Captain  George  E. 
Pickett,  formed  his  company  and  faced  the  British  admiral's 
fleet.  He  walked  thoughtfully  over  the  ground,  his  hands 
clasped  behind  him.  What  tender  memories  of  the  days  of 
Auld  Lang  Syne  must  have  been  awakened,  what  heroic  mem- 
ories of  that  grand  struggle  at  the  stone  wall  on  Cemetery  Ridge  ! 
When  he  joined  me,  all  he  said  was:  "  George  had  just  such  a 
slope  to  advance  over  when  he  struck  my  division." 

General  Gibbon  was  born  at  Holmesburg,  Pa.  (now  a  part 
of  Philadelphia),  April  20,  1827;  his  parents  moved  to  North 
Carolina  when  he  was  a  child  and  he  was  appointed  to  West 
Point  from  that  State,  in  1842,  and  graduated  just  in  time  to 
reap  the  traditions  but  not  the  honors  of  Scott's  glorious  cam- 
paign in  Mexico. 

He  said  his  most  valuable  experience  was  gained  one  night 
at  a  card  table  soon  after  he  reported.  He  had  joined  with  a 
few  dollars,  a  horse,  equipments,  and  pistols,  and  was  urged  to 
take  a  hand,  "just  to  make  up  a  game."  The  next  morning, 
going  on  detached  service,  he  was  compelled  to  borrow  a  horse, 
saddle,  bridle,  spurs,  pistols,  and  money  for  his  expenses,  but 
never  again  played  cards  for  a  stake. 


IN   MEMORY   OF   MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON.          293 

His  next  service  was  in  Florida  against  the  Seminole  Indians, 
and  assisted  in  removing  them  west  of  the  Mississippi ;  was 
instructor  of  artillery  at  West  Point,  where  he  prepared  the 
Artillerist's  Manual,  for  many  years  a  standard  work ;  com- 
manded his  battery  in  Utah,  and,  on  his  return  march  across 
the  plains,  met  the  news  of  our  defeat  at  Bull  Run  ;  hastening 
east,  was  assigned  to  duty  as  chief  of  artillery  for  McDowell's 
division. 

In  May,  1862,  he  was  appointed  brigadier-general, — his 
opportunity  had  come  and  he  was  prepared  for  it, — and  from 
this  time  on — 

"Till  we  called 

Both  field  and  city  ours,  he  never  stood 
To  ease  his  breast  with  panting." 

He  was  given  four  regiments,  composed  of  the  very  best  of 
raw  material,  and  tempering  discipline  with  kindness  and  justice, 
he  forged  that  thunderbolt  of  war  known  as  the  "  Iron  Brigade," 
and  at  Groveton  hurled  it  and  two  other  regiments  against 
five  choice  brigades  of  Jackson's  army  ;  to  be  exact,  twenty- 
six  regiments  and  two  battalions,  including  the  ''Stonewall" 
brigade. 

Thirty-four  per  centum  went  down  before  the  leaden  storm, 
but  they  who  stood,  with  valor  held  their  ground. 

In  the  words  of  General  Bragg :  "  General  Gibbon  stood  up 
with  his  command,  face  to  face,  against  the  flower  of  Jackson's 
corps — and  strong  and  chivalrous  was  the  foe  !  Hand-to-hand, 
almost,  was  the  battle  of  that  night.  And  then  and  there  it 
was  that  Jackson's  stubborn  fighters  learned  that  iron  was  as 
enduring  and  immovable  as  stone." 

At  the  second  Bull  Run  this  brigade  presented  the  same 
dauntless  front  and  retired  with  honor  as  the  rear-guard  from 
that  unfortunate  field. 

Again  he  hurled  it  over  the  crest  of  South  Mountain  ;  and  at 
Antietam,  that  bloodiest  day  of  all  the  war,  the  "  Iron  Brigade," 
with  Gibbon's  old  battery,  opened  fight  on  the  extreme  right  of 
the  army  and,  attacked  in  flank  and  front,  furnished  their  full 
share  of  the  sacrifice.  Only  three  brigades  in  the  entire  army 


294         IN   MEMORY   OF  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON. 

lost  as  heavily  in  that  campaign,  and  they  constituted  what 
was  afterwards  known  as  "  Gibbon's  division." 

A  distinguished  officer  of  volunteers  said : 

"When  our  brigade  first  met  him  he  was  a  brown-headed  cap- 
tain of  artillery.  He  came  to  our  northwestern  regiments  for  his 
soldiery  to  fill  his  depleted  battery,  and  he  found  what  he  wanted. 
A  little  later  he  appeared  with  a  star  upon  his  shoulder,  and  our 
militia,  for  they  were  militia,  but  with  hearts  of  oak  and  nerves  of 
steel,  thought  he  was  putting  on  airs.  They  labored  under  the  im- 
pression that  he  imagined  himself  to  be  a  wonderful  fellow,  while 
they  were  of  the  opinion  that  he  was  not  nearly  so  great  a  man  as  he 
conceived  himself  to  be.  But  when  he  left  them  they  called  him 
'Lion  Heart'  and  thought  he  was  a  bigger  man  than  he  ever  had 
the  conceit  to  fancy  himself  to  be.  Then  officers  and  rank  and  file 
swore  by  him  as  they  swear  by  him  now." 

On  that  ill-fated  December  day,  at  Fredericksburg  (which 
might  well  have  been  prevented  had  his  suggestions  of  No- 
vember 3<Dth  been  adopted),  he  commanded  a  division  of  the 
First  Corps  and  was  severely  wounded. 

The  next  spring  he  was  back  and  placed  in  command  of  the 
Second  Division,  Second  Corps,  and  was  with  Sedgwick  at  the 
capture  of  Marye's  Heights,  against  which  Hancock,  French, 
Humphreys,  Howard,  and  Sturgis  hurled  themselves  so  gal- 
lantly, but  in  vain,  the  winter  before. 

He  brought  the  Second  Corps  to  the  field  of  Gettysburg, 
and  commanded  it  part  of  the  time  during  that  battle.  Of 
this  great  contest,  the  only  battle  for  freedom  on  freedom's 
soil,  suffice  it  to  say  that  when  the  third  day's  bloody  conflict 
ended,  the  Union  Army  was  victorious ;  the  enemy's  last 
charging  column  a  forlorn  hope,  fourteen  thousand  strong,  led 
by  the  very  flower  of  Virginia's  sons,  was  killed,  captured,  or 
dispersed,  while  forty-three  per  cent,  of  Gibbon's  division, 
who  bore  the  brunt  of  this  desperate  hand-to-hand  struggle, 
lay  dead  or  wounded  around  their  sorely  smitten  chief. 

After  a  partial  recovery  from  his  wounds,  he  joined  his 
division  in  time  to  start  on  the  Wilderness  campaign,  where 
he  commanded  the  extreme  left  around  the  Brock  Road. 


IN   MEMORY   OF  MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON.         295 

Here  occurred  one  of  those  unfortunate  incidents  of  battle  : 
Hancock  says  he  sent  repeated  orders  to  Gibbon  ;  Gibbon  says 
he  never  received  one  of  them :  those  acquainted  with  both 
men  know  that  the  orders  were  sent  and  that  they  were  not 
received. 

Then  followed  Spottsylvania,  North  Anna,  Totopotomy,  and 
Cold  Harbor,  thirty  days  of  continuous  fighting,  in  all  of  which 
he  and  his  division  bore  an  important  and  heroic  part,  and 
contributed  their  share  to  that  bloody  thoroughfare  from  the 
Rapidan  to  the  James. 

On  May  I3th,  General  Grant  recommended  several  officers 
for  promotion,  as  he  said,  "  for  gallant  and  distinguished  serv- 
ices in  the  last  eight  days'  battles."  Second  on  the  list  was 
Brigadier-General  Gibbon  to  be  made  Major-General,  and 
twenty-five  days  later  this  promotion  came. 

Grant  also  recommended  that  Meade  be  placed  in  command 
of  the  forces  in  the  Shenandoah,  Hancock  in  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  Gibbon  in  command  of  the  Second 
Corps. 

Next  followed  the  siege  of  Petersburg  and  the  fighting  on 
the  Weldon  Road. 

At  Ream's  Station  he  tasted  the  bitterness  of  defeat;  for 
the  first  time  in  its  history  the  Second  Division  failed  to  respond 
to  the  call  of  duty. 

Let  us  for  a  moment  consider  the  cause;  it  will  revive 
heroic  memories  of  the  war  and  add  to  the  glory  of  Gibbon 
and  the  "White  Trefoil."  This  division  lost  991  killed  and 
wounded  on  the  Peninsula;  1966  at  Antietam ;  822  at  Fred- 
ericksburg  ;  1 530  at  Gettysburg  ;  and  in  sixteen  weeks  after  cross- 
ing the  Rapidan,  4207  ;  a  grand  total  (not  including  the  tens, 
the  twenties,  and  the  hundreds  who  fell  at  Bristoe  Station  and 
a  score  of  other  minor  but  glorious  combats)  of  9516  killed 
and  wounded,  a  greater  number  than  ever  stood  in  its  ranks 
on  any  field.  Gibbon  said  :  "  They  were  all  fought  out." 

The  terrible  flail  of  battle  had  threshed  the  rich  sheaves  of 
patriotism  and  the  ripe  grain  was  garnered  to  fatten  historic 
fields  or  fill  the  Nation's  hospitals. 


296         IN   MEMORY   OF   MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON. 

On  November  25th,  Major-General  Humphreys  was  as- 
signed to  the  "  temporary  "  command  of  the  Second  Corps  and 
Gibbon  promptly  protested  and  asked  to  be  relieved ;  in  for- 
warding his  protest,  General  Meade  said  :  "  It  is  understood 
that  General  Gibbon  would  have  made  no  objection  to  serving 
under  General  Humphreys  as  the  permanent  commander  of  the 
corps,  but  thinks  that  pending  such  permanent  assignment  the 
command  of  the  corps  should  have  been  devolved  on  him." 

General  Grant  said : 

"  In  the  assignment  of  Major-General  A.  A.  Humphreys  to  the 
command  of  the  Second  Corps,  no  reflection  upon  or  disrespect  to 
Major-General  Gibbon  was  intended.  General  Humphreys  has  long 
desired  the  command  of  troops,  and  it  has  been  promised  him. 
When  General  Hancock  left,  it  was  understood  that  he  was  perman- 
ently relieved  and  separated  from  the  corps,  and  General  Hum- 
phreys being  the  oldest  major-general  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
was  placed  in  command  of  it.  The  wording  of  the  order  of 
assignment  might  have  been  made  less  objectionable  ;  there  was, 
however,  no  intention  of  in  any  way  reflecting  upon  General  Gib- 
bon, and  it  was  expected  that  the  itemporary  assignment  would  be 
made  permanent  by  the  President.  It  is  hoped  that  General  Gibbon 
will  accept  this  explanation  as  satisfactory.  I  have  full  confidence 
in  General  Gibbon,  as  a  commander  of  troops,  and  believe  him  en- 
tirely capable  of  commanding  a  corps.  I  should  not  like  to  spare 
his  services  from  this  army,  but  if  after  this  explanation  he  continues 
dissatisfied,  he  will  on  his  own  application  be  relieved." 

This  frank  explanation,  creditable  alike  to  the  heart  of  the 
great  soldier  who  sent  it  and  to  the  honor  of  the  one  who  re- 
ceived it,  was  satisfactory ;  he  remained  a  division  commander 
six  weeks  longer  and  was  then  placed  in  command  of  the 
Twenty-fourth  Corps,  and,  with  this  corps,  broke  the  lines  in 
the  assaults  of  April  1st  and  2d. 

On  the  morning  of  April  8th  Sheridan  sends  word  to  Grant: 
"  If  Gibbon  and  the  Fifth  Corps  can  get  up  to-night  we  will 
perhaps  finish  the  job  in  the  morning."  To  Gibbon  he  wrote  : 
"  If  you  can  possibly  get  your  men  up  to-night  we  may  have 
handsome  results." 


IN   MEMORY  OF   MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON.         297 

Since  Gibbon's  assault  on  Fort  Gregg,  his  corps  had  been 
racing  after  the  cavalry.  On  the  morning  of  the  8th  they 
started  at  six  o'clock,  and  were  just  going  into  camp  after  a  long 
day's  march  when  Sheridan's  request  was  received.  But  it 
fell  upon  ears  that  were  not  prone  to  neglect  a  comrade's  call 
for  help,  especially  as  it  was  emphasized  by  the  boom  of  distant 
guns.  So  once  more  these  men  toil  on,  and  only  bivouac  at 
midnight,  getting  rations  from  one  of  the  captured  trains.  At 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  these  walking  machines  are  once 
more  swinging  along,  and,  at  daylight,  the  music  of  their 
tramp,  tramp,  rilled  Sheridan's  heart  with  joy.  Gibbon  was 
"  up  "  and  the  "  job  "  was  fiitished. 

The  long  lines  of  Gibbon's  infantry  across  the  enemy's  path, 
with  the  cavalry  on  either  flank,  show  them  that  the  end  has 
come.  A  flag  of  truce  meets  Sheridan,  the  lines  are  halted, 
word  is  sent  to  General  Grant,  peace  reigns,  the  war  is  over,  and 
General  Gibbon  is  selected  as  the  ranking  commissioner  to 
arrange  the  details  of  the  surrender,  and  he  it  was  who  received 
the  actual  surrender  ;  and  this  is  how  he  describes  it : 

"  The  remnant  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  was 
marched  up  by  brigades,  stacked  their  arms  and  deposited  their 
colors  and  equipments  in  front  of  a  division  of  our  troops. 
Thus  the  curtain  dropped  over  the  tragedy  of  our  great  Civil 
War." 

He  was  brevetted  major,  lieutenant-colonel,  colonel,  briga 
dier-general,  and   major-general  "  for  gallant  and  meritorious 
conduct "    at  Antietam,    Fredericksburg,    Gettysburg,  Spott- 
sylvania,  and  Petersburg,  respectively. 

After  the  war,  as  colonel  of  infantry,  to  which  he  was  pro- 
moted from  captain,  being  one  of  the  first  so  honored,  he  com- 
mands the  Rocky  Mountain  district  and  guards  the  constructing 
parties  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad.  When  that  was  com- 
pleted he  was  given  command  of  the  district  of  Montana,  which 
he  held  for  eight  years,  and  by  constant  watchfulness  protected 
its  extended  frontier.  His  fourteen  companies  had  numerous 
combats  with  hostile  Indians  and  scouted  over  and  mapped  an 
area  greater  than  the  whole  of  New  England. 


298         IN   MEMORY   OF   MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON. 

One  incident  will  illustrate  a  phase  of  frontier  service  but 
little  known,  and  also  how  ready  the  General  was  to  stand  by 
his  own  orders  and  uphold  his  subordinates. 

He  gave  a  lieutenant,  whose  respect  for  law  was  not  as 
great  as  his  own,  the  brief  but  explicit  order  "  to  break  up  the 
whiskey  trade  on  the  Blackfeet  Reservation."  Whiskey  traders 
are  the  curse  of  every  Indian  Reservation  and  are  generally  an 
especially  lawless  class  of  hard  citizens,  and  these  were  no 
exception  to  the  rule. 

The  order  was  executed  with  considerable  vigor  and  the  ex- 
pedition was  a  decided  success,  from  the  lieutenant's  stand- 
point. 

Later  on  complaints  were  received  charging  that  officer  with 
arson,  tyrannical  conduct,  etc.  The  papers  were  referred  to 
him  and  he  returned  them  stating :  "  I  burned  such  cabins  as 
contained  whiskey,  and  those  only  which  the  occupants  had 
received  no  authority  to  build  ;  the  contents  were  destroyed 
because  I  had  no  means  of  transporting  them,  as  the  captured 
horses  were  in  poor  condition,  and  for  the  same  reason  I  com- 
pelled the  owners  to  walk." 

The  General  sent  for  him  :  "  Mr. ,  I  have  not  called 

upon  you  for  any  statement,  just  tear  off  that  endorsement 
and  return  these  papers  *  Contents  noted.'  '  This  instruction 
was  promptly  complied  with.  The  General's  endorsement  was  in 

effect :  "  Lieut. was  ordered  by  me  '  to  break  up  the  whiskey 

trade  on  the  Blackfeet  Reservation  ' ;  he  reported  that  he  had 
done  so  and  these  papers  confirm  his  report ;  that  the  whiskey 
traders  were  also  *  broken  up '  is  an  incident  for  which  I  alone 
am  responsible." 

In  1876  he  took  the  field  against  the  Sioux  and  led  the 
little  band  of  379  men  that,  with  solid  lines,  made  their  way  in 
the  face  of  from  3000  to  7000  hostile  warriors  up  the  valley  of 
the  Little  Big  Horn,  rescued  the  survivors  of  the  7th  Cavalry, 
and  buried  Custer  and  his  dead. 

The  next  year,  with  182  men,  after  a  forced  march  of  250 
miles  over  the  roughest  kind  of  mountain  trail,  during  which  he 
crossed  the  Rocky  Mountains  twice,  he  attacked  the  Nez 


IN  MEMORY   OF   MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON.         299 

Perces  Indians,  and  fought  what  General  Sheridan  characterized 
as  "  one  of  the  most  desperate  engagements  on  record." 

The  General  had  carefully  examined  several  of  their  camp 
grounds  and  knew  just  what  an  undertaking  he  had  before 
him. 

As  he  was  making  the  night  march  to  strike  these  Indians, 
a  few  stars  were  shining  amid  the  banks  of  clouds  ;  pointing  to 
one  of  these,  he  whispered  to  his  Adjutant :  "  Old  Mars  is 
smiling  upon  us  to-night,  that 's  a  favorable  omen." 

At  two  o'clock  the  little  band  was  in  position  near  the 
unsuspecting  hostiles — two  hours  of  weary,  chilly  waiting  ;  at 
daylight  the  advance  commented ;  in  a  few  moments  the  com- 
mand was  in  the  village,  and  then  it  was  a  regular  mele"e — 
cheers,  yells,  shots,  groans,  curses  ;  men,  white  and  red,  squaws, 
and  larger  children,  all  took  a  hand. 

The  Indians  left  89  dead  on  the  field.  Fourteen  bullets 
found  their  billets  among  the  17  officers,  3  of  whom  were  killed 
and  4,  including  General  Gibbon,  severely  wounded.  The  en- 
tire command  lost  31  killed  or  mortally  wounded,  and  38 
wounded,  a  larger  per  centum  of  loss  than  that  of  the  Light 
Brigade  at  Balaklava, — but  Gibbon  had  not  blundered.  It  was 
not  magnificent,  but  it  was  war. 

Of  this  fight  General  Terry  said : 

"  It  is  painful  to  contemplate  the  famous  yth  Infantry,  a  regiment 
whose  history  is  interwoven  with  that  of  the  country,  from  the  battle 
of  New  Orleans  to  the  present  hour,  so  attenuated  that,  with  more 
than  half  of  its  companies  present,  it  could  take  into  action  but  182 
men.  And  it  is  equally  painful  to  behold  its  Colonel,  recently  a 
major-general  and  a  distinguished  corps  commander,  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  fighting,  rifle  in  hand,  as  a  private  soldier,  and  com- 
pelled, by  a  sense  of  duty,  to  lead  a  mere  squad  of  men  as  a  forlorn 
hope  against  a  savage  enemy,  from  whom  defeat  would  have  been 
destruction." 

For  the  next  seven  years  he  commanded  his  regiment  in 
Minnesota  and  Wyoming,  was  Inspector-General  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Dakota,  and  for  several  months  commanded  that 


300         IN   MEMORY   OF   MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON. 

department  and  later  the  Department  of  the  Platte.  In  '85 
he  was  promoted  to  Brigadier-General  and  assigned  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Department  of  the  Columbia,  and,  for  the  last 
year  of  his  active  service,  of  the  Department  of  California  also. 
During  this  period  in  his  command — with  the  exception  of 
the  anti-Chinese  troubles — peace  reigned.  For  his  management 
of  affairs  during  these  troubles,  he  received  the  thanks  of  the 
Governor  of  Washington  Territory  and  the  people  of  Seattle.  In 
1 89 1 ,  having  reached  the  statutory  age  of  sixty-four,  he  was,  while 
in  the  full  possession  of  mental  and  physical  vigor,  retired,  and 
the  name  of  the  last  commissioned  officer  of  the  United  States 
Army  in  Mexico  disappeared  from  the  active  list. 

He  entered  the  Military  Academy  a  boy  of  fifteen,  and  for 
forty-nine  years  gallantly  upheld  the  flag  of  his  country,  honored 
her  uniform,  and  furnished  an  example  of  devotion  to  duty 
that  the  soldier  of  to-day  can  follow  with  honor  to  himself. 
He  was  fortunate  in  the  fact  that  his  lot  was  cast  in  the  most 
inspiring  and  eventful  period  of  our  history,  and  our  country 
was  fortunate  in  having  such  a  champion  at  such  a  time. 

Although  reared  in  the  South,  with  which  most  of  his  fam- 
ily linked  their  fortunes,  and  for  which  three  brothers  battled, 
he  was  never  blinded  by  the  sophistry  that  State  allegiance 
was  above  National  patriotism. 

Like  General  Lee,  he  was  opposed  to  slavery.  Speaking  of 
the  origin  of  the  contest,  he  said  :  "  The  cause  of  our  great 
civil  war  was  that  the  whole  of  the  American  people  had  not 
then  learned  to  recognize  the  fact  that  the  civilized  world  had 
reached  the  conclusion  that  human  slavery  was  morally  wrong. 
We  all  know  it  now."  And  when  the  war  came  he  saw  his 
moral  and  patriotic  duties  clear  and  did  them  well. 

After  Appomattox,  he  stopped  fighting,  and  his  great  com- 
mander's magnanimous :  "  Let  us  have  peace,"  was  echoed  in 
his  heart,  and  thenceforth,  until  that  heart  was  stilled  in  death, 
it  never  treasured  an  unkind  thought,  nor  did  his  tongue  utter 
a  harsh  or  unkind  word  against  those  with  whom  he  contended. 
February  6,  1896,  he  calmly,  peacefully,  passed  from  life  to 
eternity,  and  the  heroic  spirit  that  animated  one  of  the  last 


IN   MEMORY   OF   MAJOR-GENERAL  JOHN   GIBBON.         301 

surviving  stars  in  that  bright  constellation  of  leaders  who 
shaped  the  destinies  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  joined  our 
honored  dead ! 

"  He  was  a  friend  to  truth,  of  soul  sincere, 
In  action  faithful  and  in  honor  clear  ; 
He  broke  no  promise,  served  no  private  end, 
Devoted  to  his  family,  and  friend  ; 
To  duty,  true.     He  leaves  this  world  of  strife 
With  noble  record  of  an  upright  life." 

And  when  history  tells  of  those  who  were  America's  brave 
soldiers,  unselfish  patriots,  pure  men,  and  loyal  sons,  who 
always  really  had  the  courage  "of  their  convictions,  few  names 
will  lead  that  of  John  Gibbon. 


GENERAL   GIBBON   IN    THE   SECOND   CORPS. 

A  Paper  Read  by  General  FRANCIS  A.  WALKER,  May  6,  1896. 

/^ENERAL  GIBBON  came  to  the  Second  Corps  early  in 
^"*^  1863.  The  wound  he  had  received  at  Fredericksburg 
was  healed  ;  but  the  laurels  he  had  won  by  his  spirited  attack 
in  that  battle  were  still  green.  The  division  to  which  he  was 
assigned  was  the  one  which  had  been  formed  by  Charles  P. 
Stone  on  the  Upper  Potomac,  in  the  fall  of  1861,  and  which 
had  later  been  commanded  by  John  Sedgwick,  on  the  Penin- 
sula and  at  Antietam.  It  had  gone  into  action  at  Fredericks- 
burg  under  Howard  ;  but  that  officer  had  subsequently  been 
assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Eleventh  Corps.  General 
Gibbon's  characteristics  were,  from  the  first,  fully  manifest. 
Intelligence  is  perhaps  the  single  word  which  best  describes 
him  as  a  commander  of  troops,  whether  in  the  field,  on  the 
march,  or  in  battle.  There  was  nothing  dull,  or  heavy,  or 
commonplace  about  his  performance  of  any  duty.  He  looked 
fully  at  every  situation  ;  saw  it  for  himself ;  saw  it  clearly  ; 
studied  it  in  the  light  of  experience  and  of  military  know- 
ledge ;  and  as  the  result  made  up  his  opinion  and  took  his 
course  of  action.  His  powers  of  perception  and  his  powers 
of  reflection  were  well  balanced ;  and  both  faculties  were 
actively  used  whenever  he  had  any  military  duty  to  perform. 
He  knew  just  what  he  was  going  to  do  and  just  why  he  was 
going  to  do  it,  whereas  many  of  us  have  known  more  than 
one  general  officer,  not  at  all  incapable,  who  saw  just  far 
enough  ahead  and  around  to  get  his  brigade  or  division  or 
corps  into  action,  without  any  clear  conception  of  what  he 
was  really  trying  to  do. 

302 


GENERAL   GIBBON   IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS.  303 

I  do  not  mean  by  what  I  have  just  said  that  Gibbon  was 
one  of  those  extremely  theoretical  officers  who  formed  plans 
of  action  in  which  the  sole  possible  success  of  which  could 
come  from  the  absolute  mechanical  precision  of  several  suc- 
cessive operations.  I  remember  on  several  occasions  listening 
with  simple  astonishment  at  hearing  certain  officers,  of  high 
position,  laying  their  plans  for  the  day's  action,  which  required 
that  every  one  of  several  successive  steps  should  be  taken  in 
a  certain  way,  and  in  a  certain  time,  with  the  utmost  exact- 
ness. There  was  nothing  of  this  in  Gibbon.  The  theoretical 
and  practical  were  well  adjusted  in  his  mind  and  temper.  But, 
as  I  said,  he  never  undertook*  to  do  anything  without  know- 
ing just  what  it  was  he  was  trying  to  do,  and  without  a  keen 
appreciation  of  the  methods  and  ways  by  which  he  was  to  do 
it.  His  mind  was  always  alert,  without  being  uneasy.  While 
he  was  prompt  and  thoroughly  subordinate  in  obeying  orders 
and  directions,  having  respect  as  well  to  the  spirit  as  to  the 
letter  of  his  orders,  he  never  ceased  to  exercise  his  own  intelli- 
gence ;  he  never  threw  himself  back  upon  corps  headquarters, 
as  if  he  had  no  occasion  to  see  and  think  for  himself.  An 
experience  of  two  years  and  a  half  as  adjutant-general  of  the 
corps,  I  think,  justifies  me  in  saying  that  the  fault  to  which 
division  commanders  were  most  prone  was  that  of  discharging 
themselves  of  all  feeling  of  responsibility,  and  of  acting  in  a 
purely  mechanical  way  upon  the  orders  which  came  down 
from  corps  headquarters,  without  responsiveness  and  without 
suggestiveness.  I  have  seen  many  a  division  commander  who 
was  brave  and  efficient  in  executing  precise  orders,  to  whom 
it  never  seemed  to  occur  that  he  was  to  contribute  anything 
to  the  intelligence  which  directed  and  animated  the  mighty 
mass  of  living  valor  which  made  up  his  army  corps.  Not 
so  with  Gibbon.  He  was  absolutely  free  from  the  fault  of 
obtrusiveness  ;  yet  his  fine  military  scholarship,  his  keen  per- 
ception, his  sound  judgment,  necessarily  became  a  power 
throughout  the  larger  command  of  which  his  own  brigade  and 
division  formed  a  part.  Division  commanders  of  this  type 
immensely  strengthen  the  hands  of  their  corps  commanders, 


304  GENERAL   GIBBON   IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS. 

however  capable  and  however  distinguished.  Such  division 
commanders  in  their  time  were  Meade  and  Reynolds  and 
Humphreys.  While  absolute  and  instant  obedience  should 
be  the  rule  of  every  military  body,  that  constitutes  no  reason 
for  the  suppression  of  intelligence  and  even  of  intellectual  life, 
as  is  so  often  the  case ;  and  that  commander  is  either  a  born 
tyrant  or  an  arrant  humbug  who  imagines  that  he  can  do  all 
the  thinking  that  is  necessary  in  his  command. 

As  a  disciplinarian,  General  Gibbon  was  disposed  to  be 
rather  severe,  and  in  a  few  instances  showed  himself  too  hasty. 
But  the  general  effect  of  his  conduct  of  troops  in  camp  and 
on  the  march  was  in  the  direction  of  good  order,  health,  and 
military  efficiency.  His  general  purposes  of  kindness  and  of 
justice  were  so  manifest  that  the  troops  had  for  him  both 
respect  and  regard.  He  could  not  be  said  while  in  the  Second 
Corps  to  have  filled  General  Sedgwick's  place  in  the  hearts  of 
the  division  ;  but  he  was  liked  as  well  as  trusted  by  the  officers 
and  men  generally. 

Chancellorsville  was  the  first  action  in  which  the  corps  was 
engaged  after  General  Gibbon  was  assigned  to  it.  Here  he  was 
detached  with  two  brigades  to  support  the  Sixth  Corps  in  its 
enterprise  against  Marye's  Heights.  Gibbon's  command  came 
under  fire  and  lost  some  men  ;  but  the  impossibility  of  getting 
across  the  canal  which  carried  water  from  the  river  above  the 
town  to  the  mills  of  Fredericksburg,  prevented  its  being  gener- 
ally engaged.  The  misadventure  was  in  no  sense  Gibbon's 
fault ;  but  was  wholly  due  to  the  astounding  ignorance  of  the 
Fredericksburg  plain  and  Marye's  Heights  which  characterized 
all  the  operations  from  the  i/th  of  November,  1862,  down  to  the 
day  of  which  we  now  speak.  I  well  remember  on  the  I2th  of 
December,  1862,  carrying  a  message  to  Burnside  from  Couch, 
saying  that,  so  far  as  the  latter  could  judge  from  the  reports 
of  citizens,  contrabands,  and  deserters,  a  deep  trench  or  canal 
ran  around  the  town,  between  it  and  the  hills,  which  would 
prove  a  serious  obstacle  to  the  passage  of  troops  ;  and  I  never 
shall  forget  how  indignantly  and  even  angrily  Burnside  rejected 
the  suggestion.  What  came  of  this  ignorance,  on  the  I3th  of 


GENERAL   GIBBON   IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS.  305 

December,  is  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  war,  and  one  of  the 
most  painful  and  distressing  parts  of  that  history.  And  here, 
again,  after  the  occupation  of  Fredericksburg  and  the  Freder- 
icksburg  plain  for  four  or  five  days  in  December  of  1862,  we 
find  the  staff  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  so  ignorant  of  the 
features  of  that  field  as  to  allow  Gibbon  to  be  sent  into  a  posi- 
tion which  was  an  impossible  one.  Ordered  to  attack  the 
enemy's  extreme  left,  he  simply  could  not  get  his  troops  into 
action,  because  of  the  intervening  watercourse. 

But,  if  Gibbon's  part  in  the  Fredericksburg-Chancellorsville 
operations  of  April  to  May,  1863,  was  a  subordinate  one,  he 
was  to  have  no  cause  of  blame  at  not  being  allowed  his  full 
share  of  achievements,  and  dangers,  and  sufferings,  in  the  next 
battle,  which  was  destined  to  be  the  greatest  of  the  war. 
When,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  1st  of  July,  General  Meade 
sent  Hancock  forward,  with  his  staff  alone,  to  take  command 
of  the  field  where  Reynolds  had  been  killed,  and  the  First  and 
Eleventh  Corps  had  sustained  terrific  losses,  the  charge  of  the 
Second  Corps  was  turned  over  to  Gibbon,  who  led  it  to  the 
vicinity  of  Gettysburg  where  Hancock  resumed  command. 
On  the  second  of  those  great  days,  when  Hancock,  after  the 
wounding  of  Sickles,  was  ordered  to  take  command  of  the  left 
wing  of  the  army,  Gibbon  again  came  into  command  of  the 
Second  Corps ;  and  it  was  under  his  personal  direction  that 
the  fierce  action  of  the  late  afternoon  took  place  between  the 
left  of  the  Second  Corps  and  the  Confederate  division  of  An- 
derson, which  overran  our  advanced  force  at  the  Codori  House, 
momentarily  captured  one  of  our  batteries,  and  even  reached 
the  main  line  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  only  to  be  hurled 
back  by  Gibbon's  resolute  defense.  On  the  third  and  greatest 
of  those  memorable  days,  Hancock  was  assigned  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  left  centre,  comprising  his  own  troops  and  those 
of  the  First  Corps  ;  and  Gibbon  assumed  immediate  command 
of  the  Second  Corps.  During  the  great  cannonade  directed 
upon  the  predestined  point  of  Longstreet's  great  assault — 
"  the  clump  of  trees," — the  infantry  of  the  Second  Corps  lay 
patiently  on  their  faces  under  the  iron  hail  waiting  for  the 


3C>6  GENERAL  GIBBON   IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS. 

charge  which  they  knew  was  sure  to  come.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  tell  again,  here,  the  story  of  the  3d  of  July.  For  our  pres- 
ent purpose,  it  is  enough  to  say  that,  while  Longstreet  never 
left  the  crest  on  which  his  troops  had  been  formed  for  the  as- 
sault, and  while,  according  to  the  usual  reports,  the  com- 
mander of  the  leading  division,  Pickett,  never  crossed  the 
Emmettsburg  road,  Hancock,  the  commander  of  the  left-cen- 
tre, fell  among  the  regiments  of  the  Vermont  brigade  which 
had  been  thrown  out  in  front  of  the  main  line  of  the  Potomac 
Army ;  while  Gibbon,  commanding  the  corps  on  which  the 
assault  was  specially  directed,  was  struck  down  among  the 
soldiers  of  the  iQth  Maine,  whom  he  was  at  the  time  en- 
couraging to  climb  the  rail  fence  and  attack  Armistead's  and 
Garnett's  brigades  in  flank.  With  gallantry  and  self-devotion 
such  as  this  on  the  part  of  officers  holding  high  commands,  it 
is  not  a  matter  to  be  wondered  at,  that  the  soldiers  in  the  ranks 
rushed  eagerly  forward  to  wall  around  the  head  of  the  Confed- 
erate column,  and  to  bring  to  defeat  the  greatest  enterprise 
which  the  Confederate  armies  ever  undertook. 

Gibbon's  wound  had  been  a  very  severe  one  ;  and  it  seemed 
to  me,  as  I  observed  him  in  daily  intercourse,  that  the  effects 
of  the  injury  to  his  nervous  system  lasted  a  great  while.  Even 
when  his  ordinary  health  was  fully  restored,  I  was  disposed  to 
think  that  he  was  still  suffering,  though  in  a  steadily  diminish- 
ing degree,  from  the  shock  of  his  Gettysburg  wound.  During 
a  portion  of  his  necessarily  long  absence  from  the  field,  one  of 
the  officers  of  his  staff,  whose  name  can  never  be  mentioned 
without  honor,  continued  on  duty,  joining  the  staff  of  General 
Warren,  then  temporarily  commanding  the  corps.  This  was 
Lieutenant  Frank  Haskell,  of  Wisconsin,  who  had  won  dis- 
tinction in  earlier  actions ;  but  at  Gettysburg  placed  himself 
in  the  front  rank  of  the  heroes  of  the  war,  being  one  of  the 
two  mounted  officers  who  rode  between  the  hostile  lines  as 
they  gave  and  took  fire  at  the  stone  wall  by  the  clump  of 
trees,  on  the  third  day.  He  was  destined  to  a  glorious  death 
at  Cold  Harbor,  where  he  fell  on  the  3d  of  June,  1864,  as 
Colonel  of  the  36th  Wisconsin,  leading  a  brigade  with  the 


GENERAL   GIBBON  IN   THE   SECOND   CORPS.  307 

lion-like  courage  and  perfect  intellectual  poise  which  character- 
ized his  whole  military  service. 

During  the  winter  of  1863  to  '64,  General  Gibbon  had  suf- 
ficiently recovered  his  health  and  strength  to  return  to  the 
front ;  but  the  division  of  which  he  took  command,  though 
nominally  the  same,  was  far  from  being  the  body  of  troops  he 
had  previously  known.  The  assignment  to  the  Second  Corps 
under  Hancock,  of  the  old  divisions  of  Hooker  and  Kearny, 
from  the  Third  Corps,  had  caused  the  previously  existing  three 
divisions  of  the  Second  to  be  consolidated  into  two.  Gibbon's 
division,  as  it  entered  upon  the  overland  campaign  of  1864  was 
a  very  large  one,  comprising  an  aggregate  of  11,367  men.  It 
was  a  superior  body  of  troops ;  and,  under  the  leadership  of 
the  new  lieutenant-general  fresh  from  his  victories  in  the  West, 
the  troops  looked  confidently  forward  to  a  decisive  campaign. 
To  follow  out  Gibbon's  part  in  the  series  of  fierce  and  bloody 
battles  which  ensued,  would  consume  too  much  time  and  ex- 
haust your  patience.  On  the  first  day's  battle  in  the  Wilder- 
ness, Gibbon  was  placed  in  command  of  a  giant  battery  of 
more  than  forty  guns,  supported  by  Barlow's  division  of  in- 
fantry, to  protect  the  flank  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac 
against  Longstreet  coming  up  from  Gordonsville,  and  attempt- 
ing to  pass,  as  was  anticipated,  into  our  left  rear.  In  this  posi- 
tion, he  remained  the  rest  of  that  day,  and  during  the  fierce 
fighting  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  May.  It  was  here  that 
he  became  subject  to  one  of  the  most  painful  imputations  of 
his  whole  career.  In  his  official  report,  General  Hancock 
stated  that,  on  the  morning  of  May  6th,  he  directed  Gibbon  to 
move  Barlow's  division  forward  across  the  Brock  Road,  till  it 
should  come  up  on  the  left  of  the  corps  then  heavily  engaged 
with  the  enemy.  This  statement  Hancock  supported  by  the 
testimony  of  at  least  two  members  of  his  staff.  On  the  other 
hand,  Gibbon  solemnly  declared  that  he  at  no  time  received 
any  definitive  order  to  that  effect,  though  the  contingency  of 
advancing  Barlow's  division  had  been  spoken  of  between 
Hancock  and  himself.  The  question  is  a  difficult  one,  a  deli- 
cate one,  and  a  painful  one.  The  history  of  the  war  abounds 


308  GENERAL   GIBBON   IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS. 

in  such  instances  of  misunderstandings  between  officers  of  the 
highest  intelligence  and  of  devoted  loyalty.  Certainly,  no 
man  could  ever  believe  that  General  Gibbon  conscientiously 
failed  or  delayed  to  attempt  to  execute  any  order  given  him. 

While,  as  Hancock's  adjutant-general,  I  have  always  felt 
bound  to  explicitly  set  forth  his  views  and  those  of  the  Second 
Corps  staff,  I  have  never  yet  been  satisfied  in  my  own  mind,  and 
I  frankly  said  as  much  in  my  Life  of  General  Hancock.  What 
I  believe,  without  any  positive  evidence,  to  have  taken  place  is 
somewhat  as  follows  :  Hancock  proposed  that,  in  due  time  Bar- 
low's division,  which,  as  I  have  said,  was  under  Gibbon's  com- 
mand, supporting  the  great  battery  on  the  left,  should  be  ad- 
vanced across  the  Brock  Road  into  the  tangled  woods,  and 
pushed  forward  until  it  came  up  on  the  left  of  Mott,  thus  con- 
tinuing our  line  in  that  direction,  from  which,  as  things  turned 
out,  and  even  as  had  been  anticipated,  it  was  exposed  to  its 
greatest  danger.  Of  this  intention  General  Gibbon  was  fully 
advised  ;  and  it  is  most  probable,  considering  all  the  evidence, 
that  at  some  moment  an  order  to  that  effect  was  given.  Then, 
probably,  it  was  that  new  intelligence  as  to  movements  of  the 
Confederates  on  the  Catharpin  Road,  and  from  the  direction  of 
Todd's  Tavern,  reached  headquarters,  and  caused  a  general 
understanding  that  the  advance  of  Barlow's  division  should 
be  suspended  pending  developments.  The  origin  of  the  news 
brought  in  from  the  left,  that  the  Confederates — supposed  to  be 
Longstreet's  corps  coming  up  from  Gordonsville — had  appeared 
in  'that  direction,  was  a  very  curious  one,  and  illustrates  how 
small  events  may  affect  the  fate  of  great  operations.  It  seems 
that  a  body  of  convalescents — stated  at  about  1700  or  1800 — 
intending  to  join  the  troops  at  the  front  had  been  misdirected, 
and  sent  off  towards  Todd's  Tavern.  Why  the  Confederates 
did  not  gobble  them  up,  it  is  difficult  to  understand  ;  but 
probably  just  because  of  the  audacity  of  their  action,  they 
were,  in  fact,  not  molested.  Having  wandered  far  enough  on 
the  left  of  the  army,  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  column  made 
up  his  mind  that  he  had  better  get  back  under  cover,  and  at 
the  time  in  question  was  making  his  way  toward  our  left  rear. 


GENERAL   GIBBON   IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS.  309 

This  mass  of  dusty,  travel-worn  convalescents  had  been  ob- 
served by  our  outposts,  and  was  reported  as  a  Confederate 
column.  Just  here,  I  think,  we  have  the  explanation  of  the 
misunderstanding  between  Hancock  and  Gibbon.  The  alarm 
caused  by  the  appearance  of  this  accidental  body  of  men  on 
our  left,  from  which  direction,  be  it  remembered,  Hancock  had 
even  the  day  before  been  advised  that  he  must  look  for  Long- 
street,  caused  a  suspension  of  whatever  orders  may  have  been 
given  for  the  advance  of  Barlow's  brigades.  When,  after  some 
delay,  the  appearance  of  this  erratic  column  was  accounted  for, 
Hancock  would  seem  to  have  assumed  that  Gibbon  would  send, 
or  had  sent,  the  troops  forward  without  further  orders.  Gib- 
bon, on  the  otherhand,  would  appear  to  have  awaited  Hancock's 
pleasure  in  the  matter.  It  is  to  be  said  that  Hancock  himself 
always  treated  the  case  purely  as  one  of  misunderstanding, 
never  alleging  any  indisposition  on  Gibbon's  part,  or  making 
any  more  of  the  matter  than  to  explain,  in  his  official  report, 
why  it  was  that  Longstreet's  flanking  movement  at  about 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning  found  his  left  so  unprepared. 

No  charges  of  misconduct  were  ever  preferred,  and  no  alle- 
gation of  lack  of  loyalty  or  energy  made.  With  the  warmest 
affection  and  admiration  for  General  Hancock,  I  feel  free  to 
say  that  my  mind  has  always  inclined  towards  Gibbon's  view 
of  the  occurrence.  I  remember  well  how  thoroughly  we  were 
aroused  by  the  reported  appearance  of  Confederate  infantry 
on  our  left,  and  how  much  our  minds  were  occupied  by  appre- 
hensions of  a  serious  movement  into  our  rear.  Beyond  this  I 
can  only  say  that,  after  the  scare  was  over,  I  did  not  suppose 
that  Barlow  had  gone  forward.  This  is  merely  negative  evi- 
dence ;  but,  so  far  as  it  goes,  it  tells  on  Gibbon's  side.  When 
the  grand  crash  came,  and  Longstreet's  flanking  column  drove 
us  back  to  the  breastworks  along  the  Brock  Road,  Barlow's 
fresh  brigades  furnished,  for  a  little  while,  the  mainstay  of  our 
somewhat  disorganized,  though  not  defeated,  corps. 

Leaving  this  painful  episode,  regarding  which  nothing  more 
seems  likely  to  be  said,  since  every  actor  in  it  is  dead  and  has 
spoken  his  last  word,  let  me  go  forward  in  a  rapid  survey  of 


3IO  GENERAL   GIBBON  IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS. 

Gibbon's  work  in  later  battles  of  the  campaign.  On  the  loth 
of  May  he  made  an  unsuccessful  attack,  in  co-operation  with 
Warren's  troops,  upon  the  enemy's  works  at  Spottsylvania. 
In  the  great  battle  of  the  salient,  on  the  1 2th  of  May,  Gibbon's 
division  was  formed  in  support ;  but  during  the  wild  excite- 
ment of  that  tremendous  charge,  two  of  his  brigades,  Carroll's 
and  Owen's,  were  carried  away  by  the  enthusiasm  of  the  occa- 
sion as  by  a  cyclone,  and,  dashing  to  the  front,  struggled  even 
past  some  of  the  leading  troops,  and  entered  the  works  of  the 
left  almost  at  the  same  moment  with  the  brigades  of  Brooke 
and  Miles,  from  Barlow's  division.  During  the  terrific  action 
of  twenty  hours  which  followed,  while  the  contestants  at  times 
grappled  each  other  across  the  breastworks,  and  great  standing 
trees  were  cut  off  and  brought  down  by  the  fire  of  musketry 
alone,  Gibbon's  division  shared  to  the  full  in  the  honor  and  the 
danger  and  the  loss.  Every  brigade  was  tried  to  its  utmost ; 
every  regiment  squeezed  dry  ;  the  cartridge-boxes  filled  over 
and  over  again ;  the  trenches  more  than  once  cleared  of  the 
dead,  that  the  living  might  find  a  place  to  stand.  It  was  an 
awful  and  a  glorious  day.  Eighteen  cannon  and  four  thousand 
prisoners,  with  numerous  colors,  were  the  fruits  of  this  great 
attack.  On  the  next  morning,  the  I3th,  Gibbon  sent  Carroll 
with  two  brigades  forward,  and  brought  out  two  more  guns, 
which  had  been  left  overnight  between  the  contending  lines, 
making  the  total  number  of  pieces  captured  twenty.  From 
the  1 3th  through  the  l/th  of  May,  the  Second  Corps  was  not 
engaged  ;  but  on  the  morning  of  the  i8th,  Gibbon's  divis- 
ion, now  reinforced  by  the  Irish  Corcoran  Legion,  of  New 
York,  and  two  or  three  other  regiments,  pushed  forward  from 
the  line  captured  on  the  I2th,  over  ground  cumbered  with  the 
fast-decaying  bodies  of  those  who  fell  upon  the  I2th,  and 
sought  to  carry,  with  special  reliance  upon  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  new  troops,  the  line  which  the  enemy  had  constructed  to 
cut  off  the  salient.  The  enemy's  position  was  found  too  strong 
and  too  fully  occupied  to  be  carried  ;  and  Gibbon  was  finally 
ordered  to  retire  to  save  further  loss,  Meade  and  Hancock  be- 
coming satisfied  that  the  enterprise  was  not  a  practicable  one. 


GENERAL   GIBBON   IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS.  311 

During  the  operations  on  the  North  Anna  and  the  Toto- 
potomy,  Gibbon's  troops  were  frequently  engaged.  The  differ- 
ence of  opinion  which  originated  in  the  Wilderness  produced 
absolutely  no  effect,  so  far  as  I  was  able  to  judge.  Hancock 
freely  sought  Gibbon's  advice,  as  that  of  a  thoroughly  accom- 
plished soldier.  There  was,  however,  little  in  the  last  twelve 
days  of  May  to  afford  distinction  to  any  body  of  troops  or  any 
commander  in  the  Potomac  Army  ;  though  there  was,  on  the 
other  hand,  nothing  at  all  discreditable  in  what  was  done. 
General  headquarters  ordered  a  succession  of  movements  in 
the  dark.  The  troops  coming  up  into  new  positions,  invariably 
found  themselves  anticipated  by  the  enemy's  sagacity  and 
activity.  After  confronting  formidable  positions,  rapidly  in- 
trenched and  strongly  occupied,  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time, 
and  after  making  more  or  fewer  partial  or  general  assaults, 
headquarters  were  satisfied,  and  the  army  again  moved  to  the 
left.  The  losses  of  this  period  were  not  monstrous ;  but  any 
loss,  however  small,  must  have  been  altogether  out  of  propor- 
tion to  any  results  which  could  reasonably  be  expected  from 
these  methods.  They  were  purely  in  the  nature  of  feeling  the 
way  for  a  possible  opening. 

At  last,  before  the  first  of  June,  the  commander-in-chief 
abandoned  the  direct  route;  and,  letting  go  his  hold  on  his  base 
of  supplies  at  Acquia  Creek,  swung  strongly  and  boldly  over 
to  the  Peninsular  route.  At  Cold  Harbor,  almost  the  identical 
scene  of  Porter's  great  fight  of  June  27,  1862,  the  leading  corps 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  the  Sixth,  was  to  support  Sheri- 
dan's cavalry,  in  an  attempt  to  occupy  that  position,  in  advance 
of  the  arrival  of  the  Confederates  ;  and  it  was  there  to  be 
joined  by  Smith's  Eighteenth  Corps,  coming  up  from  White 
House  on  the  Pamunky,  which  had  been  McClellan's  base  of 
supplies.  Two  days  later,  the  united  Armies  of  the  Potomac 
and  the  James  delivered  an  assault  upon  the  formidable  works 
which  had  been  hastily  constructed  to  hold  the  roads  to  Rich- 
mond, there  only  six  miles  away.  In  that  desperate  enterprise, 
Gibbon's  division  was  conspicuous  for  the  gallantry  of  its  offi- 
cers and  men,  and  for  its  monstrous  losses.  Notwithstanding 


312  GENERAL   GIBBON   IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS. 

the  fact  that  so  many  officers  of  rank  had  already  fallen  in 
forty  days  of  almost  continuous  fighting,  four  full  colonels, 
Peter  Porter  and  James  McMahon  of  New  York,  Frank  Has- 
kell  of  Wisconsin,  and  Harry  Boyd  McKeen  of  Pennsylvania, 
were  killed  in  Gibbon's  division  alone;  while  1674  officers  and 
men  fell  in  one  awful  twenty  minutes. 

Brilliant  and  bold  as  had  been  the  movement  by  which 
Grant  let  go  of  the  direct  route  from  Washington  to  Richmond 
and  swung  over  to  the  line  of  the  Pamunky,  the  change  of 
base  which,  with  an  interval  of  nine  or  ten  days,  followed  the 
terrible  defeat  at  Cold  Harbor,  by  which  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  was  transferred  from  the  line  of  the  Pamunky  to  that 
of  the  Appomattox  and  the  James,  far  exceeded  the  former 
both  in  boldness  and  in  brilliancy.  The  Second  Corps  was  the 
first  from  this  army  to  reach  the  field  of  Petersburg  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  I5th  of  June.  In  the  assaults  of  the  i6th  and 
the  1 8th,  which  definitely  closed  the  bloody  series  of  attacks 
upon  intrenched  positions,  which  render  the  whole  period  from 
the  loth  of  May  to  the  last  named  date  almost  unique  in  the 
history  of  war,  Gibbon's  division  took  part.  It  was  while  his 
troops  were  preparing  for  the  assault  which  was  to  be  made 
exactly  at  high-noon,  that  a  little  incident  occurred  which  may 
have  in  it  enough  of  the  real  flavor  of  military  life  to  be  worth 
mentioning  here.  As  the  corps-mail  was  brought  to  me  from 
General  Meade's  headquarters,  I  noticed  a  sealed  letter  from 
the  Attorney-General's  office,  addressed  to  Major-General  John 
Gibbon,  U.  S.  V.  Calling  an  orderly,  I  at  once  sent  the  letter 
over  to  General  Gibbon  who,  with  his  staff,  was  on  a  little 
mound  in  plain  sight  and  at  no  great  distance  from  the  place 
where  the  corps  staff  were  assembled.  A  little  later,  my  name 
shouted  across  the  intervening  space  caused  me  to  turn  in  that 
direction,  and  I  saw  Gibbon  waving  something  in  his  hand  and 
heard  him  shout,  "  Walker,  come  over  here  !  "  So,  as  I  was- 
not  particularly  occupied,  I  got  on  my  horse  and  trotted  over. 
Gibbon  said  he  had  just  received — as  I  well  knew — his  com- 
mission as  major-general  and  he  wanted  me,  as  an  officer  of  the 
adjutant-general's  department,  to  swear  him  in  at  once,  so 


GENERAL   GIBBON  IN  THE   SECOND   CORPS.  313 

that,  if  he  should  be  killed  in  the  approaching  attack,  Mrs. 
Gibbon  would  get  a  major-general's  widow's  pension.  So  I  put 
on  my  most  judicial  air,  administered  the  oath,  which  my  posi- 
tion as  assistant  adjutant-general  authorized  me  to  do,  and  made 
John  Gibbon,  then  and  there,  a  major-general  of  volunteers. 

In  the  extensive  turning  movement  which  took  place  on 
the  22d  of  June,  in  which  the  Second  Corps,  then  under  the 
command  of  Birney,  by  reason  of  Hancock's  disablement  from 
his  old  Gettysburg  wounds,  was  to  be  swung  forward  further  to 
envelop  Petersburg,  pivoting  its  right  on  the  left  of  the  Fifth 
Corps  and  advancing  its  own  left  as  rapidly  as  the  right  of  the 
Sixth  Corps  could  be  got  to  move,  Barlow's  division  was  on 
the  left  of  the  corps,  pivoting  on  Gibbon.  General  Meade, 
having  lost  patience  with  the  slowness  of  the  movement,  neces- 
sitated by  the  extreme  length  of  the  line,  which  embraced 
three  corps,  at  last  ordered  Birney  to  proceed  without  further 
regard  to  the  Sixth  Corps.  Owing  to  this  ill-advised  order, 
the  Second  Corps  was  shortly  after  struck  in  flank  and  rolled 
up  in  a  most  humiliating  fashion.  Barlow's  division,  the 
first  to  encounter  the  blow,  fell  back  with  considerable  loss ; 
and  Gibbon's  division,  sharply  clipped  on  end  by  the  active 
enemy,  also  had  to  give  ground,  with  the  loss  of  the  four  guns 
of  McKnight's  battery,  which  were  upon  his  front.  This  was 
the  first  battery  the  Second  Corps  ever  lost.  Only  once  before, 
namely,  in  the  battle  of  the  Po  River,  on  the  loth  of  May, 
1864,  had  it  ever  given  to  the  enemy  so  much  as  a  single  gun, 
disabled,  in  all  its  terrific  actions.  The  affair  was  over  in  a 
very  few  minutes ;  but  the  annoyance  and  irritation  it  caused 
were  of  a  lasting  character.  It  was  the  worst  blow  which  the 
prestige  of  the  corps  had,  down  to  that  time,  ever  sustained. 
With  hardly  an  opportunity  to  fire  a  shot,  the  corps  had  lost 
more  prisoners  than  it  lost  on  the  Peninsula ;  more  than  it  lost 
at  Antietam,  Fredericksburg,  and  Chancellorsville  combined. 
In  the  mortification  caused  by  this  affair,  Gibbon  shared  deeply, 
and,  under  the  sting  of  it,  reflected  very  sharply  upon  one  of 
his  brigade  commanders,  an  officer  of  good  repute  for  soldierly 
efficiency  and  promptness. 


314  GENERAL  GIBBON  IN   THE   SECOND   CORPS. 

During  the  first  expedition  to  Deep  Bottom,  on  the  north 
bank  of  the  James,  a  movement  which  involved  little  severe 
fighting,  though  a  great  deal  of  hard  marching,  Gibbon  was  in 
command  of  his  division  ;  but  at  the  time  of  the  second  expe- 
dition, in  August,  he  was  absent  from  the  army,  by  reason  of  a 
brief  leave  of  absence  accorded  him  by  General  Meade.  He 
returned  to  the  front  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  disastrous 
action  at  Ream's  Station,  on  the  25th  of  August,  where  the 
Second  Corps,  reduced  to  a  shadow  of  its  former  self,  by  the 
almost  incessant  marching  and  fighting  of  four  months,  having 
lost  during  the  campaign,  twenty-seven  division  or  brigade  com- 
manders killed  or  wounded,  with  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
commanding  officers  of  regiments,  and  more  than  twenty-three 
thousand  officers  and  men,  was  attacked,  in  a  thoroughly  bad 
position,  by  a  largely  superior  force  under  A.  P.  Hill,  and  driven 
from  some  part  of  its  breastworks,  with  the  loss  of  nine  guns  and 
nearly  two  thousand  prisoners.  The  two  small  infantry  divis- 
ions at  Ream's — Mott's  being  in  the  intrenchments  at  Peters- 
burg— comprised  less  than  seven  thousand  men  at  the  beginning 
of  the  action  :  yet,  even  after  the  terrible  disaster  which  had 
befallen,  through  Hill's  successful  charge,  it  held  a  considerable 
portion  of  its  intrenchments  for  several  hours  in  the  immediate 
presence  of  three  or  four  times  its  numbers  of  the  enemy ;  and 
even  recovered,  through  a  desperate  dash,  led  by  Hancock  and 
Miles  in  person,  three  guns  of  Dauchey's  battery.  While  few 
of  the  once  famous  regiments,  which  were  thus  roughly  handled 
at  Ream's  Station,  can  be  said  to  have  borne  themselves  with 
their  pristine  spirit,  it  is  undoubtedly  true,  that  it  was  the  old 
division  of  Sedgwick,  or  rather  what  remained  of  it,  which  car- 
ried itself  with  the  least  credit.  It  is  pitiful  to  think  of  regi- 
ments like  the  i  Qth  and  2Oth  Massachusetts  captured  almost 
without  firing  a  shot.  I  am  sure  that  Gibbon  did  all  that  was 
in  his  power  to  do,  on  this  blackest  of  all  days  in  the  calendar 
of  the  Second  Corps  ;  but  that  all  was  little  enough.  When  a 
brigade  commander  like  Thomas  A.  Smyth,  of  Delaware,  the 
last  general  officer  who  fell  in  the  war,  was  obliged  to  report 
that  he  simply  could  not  bring  his  troops  up  against  the  enemy, 


GENERAL   GIBBON   IN   THE   SECOND   CORPS.  315 

it  is  hard  to  see  what  the  bravest  and  most  efficient  division 
commander  could  have  done. 

It  is  with  this  melancholy  farewell  that  John  Gibbon  parted 
from  the  Second  Corps.  He  was,  indeed,  still  upon  the  roster 
of  the  corps,  as  the  commander  of  the  Second  Division,  when 
the  expedition  to  the  Boydton  plank  road  took  place,  toward 
the  end  of  October,  1864;  but  he  was  absent  from  the  com- 
mand under  orders  from  general  headquarters ;  and  his  troops, 
now  fully  recovered  from  the  disaster  of  the  25th  of  August 
and  again  in  good  condition  to  meet  the  enemy,  were  com- 
manded by  General  Smyth.  ^In  February,  1865,  Gibbon's  high 
merit,  as  testified  to  by  all  under  whom  he  had  served,  and  all 
who  had  served  with  him,  caused  his  promotion  and  appoint- 
ment to  be  commander  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Army  Corps. 
With  what  distinction  he  acquitted  himself  in  that  command, 
alike  in  the  victorious  assaults  of  the  first  and  second  of  April, 
which  crowned  the  long  and  painful  labors  of  the  much  enduring 
armies  of  the  Union,  and  in  the  fearful  race  and  running  fight 
by  which  Lee,  escaping  from  Petersburg,  was  successfully  cut 
off  from  escape  southward  into  the  Carolinas,  and  westward 
into  the  mountains,  you  will  hear  this  evening,  told  by  one  far 
more  competent  than  myself  to  describe  the  various  rapidly 
moving  incidents  of  these  remarkable  events.  I  have  only 
sought  to  bring  before  you  General  Gibbon's  services  in  the 
Second  Corps.  Much  of  this  was  of  a  kind  which  could  not  be 
shown  in  a  brief  sketch.  Much  of  the  best  of  it  was  of  a  kind 
which  would  require  an  elaborate  exposition  of  the  situation 
and  the  circumstances  in  order  properly  to  set  it  forth. 


THE  OLD  VERMONT  BRIGADE. 

A  Paper  Read  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  AEDACE  F.  WALKER,  U.  S.  V.,  October, 

7,  1896. 


of  the  greatest  embarrassments  of  the  Northern  Army 
throughout  the  war,  was  the  lack  of  permanence  in  its 
organization. 

Immense  armies  were  demanded,  and  were  produced.  Their 
efficient  organization  clearly  required  stability.  The  division 
should  have  been  the  smallest  permanent  unit,  to  be  solidified 
and  preserved.  Upon  the  usual  basis,  this  would  have  fur- 
nished a  body  of  ten  thousand  men  constantly  present  for  duty 
—  a  military  unit  easily  handled  in  the  camp,  on  the  march,  or 
in  action,  and  always  ready  to  fuse  and  throb  with  mutual 
sympathy  and  self-reliant  pride.  As  the  years  went  on,  more 
was  heard  of  this  or  that  division  ;  the  reputation  of  many  of 
our  most  successful  generals  was  made  while  holding  such  a 
command.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  what  would  have  been 
the  result  if  a  given  number  of  divisions  had  been  organized 
in  1861,  and  their  ranks  kept  full  to  the  end.  But  nothing  of 
the  kind  was  attempted. 

There  were,  however,  a  few  brigades  in  different  portions 
of  the  army,  the  integrity  of  which  was  to  some  extent  pre- 
served. One  of  these  was  the  organization  known  as  the 
"Old  Vermont  Brigade."  The  adjective  "old"  was  at  first 
used  to  distinguish  this  particular  brigade  from  a  second  Ver- 
mont brigade  of  nine  months'  troops,  whose  only  battle  was 
Gettysburg.  At  the  last,  the  word  involved  the  secondary 
idea  of  respect  and  affection,  as  when  employed  by  the  soldiers 
in  speaking  of  "  Old  Grant,"  "  Old  Sherman,"  or  "  Old  Sedg- 
wick." 

316 


THE   OLD   VERMONT   BRIGADE.  317 

The  first,  or,  "  Old  Vermont  Brigade,"  was  organized  in 
October,  1861,  upon  the  soil  of  Virginia,  a  few  miles  south 
from  Washington.  After  nearly  four  years  of  constantly  active 
service,  it  was  disbanded  in  June,  1865,  at  almost  precisely  the 
same  spot.  Its  formation  was  suggested  to  General  McClellan 
by  Colonel  William  F.  Smith  of  the  3d  Vermont,  a  distin- 
guished engineer  of  the  regular  army,  who  was  its  first  brigade 
commander.  The  command  of  General  Smith  soon  took  on 
the  proportions  of  a  division ;  he  afterwards  became  com- 
mander of  an  army  corps,  and  was  known  familiarly  as 
"  Baldy  Smith." 

The  original  components  of  the  Vermont  Brigade  were 
the  2d,  3d,  4th,  5th,  and  6th  Vermont  infantry  regiments  ; 
all  of  which  were  enlisted  in  the  summer  of  1861,  for 
three  years'  service.  These  organizations  were  represented  in 
its  ranks  to  the  close  of  the  war,  by  re-enlistments,  though 
their  ranks  were  not  kept  full,  and  at  the  last  their  numbers 
were  greatly  reduced.  The  nth  Vermont,  after  eighteen 
months'  service  as  heavy  artillery  in  the  fortifications  on  the 
north  of  Washington,  joined  the  brigade,  May  12,  1864.  It 
had  but  two  regularly  assigned  brigadier-generals  ;  there  were 
many  occasions,  of  course,  when  a  senior  colonel  was  in  com- 
mand. Its  first  brigadier  was  General  W.  H.  F.  Brooks,  who 
afterwards  successfully  commanded  the  Tenth  Army  Corps. 
His  rule  was  firm  and  efficient,  and  his  regular-army  education 
and  experience  were  of  great  value.  After  his  promotion,  the 
command  presently  fell  to  Colonel  Lewis  A.  Grant,  of  the  5th 
Vermont,  then  the  senior  officer  of  the  brigade.  He  was  sub- 
sequently made  a  brigadier-general,  and  led  the  brigade  to  the 
end.  General  Grant  was  afterwards  Assistant  Secretary  of 
War  when  the  Secretary  of  War  was  Redfield  Proctor,  who  was 
at  one  time  major  of  the  same  regiment  and  is  now  a  United 
States  Senator.  General  Stannard  entered  the  army  in  the 
Old  Vermont  Brigade,  and  subsequently  commanded  the 
Second  Vermont  Brigade  at  Gettysburg. 

A  body  of  men  like  this,'when  subjected  to  the  stringent  de- 
mands of  active  campaign  service,  soon  becomes  self-reliant 


3l8  THE   OLD   VERMONT  BRIGADE. 

and  coherent.  The  touch  of  elbow  which  gives  united  action 
is  felt  throughout  the  organization.  A  sense  of  solidarity  is 
developed,  bringing  the  assurance  that  the  fractions  are  not 
merely  individual  regiments,  but  are  parts  of  a  greater  whole  ; 
and  a  continuing  consciousness  exists,  that  support  and  assist- 
ance will  not  be  wanting,  if  required.  The  Old  Vermont  Bri- 
gade received  no  factitious  support  from  war  correspondents. 
Metropolitan  newspapers  seldom  found  space  to  advertise  its 
deeds  ;  illustrated  weeklies  published  no  alleged  pictures  of  its 
charges  ;  but  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  there  was  abundant 
appreciation  of  its  merits.  Its  chief  characteristic  was  not 
dash  or  display,  but  steadiness.  There  was  no  elaboration  in 
its  drill.  The  skirmish-line  was  its  delight.  The  secret  of  its 
acknowledged  pre-eminence  on  the  battle-field  was  its  extraor- 
dinary tenacity.  Although  its  active  service  embraced  more 
important  engagements  than  almost  any  other  similar  com- 
mand in  the  Northern  Army,  it  was  seldom,  if  ever  driven 
from  its  position  by  assault.  It  was  famed  for  a  certain  qual- 
ity of  steady,  quiet,  intelligent  courage,  comparison  which  was 
high  honor. 

At  Sheridan's  famous  battle  of  Cedar  Creek,  October  19, 
1864,  Getty's  division,  known  as  the  Second  Division  of  the 
Sixth  Army  Corps,  was  the  farthest  from  the  point  of  Early 's 
fierce  attack  at  daybreak.  Getty's  second  brigade  was  the  Old 
Vermont  Brigade,  which  held  the  centre  of  the  division  through 
the  day.  Getty's  was  the  last  division  to  come  into  the  fight. 
It  was  moved  by  the  left  flank  a  mile  across  the  field,  and 
fronted  to  the  right,  thus  forming  its  line  in  the  face  of  the  en- 
tire rebel  army,  which  by  that  time  had  passed  over  the  camps 
of  the  Eighth  and  Nineteenth  Corps  in  Early 's  successful 
charge.  Three  of  the  Vermont  regiments  were  at  once  ordered 
out  as  skirmishers,  into  the  dismal  fog  which  enveloped  the  en- 
tire attacking  line,  and  amid  the  tumult  and  dismay  which 
covered  the  field  with  disaster.  They  deployed  through  a 
broad  cornfield,  diverging  and  gradually  taking  proper  dis- 
tances, then  across  a  little  watercourse,  through  a  pasture, 
aligning  instinctively  and  almost  without  a  word  of  command, 


THE   OLD   VERMONT   BRIGADE.  319 

forward  into  the  scattering  grove,  even  then  occupied  by  the 
advance  of  the  enemy,  and  on  to  its  farthest  margin,  where 
the  rolling  ground  sloped  away.  There,  with  an  open  view  to 
the  front,  five  or  six  hundred  skirmishers  arranged  themselves 
for  battle,  prepared  to  cover  for  a  time  the  defensive  position 
which  Getty  with  the  remainder  of  the  division  was  endeavor- 
ing to  find  and  assume.  It  is  believed  to  have  been  the  first 
moment,  on  that  disastrous  morning,  when  the  rush  of  the  sur- 
prise was  confronted  by  a  skirmish-line,  well  out  in  front  of  a 
line  of  battle  ;  and  by  eight  A.  M.  there  was  no  other  organiza- 
tion which  could  be  seen  or  heard  holding  ground  against  the 
enemy. 

Although  the  position  was  practically  chosen  by  the  men 
themselves,  in  the  centre  of  confusion  and  dismay,  it  was 
maintained  in  perfect  steadiness,  and  with  an  entire  under- 
standing of  a  skirmisher's  duty.  The  grove  was  held,  with 
some  loss,  for  an  hour  or  more,  until  artillery  was  brought  up 
by  the  enemy,  and  two  lines  of  rebel  infantry  were  distinctly 
seen,  advancing  to  drive  back  the  Vermonters'  skirmish-line. 
Then,  receiving  the  order  to  retire,  and  assembling  as  they 
went,  the  three  regiments  took  position  with  the  rest  of  the 
brigade,  in  the  centre  of  Getty's  division, — the  only  Union 
troops  then  in  line  of  battle,  with  their  front  to  the  foe.  A 
determined  stand  was  here  made  ;  a  terrible  artillery  fire  was 
silently  submitted  to  ;  three  successive  line-of-battle  charges 
were  repulsed  ;  and,  after  a  desperate  conflict,  the  division 
eventually  received  and  obeyed  an  order  to  retire,  when  two 
rebel  divisions  had  executed  a  flank  movement  around  its 
right.  Moving  back  once  more,  this  time  in  line  of  battle  and 
with  well-dressed  ranks,  Getty's  division  presently  faced  about 
again,  a  mile  north  of  the  village  of  Middletown,  and  took  up 
a  new  defensive  position,  with  every  regiment  in  perfect  order. 
A  new  skirmish-line  went  to  the  front,  and  once  more  the  true 
battle  formation  was  presented.  This  was  perhaps  ten  or  eleven 
o'clock  A.M.  The  fog  had  lifted,  and  the  day  was  bright.  Cav- 
alry formed  on  either  flank.  Two  or  three  batteries  of  artillery 
rallied  in  the  rear.  Then  the  unexpected  happened.  General 


320  THE   OLD   VERMONT   BRIGADE. 

Sheridan,  whose  absence  was  known  and  deplored,  was  seen 
dashing  down  the  pike,  in  hot  eagerness  to  find  the  front  line 
of  his  scattered  army.  The  first  infantry  troops  before  which 
he  halted,  were  those  whose  movements  have  been  hastily 
described.  "  What  troops  are  these  ?  "  were  his  first  words  ; 
and  "  The  Vermont  Brigade  "  was  the  first  answer,  amid  cheers 
and  yells  that  filled  the  air.  Colonel  Tracy  of  the  2d  Ver- 
mont, then  commanding  the  brigade,  rode  up  to  salute,  and 
said  :  "  We  're  glad  to  see  you,  General  Sheridan."  "  Well,  by 
God,  I  'm  glad  to  get  here  !  "  We  '11  have  our  camps  by 
night !  " 

How  vividly  a  scene  like  that  burns  itself  into  one's  mem- 
ory !  Words  cannot  describe  it.  The  artist's  brush  cannot 
paint  it.  But  it  stands  distinct  in  the  chambers  of  the  mind  ; 
and,  when  its  vision  is  awakened,  the  eyes  fill,  and  the  throat 
swells,  and  the  soul  thrills  in  quick  response. 

I  have  no  hesitancy  in  saying  that  Sheridan's  greatest  vic- 
tory was  very  largely,  if  not  chiefly,  due  to  the  cool  and  dogged 
steadiness  of  the  Vermont  Brigade  during  the  hours  before  he 
arrived  upon  the  field.  It  is  generally  conceded  that  Getty's 
division  remained  in  the  fight  of  that  morning  at  least  two 
hours  after  every  other  organization  had  been  successively  de- 
feated. When  at  last  it  retired,  a  position  was  deliberately 
selected  where  the  fight  could  be  resumed.  It  thus  became 
the  nucleus  on  which  the  army  formed.  The  Vermont  Brigade 
was  the  centre  of  Getty's  division  during  all  that  day.  The 
first  brigade,  on  the  right  of  the  division,  was  commanded  by 
one  of  the  Vermont  colonels,  permanently  assigned,  General 
James  M.  Warner,  a  member  of  this  Commandery.  It  was 
composed  of  the  62d  New  York  and  four  Pennsylvania 
regiments.  General  Bidwell,  of  Buffalo,  commanding  the  third 
brigade,  upon  the  left,  was  killed  about  nine  A.M.,  while  re- 
pulsing one  of  the  rebel  charges  made  upon  the  semicircular 
crest  which  the  division  occupied  ;  soon  after  this  his  men 
began  to  waver  under  the  fierce  attack,  when  the  appeal  was 
heard,  "  Don't  run  till  the  Vermonters  do,"  and  they  stood 
steady  to  their  work.  This  Brigade  embraced  the  43d,  49th, 


THE   OLD  VERMONT   BRIGADE.  321 

7/th  and  I22d  New  York,  together  with  the  7th  Maine  and 
the  6ist  Pennsylvania. 

Sheridan,  in  his  official  report  of  the  battle,  makes  the  situ- 
ation clear.  He  says : 

"  On  arriving  at  the  front,  I  found  Merritt's  and  Ouster's  divis- 
ions of  cavalry  and  General  Getty's  division  of  the  Sixth  Corps  op- 
posing the  enemy.  I  suggested  to  General  Wright  that  we  would  fight 
on  Getty's  line,  and  that  the  remaining  two  divisions  of  the  Sixth 
Corps,  which  were  to  the  right  and  rear  of  Getty,  about  two  miles, 
should  be  ordered  up,  and  also  that  the  Nineteenth  Corps,  which 
was  on  the  right  and  rear  of  tho^e  divisions,  should  be  hastened  up 
before  the  enemy  attacked  Getty." 

And  again,  in  the  same  report,  he  says : 

"  Getty's  division  of  the  Sixth  Corps  confronted  the  enemy  from 
the  first  attack  of  the  morning  until  the  battle  was  decided." 

In  his  Memoirs  he  writes  as  follows : 

"  Getty's  division,  when  I  found  it,  was  about  a  mile  north  of 
Middletown,  posted  on  the  reverse  slope  of  some  slightly  rising 
ground,  holding  a  barricade  made  of  fence  rails,  and  skirmishing 
slightly  with  the  enemy's  pickets.  Jumping  my  horse  over  the  line 
of  rails,  I  rode  to  the  crest  of  the  elevation,  and  then,  taking  off  my 
hat,  the  men  rose  up  from  behind  the  barricade  with  cheers  of 
recognition.  An  officer  of  the  Vermont  Brigade,  Colonel  A.  S. 
Tracy,  rode  up  to  the  front,  and,  joining  me,  informed  me  that 
General  Lewis  A.  Grant  was  in  command  there,  the  regular  division 
commander,  General  Getty,  having  taken  charge  of  the  Sixth  Corps,, 
in  place  of  Ricketts,  wounded  early  in  the  action." 

Sheridan  proceeds  with  the  story  as  follows : 

"  I  crossed  the  depression  in  the  rear  of  Getty's  line,  and,  dis- 
mounting on  the  opposite  crest,  established  that  point  as  my  head- 
quarters. Crook  met  me  at  this  time,  and  strongly  favored  the  idea 
of  fighting,  but  said  that  most  of  his  troops  were  gone.  General 
Wright  (of  the  Sixth  Corps,  who  had  been  in  command  of  the  army) 
came  up  a  little  later,  when  I  saw  that  he  was  wounded,  a  ball  having 
grazed  the  point  of  his  chin  so  as  to  draw  blood  plentifully.  Wright 


322  THE   OLD   VERMONT  BRIGADE. 

gave  me  a  hurried  account  of  the  day's  events,  and  when  told  that 
we  would  fight  -the  enemy  upon  the  line  which  Getty  and  the  cavalry 
were  holding,  and  that  he  must  go  himself  and  send  all  his  staff  to 
bring  up  the  troops,  he  zealously  fell  in  with  the  scheme  ;  and  it 
was  then  that  the  Nineteenth  Corps  and  two  divisions  of  the  Sixth 
were  ordered  to  the  front." 

The  subsequent  advance  of  the  army  and  the  total  rout  of 
the  enemy  as  the  sun  went  down,  are  known  to  all. 

This  was  by  no  means  the  first  occasion  on  which  the  Ver- 
mont Brigade  had  exhibited  the  cool  and  persevering  steadi- 
ness and  composure  under  extreme  difficulties  which  distin- 
guished it  so  highly  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Its  conduct 
at  Cedar  Creek  was  not  accidental,  but  was  habitual.  There 
was  never  a  time  after  the  Peninsular  campaign  in  1862  when 
the  knowledge  that  the  Vermont  Brigade  was  holding  a  point 
of  danger  did  not  give  confidence  to  all  the  army,  or  when  its 
absence  from  the  fight  was  not  a  cause  for  regret.  Its  troops 
were  commonly  known  as  "  the  Vermonters."  When  brave 
John  Sedgwick,  the  beloved  organizer  and  commander  of  the 
Sixth  Army  Corps,  marched  his  men  thirty-two  miles  in  a  day 
to  the  sound  of  the  guns  at  Gettysburg,  he  issued  an  order,  as 
reported  by  his  adjutant-general,  which  has  since  been  often 
repeated  :  "  Put  the  Vermonters  ahead,  and  keep  the  column 
closed  up." 

I  remember  a  group  of  troops  from  other  States,  whom  I 
found  conversing  around  a  picket-fire  in  front  of  Petersburg, 
while  making  the  grand-rounds  as  "  Officer  of  the  Day,"  one 
night  in  the  early  spring  of  1865.  The  story  was  evidently  of 
some  desperate  occasion,  when  the  danger  was  extreme ;  for 
the  narrator  concluded,  with  the  hearty  approval  of  all  the 
group,  as  I  approached  :  "  Then  is  when  we  wanted  the  Ver- 
monters." 

In  the  summer  of  1864,  Early  was  knocking  at  the  back- 
door of  Washington,  and  the  Sixth  Corps  was  ordered  to  move 
by  water  from  Petersburg  to  its  relief.  When  the  first  boat 
arrived,  President  Lincoln,  silent  and  careworn,  was  standing 
on  the  wharf.  As  soon  as  its  landing  was  made,  he  inquired 


THE  OLD  VERMONT  BRIGADE.  323 

what  troops  were  on  board,  and  was  told  the  name  of  the 
general  who  had  occupied  the  steamer  as  headquarters  during 
the  trip.  The  anxious  President  turned  away  with  evident 
disappointment,  saying :  "  I  do  not  care  to  see  any  major-gen- 
erals;  I  came  here  to  see  the  Vermont  Brigade."  And  he 
was  at  the  landing  when  the  Vermont  Brigade  arrived. 

To  give  the  story  of  the  Old  Vermont  Brigade  in  detail 
would  be  substantially  to  write  the  history  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  Its  proper  presentation  would  require  a  volume. 
Upon  an  occasion  like  this,  there  remains  only  time  to  hastily 
sketch  its  services,  pausing  to  speak  more  particularly  of  two 
or  three  matters  perhaps  not  generally  known. 

The  2d  Vermont  regiment  was  in  the  first  battle  of  Bull 
Run,  and  witnessed  Lee's  surrender  at  Appomattox  Court- 
House.  The  first  important  campaign  of  the  brigade  as  an 
organization  was  with  McClellan  on  the  Peninsula.  The  first 
assault  upon  an  entrenched  line  made  by  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  was  the  celebrated  charge  of  a  detachment  of  the 
Vermont  Brigade  across  the  mill-dam  and  into  the  enemy's 
works  at  Lee's  Mill,  near  Yorktown.  The  battle  of  Williams- 
burg  followed,  and  the  army  trailed  its  slow  and  tortuous  way 
until  it  finally  halted  astride  the  Chickahominy.  The  battles 
in  which  the  Vermont  Brigade  honorably  participated  in  this 
ineffectual  demonstration  against  Richmond  were  Golding's 
Farm,  Savage's  Station,  and  White  Oak  Swamp.  At  Savage's 
Station,  in  particular,  the  men  fought  desperately  and  the  loss 
was  enormous.  The  5th  Vermont  regiment  had  not  exceed- 
ing four  hundred  muskets  in  the  battle,  and  its  killed  and 
wounded  numbered  206.  General  D.  H.  Hill,  in  his  Century 
article  describing  this  action,  says  that  a  Vermont  regiment 
made  a  desperate  charge  upon  the  division  of  McLaws,  and 
was  almost  annihilated.  "  Baldy "  Smith's  division  did  its 
part  well  through  the  whole  campaign  of  disaster,  and  was 
among  the  last  to  leave  Harrison's  Landing  when  the  army 
was  recalled  to  Washington.  It  did  not  arrive  at  Alexandria 
in  season  to  participate  in  the  second  Bull  Run,  although  it 
marched  out  towards  the  south  through  Fairfax  Court-House. 


324  THE   OLD   VERMONT   BRIGADE. 

It  was  active  in  the  Antietam  campaign,  taking  a  brilliant  part 
at  the  battle  of  South  Mountain,  known  in  its  annals  as  the 
storming  of  Cramton's  Gap.  Its  next  serious  engagement  was 
General  Burnside's  unfortunate  battle  at  Fredericksburg,  where 
its  experiences  were  painful  and  its  losses  large.  When  Gen- 
eral Hooker,  shortly  after  repeated  the  experiments,  in  what  is 
known  as  the  Chancellorsville  campaign,  the  duty  assigned  to 
the  Vermont  Brigade,  with  a  few  other  troops,  was  the  storm- 
ing of  Marye's  Heights.  The  hill  was  carried  by  a  brilliant 
and  successful  charge,  and  Sedgwick's  part  of  the  battle  was 
a  complete  success.  At  Gettysburg  the  Sixth  Corps  was  the 
last  to  reach  the  field,  and  most  of  it  was  held  in  reserve. 
The  position  occupied  by  the  Old  Vermont  Brigade  is  marked 
by  the  marble  statue  of  a  crouching  lion,  ready  for  its  spring. 
Speculations  have  often  been  made  concerning  the  possible 
result,  in  case  Pickett's  charge  on  the  third  day  had  proved 
successful ;  but  such  conjectures  are  of  little  value  unless  the 
fact  is  kept  in  view  that  Sedgwick's  command  was  under  arms, 
in  readiness  at  any  moment  to  participate  in  the  battle.  In 
the  course  of  Meade's  pursuit  of  Lee,  a  so-called  skirmish  took 
place  at  Funkstown,  Maryland,  in  respect  to  which  General 
Sedgwick's  official  report  says :  "  The  Vermont  Brigade  were 
deployed  as  skirmishers,  covering  a  front  of  over  two  miles  ; 
and  during  the  afternoon  repulsed  three  successive  attacks 
made  in  line  of  battle.  The  remarkable  conduct  of  the  brigade 
on  this  occasion  deserves  high  praise."  Soon  after  this,  Gen- 
eral Sedgwick  was  asked  to  detail  his  "  best  brigade  "  for  duty 
at  New  York  City  in  connection  with  the  draft  riots  then  in 
progress.  He  designated  the  Vermont  Brigade,  which  spent 
August  and  September,  1863,  in  and  about  this  city.  Return- 
ing to  the  army,  it  was  received  with  music  and  military 
salutes,  and  took  part  in  Meade's  Mine  Run  campaign,  includ- 
ing a  severe  engagement  at  Rappahannock  Station. 

The  next  spring  the  army  was  reorganized  for  active  serv- 
ice under  General  Grant,  and  on  May  4th  it  crossed  the  Rapi- 
dan.  On  May  5  and  6,  1864,  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness  was 
fought.  Getty's  division  was  detached  from  the  Sixth  Corps, 


THE  OLD   VERMONT  BRIGADE.  325 

and  sent  to  occupy  and  hold  the  Brock  Road,  at  the  crossing 
of  the  Orange  Plank  Road,  until  the  Second  Corps,  under 
Hancock,  should  arrive.  It  was  a  desperate  duty,  and  the 
circumstances  were  such  that  the  service  performed  was  little 
known  outside  the  army.  The  assault,  under  Lee  in  person, 
was  sustained  for  hours  by  Getty's  division  without  support, 
and  the  entire  loss  of  the  Second  Corps,  on  May  5th,  was  not 
equal  to  that  of  the  Vermont  Brigade  alone.  On  the  second 
day,  the  Second  Corps  took  the  front  and  delivered  a  success, 
ful  advance ;  but  reinforcements  of  the  enemy  presently  ena- 
bled Longstreet  to  sweep  dqwn  its  flank  in  apparent  victory. 
"  We  thought,"  he  afterwards  said  to  Mr.  Swinton,  "  that  we 
had  another  Bull  Run  on  you."  But  two  brigades  from  Get- 
ty's division  were  waiting,  and  the  steadiness  and  nerve  of  the 
Vermonters  were  never  more  signally  displayed.  The  Brock 
Road  was  held,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  /th  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  took  up  its  march  to  the  south.  The  battle  of 
the  Wilderness  was  an  enigma  ;  it  has  even  been  doubted 
whether,  in  fact,  it  was  a  Northern  victory.  But  the  troops 
engaged  had  no  such  doubt.  It  was  the  last  occasion  when 
General  Lee  made  an  attack  in  force  upon  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac.  The  losses  on  both  sides  were  nearly  equal.  Get- 
ty's Division  sustained  at  this  time  the  heaviest  loss  experi- 
enced during  the  war  by  any  division  in  any  battle,  a  total  of 
2994.  The  Vermont  Brigade  suffered  one-tenth  of  the  entire 
loss  of  Grant's  army.  It  crossed  the  Rapidan  with  2800  men, 
and  its  casualties  in  the  Wilderness  aggregated  1234,  or  44  per 
cent.  Of  the  officers  present  for  duty,  three-fourths  were 
killed  and  wounded.  Twenty-one  officers  were  killed,  or  died 
of  their  wounds. 

The  army  moved  on  toward  Spottsylvania,  and  the  Ver- 
mont Brigade,  by  a  forced  march,  was  brought  to  the  right  of 
the  Sixth  Corps  once  more.  It  was  directed  to  take  position 
on  the  left ;  and  as  the  brigade,  reduced  to  half  its  former  size, 
began  to  move  down  the  line,  the  men  nearest  broke  into 
spontaneous  hurrahs,  and  its  march  was  made  under  a  continu- 
ous roll  of  cheers. 


326  THE   OLD   VERMONT   BRIGADE. 

The  fighting  for  a  time  was  now  almost  constant.  General 
Sedgwick  was  killed,  and  General  Wright  succeeded  to  the 
command  of  the  corps.  General  Getty  had  been  severely 
wounded  in  the  Wilderness,  and  was  in  a  Northern  hospital. 
Three  of  the  Vermont  regiments  were  engaged  in  Upton's 
famous  charge,  which  captured  what  was  known  as  the  "  bloody 
angle."  Ordered  to  withdraw,  they  refused  at  first  to  do  so. 
But  the  position  gained  was  abandoned,  and  was  the  scene  of 
a  terrible  conflict  two  days  later  on.  Then  the  Vermont 
Brigade  for  nearly  eight  hours  was  engaged  in  a  hand-to-hand 
fight  across  the  breastworks.  A  tree  was  here  cut  off  by  bul- 
lets, described  by  the  Confederate  General,  McGowan,  as  an 
oak  tree,  twenty-two  inches  in  diameter,  which  injured  several 
men  of  the  /th  South  Carolina  regiment  when  it  fell.  Mr. 
Swinton  says :  "  Of  all  the  struggles  of  the  war,  this  was,  per- 
haps, the  fiercest  and  most  deadly.  The  musketry  fire  had 
the  effect  to  kill  a  whole  forest  within  its  range."  In  these 
engagements  about  Spottsylvania  Court-House,  the  brigade 
lost  nearly  four  hundred  men  more  ;  and  when  it  was  rein- 
forced, on  May  I5th,  by  the  nth  Vermont,  fresh  from  the 
defences  of  Washington,  the  new  portion  of  the  command 
outnumbered  the  old.  One  hundred  and  fifty  recruits  at  the 
same  time  joined  the  older  regiments,  and  the  men  were  still 
stout  at  heart,  feeling  that  they  were  moving  to  the  south  and 
had  at  last  left  Fredericksburg  behind  them. 

Several  other  collisions  with  the  enemy  occurred,  of  which 
time  does  not  permit  mention ;  the  region  about  Spottsylvania 
Court-House  was  soon  abandoned  in  a  movement  by  the  left 
flank  still  southward  across  the  North  Anna.  Thence  a  like 
manoeuvre  repeated  brought  the  Sixth  Corps,  on  June  1st,  in 
face  of  a  prepared  line  of  earthworks  near  Cold  Harbor. 

The  brigade  participated  actively  in  the  desperate  but  suc- 
cessful attempt  to  carry  the  rebel  position,  fortified  the  ground 
gained,  and  was  under  fire  for  twelve  days  without  a  moment's 
cessation.  Then,  moving  by  the  left  flank  once  more,  the  army 
crossed  the  Chickahominy  and  the  James,  and  pushed  forward 
to  the  attack  then  in  progress  upon  Petersburg.  After  con- 


THE   OLD   VERMONT   BRIGADE.  327 

stant  fighting  here  for  twenty  days,  including  a  battle  on  the 
Weldon  Road  that  cost  the  brigade  a  loss  of  over  four  hun- 
dred and  fifty  officers  and  men,  and  a  raid  to  Ream's  Station 
on  the  south,  the  Sixth  Corps  was  suddenly  ordered  back  to 
Washington,  then  threatened  by  Early,  who  was  approaching 
through  Maryland  with  considerable  force.  The  Vermont 
Brigade  was  near  the  head  o^  the  corps  as  it  marched  up 
Seventh  Street  from  the  landing  and  pushed  straight  out  to 
the  presence  of  the  enemy.  The  entire  population  of  Wash- 
ington thronged  along  the  line  of  march.  The  day  before  had 
been  one  of  almost  absolute  panic.  The  morning  saw  the 
streets  filled  with  old  campaigners,  whose  rapid  steps  and  easy 
swing  told  the  story  of  veteran  experience.  Before  sunset 
there  was  a  "  right  smart  "  fight  within  five  miles  of  the  National 
Capitol,  and  the  next  morning  Early 's  army  was  gone. 

Then  followed  a  weary  month  of  marching  and  counter- 
marching, by  night  and  by  day ;  across  the  Potomac,  through 
Leesburg  and  Snicker's  Gap  into  the  Shenandoah  Valley  ;  back 
again  to  Washington  ;  out  once  more  by  way  of  Frederick  to 
Harper's  Ferry ;  back  to  Frederick,  and  on  to  Harper's  Ferry 
again.  The  men  were  weary  and  worn  by  continual  hurrying 
to  and  fro,  with  no  apparent  object  or  result ;  until  one  day  a 
new  commander  was  announced,  and  a  new  order  of  things 
presently  began. 

General  Sheridan's  campaign  was  cautiously  conducted 
until  he  received  authority  to  "  go  in."  One  of  its  early  inci- 
dents was  a  falling  back  some  forty  miles  from  Strasburg  to 
Charleston,  at  which  place  an  unexpected  attack  was  received 
by  Getty's  division,  which  was  covering  the  movement.  This 
was  once  more  the  Vermonters'  day  upon  the  skirmish-line  ; 
and  though  no  other  troops  were  engaged,  and  the  affair  finds 
no  mention  in  the  histories,  it  was  for  them  as  bitter  a  little 
fight  as  could  well  be  imagined.  The  brigade  held  its  ground 
all  day  against  several  attacks  of  infantry  and  a  severe  artillery 
fire,  without  asking  for  support.  Two  divisions  of  the  enemy 
were  in  its  front.  General  Early,  in  his  Memoir  of  the  Last 
Year  of  the  War  of  Independence,  says  of  this  affair :  "I 


328  THE   OLD   VERMONT  BRIGADE. 

encountered  Sheridan's  main  force  near  Cameron's  Depot,  about 
three  miles  from  Charleston,  in  a  position  which  he  commenced 
fortifying  at  once.  Rodes's  and  Ramseur's  divisions  were  ad- 
vanced to  the  front,  and  very  heavy  skirmishing  ensued  and 
was  continued  until  night ;  but  I  waited  for  General  Anderson 
to  arrive  before  making  a  general  attack."  Although  the  rest 
of  Sheridan's  army  was  in  position  some  distance  in  the  rear, 
the  only  troops  engaged  on  our  side  upon  this  occasion  were 
the  regiments  of  the  Old  Vermont  Brigade.  A  comparison  of 
the  accounts  given  by  both  the  opposing  commanders  clearly 
shows  that  Early  was  endeavoring  to  bring  on  an  engagement, 
and  Sheridan  was  quite  willing  that  he  should  ;  but  the  unusual 
tenacity  with  which  the  Vermont  Brigade  held  the  skirmish- 
line  prevented  the  battle,  though  both  Generals  desired  it. 

Sheridan's  first  serious  engagement  in  the  valley  was  the 
battle  of  the  Opequan,  named  from  the  Opequan  Creek.  This 
encounter  is  often  spoken  of  as  the  battle  of  Winchester  ;  but 
as  that  city  was  taken  and  re-taken  some  eighty  times  during 
the  war,  its  name  is  useless  for  any  special  identification.  After 
the  battle  of  Opequan,  however,  the  rebel  army  saw  it  no  more. 
On  the  morning  of  September  19,  1864,  the  army  broke  camp 
at  2  A.  M.,  and  the  Vermont  Brigade  led  the  column  of  infan- 
try, marching  straight  to  the  west. 

If  there  were  time,  it  might  be  interesting  to  describe  this 
action  sufficiently  to  call  attention  to  a  series  of  accidents  which 
upset  General  Sheridan's  calculations  and  caused  him  to  wholly 
change  his  plan  of  battle  during  its  progress.  In  his  Memoirs 
he  says  : 

"  The  battle  was  not  fought  out  on  the  plan  in  accordance  with 
which  marching  orders  were  issued  to  my  troops,  for  I  then  hoped 
to  take  Early  in  detail,  and  with  Crook's  force  cut  off  his  retreat. 
.  .  .  It  was  during  the  reorganization  of  my  lines  that  I  changed 
my  plan  as  to  Crook,  and  moved  him  from  my  left  to  my  right. 
This  I  did  with  great  reluctance,  for  I  hoped  to  destroy  Early's  army 
entirely  if  Crook  continued  on  his  original  line  of  march  towards 
the  valley  pike  south  of  Winchester  ;•  and  although  the  ultimate 
results  did  in  a  measure  vindicate  the  change,  yet  I  have  always 


THE   OLD   VERMONT  BRIGADE.  329 

thought  that  by  adhering  to  the  original  plan  we  might  have  captured 
the  bulk  of  Early's  army." 

In  conversation  during  the  later  years  of  his  life,  General 
Sheridan  expressed  himself  still  more  strongly,  saying  in  sub- 
stance that  he  had  always  regretted  the  change  from  his  original 
plan,  which  sacrificed  the  opportunity  for  a  much  more  impor- 
tant victory  than  the  one  which  he  in  fact  obtained. 

General  Early  criticises  Sheridan  for  his  failure  to  take 
advantage  of  the  opportunity  open  to  "  have  destroyed  my 
whole  force  and  captured  everything  I  had." 

During  this  engagement,  the  writer  had  an  excellent  oppor- 
tunity to  observe  the  condition  of  affairs  on  the  extreme  left 
of  our  army.  The  opportunity  to  envelop  the  entire  rebel 
force  from  the  south  was  perfectly  apparent,  and  was  freely 
discussed  in  the  ranks  ;  the  appearance  of  troops  in  that  direc- 
tion was  anxiously  expected.  They  failed  to  come,  and  the 
battle  was  ended  by  an  attack  from  the  other  flank  of  the  army 
which  the  whole  line  took  up  in  turn  ;  but  I  have  never  seen 
the  least  reason  to  doubt  that  if  Crook's  command,  after  the 
reorganization  of  the  line,  had  pursued  the  direction  originally 
contemplated,  and  come  in  on  the  south  of  the  rebel  army, 
there  would  either  have  been  an  entire  surrender  by  the  enemy, 
or  a  quick  retreat  into  the  North  Mountains. 

A  brief  allusion  only  can  be  made  to  the  battle  of  Fisher's 
Hill,  three  days  later,  in  which  the  enemy  was  driven  from  the 
strongest  position  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  by  a  secret  move- 
ment executed  by  Crook,  who  marched  his  two  small  divisions 
all  day  through  the  woods  and  along  the  mountain  side,  and 
delivered  a  complete  surprise  upon  the  enemy's  left  flank  about 
5  P.M.  The  Sixth  Corps,  at  the  same  time,  charged  in  front, 
directly  against  the  works  occupied  by  the  rebels  at  the  crown- 
ing points  of  the  line  of  defense  on  the  high  hills  that  here 
cross  the  valley.  General  Early  says,  that  he  intended  to 
withdraw  that  night,  but  when  his  left  was  turned,  his  men 
abandoned  their  position  and  "  my  whole  force  retired  in  con- 
siderable confusion."  He  omits  to  notice  the  fact  that  their 
haste  was  so  extreme  that  eleven  hundred  men  and  sixteen 


330  THE  OLD   VERMONT  BRIGADE. 

pieces  of  artillery  were  left  behind.  The  heavy  artillerists  in 
the  Vermont  Brigade  enjoyed  the  exhilarating  sensation  of 
turning  the  guns  of  a  captured  battery  upon  the  retreating 
foe. 

After  the  pursuit  to  Staunton,  the  army  returned  leisurely 
and  camped  on  the  north  side  of  Cedar  Creek.  Early  pres- 
ently again  occupied  Fisher's  Hill,  from  which  his  movement 
across  Cedar  Creek  was  made  against  our  army  in  Sheridans* 
absence,  which  has  already  been  described,  and  which  ended 
the  war  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley. 

In  December,  1864,  the  Sixth  Corps  returned  to  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  and  was  assigned  a  position  at  the  extreme 
left  of  the  line  on  the  south-west  front  of  Petersburg.  The 
Vermont  Brigade  occupied  works  previously  constructed  by 
troops  which  it  had  relieved,  facing  northerly,  near  the  farthest 
point  at  that  time  held  by  our  army  in  that  direction.  Picket 
duty  and  an  occasional  skirmish  occupied  the  days  and  nights 
until  the  latter  part  of  March,  1865,  when  active  work  was 
resumed. 

At  daybreak  on  April  2d,  an  event  occurred  which  is  well 
worth  a  careful  description.  The  battle  of  Five  Forks  had 
just  been  fought  and  won.  The  time  had  arrived  when  it  was 
considered  necessary  to  break  through  the  entrenched  line  of 
the  enemy.  General  Wright  was  sure  he  could  do  it,  and  told 
General  Meade  that  whenever  he  got  the  word  he  would 
"make  the  fur  fly."  The  enemy's  line  was  closely  studied. 
General  L.  A.  Grant  discovered  an  opening  in  the  rebel  en- 
trenchments, where  there  was  a  little  ravine  which  their  works 
did  not  cross.  This  was  opposite  the  farthest  point  to  the 
west  then  held  by  our  army.  He  describes  what  took  place 
as  follows : 

"  Knowing  that  a  vulnerable  point  of  attack  was  sought  for,  I 
called  General  Getty's  attention  to  this  place,  and  he  in  turn  called 
the  attention  of  Generals  Wright  and  Meade.  All  came  down,  and 
we  went  out  together  to  examine  it  as  well  as  could  be  done  at  a 
distance.  It  was  decided  to  make  this  the  point  of  attack,  and  the 
Old  Vermont  Brigade  was  selected  to  form  the  entering  wedge. 


THE   OLD  VERMONT   BRIGADE.  33! 

Orders  were  given  the  night  previous  for  my  brigade  to  move  out  at 
twelve  o'clock,  and  to  take  the  position  that  I  might  select  as  most 
favorable  for  the  purpose,  and  for  the  other  troops  to  follow." 

The  plan  thus  outlined  was  closely  followed.  While  the 
troops  were  being  massed  for  the  assault,  a  general  bombard- 
ment was  in  progress  all  along  the  line,  which  continued 
throughout  the  night.  The  Vermont  Brigade  moved  out,  un- 
der strict  orders  to  hug  the  ground  and  observe  the  utmost 
silence,  and  laid  down  three  hundred  yards  from  the  enemy's 
picket  line.  The  other  brigades  of  the  division  took  position 
on  its  right.  The  other  divisions  of  the  corps  were  in  echelon 
on  either  side  of  Getty.  Each  brigade  was  massed  in  columns 
by  battalion.  Axemen  were  in  front,  to  cut  away  the  abatis. 
General  Getty's  official  report  says  that  Grant's  Vermont  Bri- 
gade "  was  made  the  directing  column."  It  was  ordered  that 
upon  the  firing  of  a  certain  gun  from  Fort  Fisher  the  whole 
Sixth  Army  Corps  should  rise  and  charge  together,  silently 
and  without  firing  a  musket.  For  three  hours  after  the  prepa- 
rations were  complete,  the  Sixth  Corps  waited  for  the  signal 
gun.  The  night  was  very  dark  and  cold.  The  ground  was 
damp,  and  the  men  were  almost  benumbed,  as  they  lay  upon 
it,  without  fire  or  light.  Cannon  shot  were  frequently  ex- 
changed, and  the  projectiles  whizzed  over  the  heads  of  the 
troops  in  both  directions.  By  some  unlucky  chance,  a  picket 
fire  was  opened,  to  which  the  rebels  replied  sharply,  and  many 
casualties  occurred  in  the  prostrate  ranks  of  the  corps.  Gen- 
eral L.  A.  Grant  was  wounded  in  the  head,  and  Colonel  Tracy 
again  took  command  of  the  brigade.  Colonel  James  M.  War- 
ner, of  the  nth  Vermont,  had  for  some  months  commanded 
the  third  Brigade  of  Getty's  division.  The  cannonading  was  so 
heavy  that  the  signal  gun,  when  fired,  was  not  recognized. 
The  order  to  advance  was  finally  given.  The  troops  rose  to 
their  feet,  and  the  massed  columns  moved  out  silently  into  the 
night.  The  entire  corps  took  up  the  movement  as  directed. 
The  blunders  of  the  Mine  were  not  repeated.  Twelve  thou- 
sand men  were  formed  into  a  living  wedge,  to  penetrate  the 


332  THE   OLD  VERMONT  BRIGADE. 

strongest  line  of  works  ever  constructed  in  America.  Sud- 
denly the  enemy's  pickets  heard  the  tramp  of  the  approaching 
army,  opened  a  scattering  fire,  and  fled  to  the  works  behind 
them.  Silence  was  no  longer  required,  and  a  mighty  cheer 
arose,  while  the  Sixth  Corps  rapidly  pressed  forward  on  its 
charge.  The  rebel  works  were  almost  instantly  manned  ;  the 
enemy  had  evidently  also  been  under  arms  through  the  night ; 
musketry  and  artillery  swept  the  field,  but  the  column  moved 
on.  There  was  disorganization  and  confusion  as  the  lines  of 
abatis  were  pulled  aside,  and  the  men  were  on  their  mettle  ; 
dashing  into  the  ditch,  they  climbed  the  parapet,  and  poured  a 
resistless  torrent,  across  the  enemy's  defenses,  as  the  day  be- 
gan to  dawn.  There  is  no  dispute,  that  the  first  man  to 
mount  the  parapet  was  Captain  C.  J.  Gould  of  the  5th  Ver- 
mont, who  was  bayoneted  in  the  face  and  back,  as  he  jumped 
within  the  fort.  The  first  mounted  officer  to  cross  the  works 
was  undoubtedly  Colonel  Warner  of  the  nth  Vermont,  who 
led  the  charge  of  the  third  Brigade.  The  scene,  as  it  appeared 
to  a  non-combatant,  was  described  by  Surgeon  S.  J.  Allen,  of 
the  4th  Vermont,  medical  director  of  the  division,  who  was 
standing  on  the  parapet  of  Ft.  Welch,  in  rear  of  the  attacking 
column,  anxiously  peering  into  the  night.  He  could  hear  the 
muffled  tramp  and  rustle  of  the  moving  host,  but  could  discern 
nothing.  He  saw  the  flashes  of  the  first  volley,  heard  the  an- 
swering shout  from  ten  thousand  throats,  and  then  he  saw, 
stretching  across  the  front  for  half  a  mile,  a  line  of  flashing 
fire,  crackling,  blazing,  and  sparkling  in  the  darkness,  more 
vividly  lighted  up  by  the  heavier  flashes  of  artillery ;  shells 
with  their  fiery  trails  sped  through  the  gloom  in  every  direc- 
tion. While  he  was  intently  watching  that  line  of  deadly  fire, 
suddenly  in  the  middle  of  it  there  appeared  a  tiny  black  spot, 
a  narrow  gap,  which  spread  and  widened,  moment  by  moment, 
to  the  right  and  left ;  and  then  he  knew  that  the  line  was 
pierced,  and  our  men  had  carried  the  defences  of  the  enemy. 

It  is  claimed  by  historians  on  the  other  side,  that  this  feat 
was  rendered  easy,  by  reason  of  the  depletion  of  the  troops 
upon  the  rebel  line.  This  hardly  accords  with  known  facts. 


THE   OLD   VERMONT  BRIGADE.  333 

It  is  certain  that  the  entire  line  of  breastworks  against  which 
the  charge  was  directed  was  fully  manned,  and  that  a  seem- 
ingly solid  wall  of  fire  was  maintained  until  the  charging  party 
reached  the  works  and  broke  through  ;  that  all  the  artillery 
commanding  the  line  of  march  was  in  full  play,  including  many 
enfilading  guns  ;  that  three  thousand  prisoners  were  taken  by 
the  Sixth  Corps ;  and  that  it  lost  eleven  hundred  men  killed 
and  wounded  in  the  charge.  It  was  no  boys'  play.  If  the  line 
of  attack  had  not  been  well  chosen  and  quickly  traversed,  the 
corps  could  not  have  succeeded.  No  mistakes  were  made  by 
officers,  and  the  spirit  of  the^men  was  superb. 

The  results  are  well  known.  The  Sixth  Corps  pressed 
forward  without  a  moment's  delay*  and,  before  nightfall,  had 
cleared  the  entire  country  between  Hatcher's  Run  and  the 
Appomattox  River.  General  Lee  in  person  attempted  to  stem 
the  tide,  and  narrowly  escaped  capture.  The  news  was  tele- 
graphed to  Richmond,  and  Jefferson  Davis  with  his  cabinet  took 
a  special  train  for  Danville  at  2  P.M.  In  the  evening,  Peters- 
burg and  Richmond  were  evacuated,  and  the  end  of  the  war 
was  near. 

A  few  days  later,  I  heard  General  Meade  say  that  the  gal- 
lant and  successful  charge  of  the  Sixth  Corps  on  the  morning 
of  the  2d  of  April  was  in  his  opinion  "  the  decisive  move- 
ment of  the  campaign."  Candor  compels  me  to  add  that  he 
called  it  "  decissive,"  but  the  peculiarity  of  pronunciation  did 
not  weaken  the  value  of  the  praise.  It  was  undoubtedly  the 
decisive  movement  of  the  final  campaign  of  the  war,  which 
soon  resulted  in  the  surrender  of  the  army  of  Northern  Vir- 
ginia. The  importance  of  the  part  taken  by  the  Vermont 
Brigade  on  this  occasion  may  safely  rest  upon  the  facts  which 
I  have  stated. 

The  next  day  the  whole  of  Grant's  command  started  for 
the  west  with  a  new  objective, — Lee's  flying  army.  Sheridan 
and  his  cavalry  pressed  the  pursuit  with  such  vigor  that  three 
days  found  them  in  advance  of  Lee's  left  wing.  He  planted 
General  Crook  and  General  Merritt,  with  their  cavalry,  directly 
across  the  road  which  the  rebels  were  taking,  and  then  hur- 


334  THE  OLD  VERMONT  BRIGADE. 

ried  round  to  their  rear,  where  he  met  the  Sixth  Corps,  which 
he  had  been  trying  for  several  days  to  get  under  his  orders. 
When  the  men  found  that  Sheridan  was  putting  them  into  the 
fight,  their  enthusiasm  was  indescribable.  They  charged  across 
Sailor's  Creek,  attacked  the  enemy  furiously,  and  forced  the 
surrender  of  General  Ewell  and  eight  thousand  men,  caught 
between  the  cavalry  and  infantry  lines. 

A  few  days  later,  almost  identical  tactics  were  repeated  at 
Appomattox  Court-House,  the  remainder  of  Lee's  army  sur- 
rendered, and  the  war  was  over. 

No  doubt  many  remember  an  article  by  Colonel  Fox  in 
the  Century  Magazine  of  May,  1888,  entitled  "The  Chances  of 
Being  Hit  in  Battle  "  ;  an  article  which,  while  purely  statistical 
in  form,  was  intensely  interesting,  and  was  subsequently  ex- 
panded into  a  volume.  One  of  the  tables  given  was  a  list  of 
infantry  regiments  whose  loss  during  the  war  in  killed  was  two 
hundred  or  more,  embracing  every  regiment  in  the  Northern 
army  in  which  two  hundred  or  over  were  killed  in  action  or 
died  of  wounds  received  in  action.  This  list  contains  only 
forty-five  regiments ;  it  includes  the  2d,  3d,  5th,  and  6th  Ver- 
mont. His  roster  of  "  three  hundred  fighting  regiments  "  of 
course  embraces  the  entire  brigade — 2d,  3d,  4th,  5th,  6th,  and 
nth  Vermont.  A  list  of  one  hundred  and  three  regiments  los- 
ing sixty-three  men  or  over,  killed  or  mortally  wounded  in  a 
single  battle,  includes  five  regiments  of  the  Old  Vermont 
Brigade  at  the  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  and  another  at  Sav- 
age's Station.  The  total  number  of  deaths  in  the  brigade  dur- 
ing the  war,  including  killed  in  action,  deaths  from  wounds,  from 
diseases,  and  in  rebel  prisons,  was  2417,  being  about  25  %  of  the 
total  membership  of  the  brigade,  original  enlistments  and  re- 
cruits. Its  losses  in  killed  and  mortally  wounded  in  action  are 
1172,  a  greater  number  than  any  other  brigade  in  the  army. 

The  brigade  was  engaged  in  thirty  different  battles,  the 
names  of  which  are  embroidered  on  the  colors  of  its  regiments. 
It  was  fortunate  in  its  officers.  No  unnecessary  sacrifice  of  life 
is  chargeable  to  reckless  handling.  Its  casualties  were  evenly 
distributed ;  their  severity  was  simply  owing  to  the  remarkable 


THE   OLD   VERMONT  BRIGADE.  335 

personal  character  of  the  rank  and  file.  They  were  called 
on  for  the  hardest  work ;  they  never  knew  when  they  were 
whipped  ;  they  stood  together  like  men,  and  they  fought  every 
battle  to  the  end ;  not  one  of  their  colors  was  ever  in  a  rebel 
hand ;  their  appearance  was  quiet,  and  their  speech  was  often 
homely ;  but  their  hearts  were  stout  and  their  aim  steady. 
They  were  never  surprised  or  stampeded ;  no  panic  ever 
reached  them ;  their  service  was  intelligent,  faithful,  and  hon- 
est ;  they  had  the  full  confidence  of  their  commanders ;  and 
their  countrymen  will  forever  honor  their  memory.  In  the 
words  of  General  Martin  T..  McMahon,  the  well  known  Ad- 
jutant-General of  the  Sixth  Army  Corps :  "  No  body  of 
troops  in  or  out  of  the  Sixth  Corps  had  a  better  record.  No 
body  of  troops  in  or  out  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  made 
their  record  more  gallantly,  sustained  it  more  heroically,  or 
wore  their  honors  more  modestly "  than  the  Old  Vermont 
Brigade. 


INDEX. 


Alabama,  The  steamer,  221,  288 
Albatross,  U.  S.  Gunboat,  120, 121,  122, 

123,  124 

Albemarle,  Steamer,  193 
Allen,  Surg.  S.  J.,  332 
Ames,  Gen.  Adelbert,  193 
Anderson,  General  Robert,  39,  40 
Anderson,  General,  328 
Anderson,  Major,  213 
Anderson's,  division,  305 
Armistead's  brigade,  306 
Armstrong,    Com'dr  James,    214,  217, 

2l8,  220,  221,  222 

Atlanta,  Snake  Creek  Gap  and,  7-29 
Atlanta,  The  battle  of,  240-254 

Badeau,  Gen.  Adam,  262 

Baltic,  The  Steamer,  256,  257,  258,  259, 

260,  261,  262 
Bangs,  Francis  P.,  257 
Banks,  Gen.  Nathaniel  P.,  65,  66,  120, 

H7,  156 
Barlow's   division,  307,  308,  309,  310, 

313 

Bate,  General,  23 

Bayard,  Lieut.  George  D.,  191,  196 
Beauregard,  General  P.  G.  T.,  no,  143, 

268,  269 

Belknap,  Colonel,  249 
Bell,  Captain,  226,  227 
Benet,  General,  196. 
Benton,  Senator  Thomas  H.,  156 
Berryman,  Commander,  214,  220,  221 
Bidwell,  General,  320 
Bienville,  U.  S.  Gunboat,  262,  265 
Birney,  General,  313 
Black  Horse  cavalry,  226 
Blair,  General  Frank  P.  39,  58,  240,  241, 

242,  243,  244,  246,  247,  248,  251,  252, 

253 
Blakeman,    Paymaster   A   Noel,  paper 

of,  231-239 
Booth,  J.  Wilkes,  44 


Boston,  Capt.  Reuben,  224 

Boyd,  Captain,  250 

Bradford,  Lieutenant,  221 

Bragg,  Captain,  112 

Bragg,  Gen'l.  B.,  38,  79,  143,  269,  271 

293- 

Breckenridge,  Mr.,  n 
Brennan,  Tom,  135 
Brooklyn,  U.  S.  S.,  220 
Brooks',  brigade,  310 
Brooks,  Gen.  William  H.  F.,  167,  172, 

173,  317 

Brown,  Gen.  John  C.,  251 
Brown,  John,  160 
Brown,  Mr.,  189,  190 
Buell,  General,  27,  41,  269,  271 
Buford,  General,  68,  69 
Buist,  Dr.,  262 
Burnside,  General  Ambrose  E.,  67,  68, 

152,  168,  177,  304,  324 
Butler,  Gen.  B.  F.,  107,  108,  117,  239 
Butterfield,  Gen.  Daniel,  130,  137,  286 

Cadet  and  army  service,  Reminiscences 

of,  183-197 

California,  Governor  of,  35 
Cameron,  Mr.,  40,  145 
Canty's  men,  16 
Carlin,  General,  59 
Carroll,  Sergeant,  227 
Carroll's  brigade,  310,  328 
Case,  Uncle  Billy,  98 
Chancellorsville,  The  cavalry  at,  223— 

230 

Charlier,  Captain,  74 
Cheatham,  General,  25,  242,  243,  247, 

248,  249,  250,  252 
Church,  Col.  William  C.,  paper  of,  255- 

266 

Clark,  Col.  A.  M.,  50,  15 
Clarkson,  Col.  Floyd,  223 
Cleburne,  General,  18,  23,  25,  243,  247 
Coleman,  Capt.  W.  O.,  276 


337 


338 


INDEX. 


Collins,  185 

Company  street,  in  the,  126-139 

Comstock,  Captain,  258 

Comstock,  Colonel,  196 

Confederate    prisons,    in  and  out   of, 

64-103 

Congress,  U.  S.  S.,  1-6,  233 
Connecticut,  U.  S.  S.,  234 
Conway,  Quartermaster,  218,  219 
Cook,  Mrs.,  96 

Cooke,  General  Philip,  St.  G.,  195 
Cooper,  143 

Corinth,  the  battle  of,  267-279 
Cor  win,  Steamer,  37 
Couch,  General,  304 
Couthouy,  Captain,  236 
Cox,  Major  Rowland,  paper  of,  7-29 
Craighill,  196 
Craven,  Dr.  J.  J.,  262 
Crook,  General,  321,  329,  333 
Cross,  194 

Crusader,  Steamer,  214,  215 
Cullum,  General,  270,  272 
Cumberland,  U.  S.  S.,  1-6 
Cummings,     Lieutenant  -  Commander, 

124 

Curtis,  General,  109 
Cushing,  Alonzo,  193 
Custer,  General,  193,  194,  298,  321 

Dahlgren,  Admiral,  85,  234 

Daniels,  Joseph  D.,  115,  116 

Dauchey's  battery,  314 

David,  114 

Davis,  Captain,  88,  93 

Davis'  division,  272,  273,  274,  275 

Davis,  Jefferson,  44,  86,  333 

Dearborn,  Major-General,  140 

Degress'  battery,  249 

De  Kay,  Charles,  51 

De  Maistre,  208 

di  Cesnola,  Col.  Louis,  74 

Dodge,  General  G.  M.,  paper  of,  240- 

254 
Dodge,  Major-General,  G.  M.,  8,  10, 

13,  14,  16,  21,  22,  23,  31 
Doubleday,  General,  69 
Dowlis,  Mrs.  Mary  W.,  235 
Dupont,  Admiral  S.  F.,  156,  234,  256, 

259,  261,  263,  264,  265 
Duryea,  General  Abram,  65 
Duty  and  value  of  patriotism,  the,  198- 

212 

Dutton,  194 

Early,  General,  143,  318,  322,  327,  328, 
329,  330 


Erben,  Admiral  Henry,  paper  of,  213- 

222 

Ericsson,  Steamer,  256 
Essex,  U.  S.  S.,  120 
Ewell,  General,  69,  334 
Ewing,  Hon.  Thomas,  33,  41 

Farragut,  Admiral  David  G.,  104,  106, 

119,  120,  122,  123,  124,  231,  239 
Farragut,  Lieut.  Loyall,  124 
Farragut's  passage    of    Port   Hudson, 

118-125 
Farrand,  Commander,   214,   216,   217, 

218,  219,  221 
Florida,  Confederate  Cruiser,  214,  221, 

288 

Foote,  Admiral,  221,  231 
Force's  brigade,  240 
Fort  Fisher,  the  navy  in  the  battle  of, 

104-117 

Fox,  Colonel,  334 
Franklin,  General,  146,  163,  164 
Fremont,  General,  34,  144 
French,  no,  294 
Fuller,  Col.  J.  W.,  275,  278 
Fuller's  division,  240,  241,  244,  245 
Fuller,  General,  13,  22,  23 
Fulton,  Steamer,  214,  215,  218 

Garfield,  James  A.,  46 

Garnett's  brigade,  306 

Garrard's  division,  20,  21,  22,  23 

Geary,  General,  65 

Genesee,  120,  124 

Getty,  General,  318,  319,  320,  321,  322, 

324,  325,  326,  327,  330,  331 
Gibbon's  division,  169,  294 
Gibbon,  Gen.  John,  in  memory  of,  290- 

301 
Gibbon,    Gen.    John,    in    the    Second 

Corps,  302-315 
Gidding,  37 
Gilkey,  Colonel,  185 
Gilman,  Lieutenant,  217 
Goldsborough,  Capt.  L.  M.,  233 
Goler,  Captain,  227,  228 
Gordon,  Colonel,  185 
Gould,  Capt.  C.  J.,  332 
Grant,  Gen.  Ulysses  S.,  37,  41,  42,  43, 

44,  45,  47,  52,  54,  55,  56,  57,  60,  106, 

109,  119,  142,  145,  156,  157,  158,  193, 

262,  270,  271,  272,  278,  295,  296,  297, 

312,  316,  324,  325,  333 
Grant,    General    Lewis    A.,   175,    317, 

321,  330,  331 
Great  Republic,  Ship,  256 
Grier,  Captain,  94 


INDEX. 


339 


Grigsby's  brigade,  II 

Hackelman,  Brigadier-General,  273 
Halleck,   General,  42,    149,  150,   151, 

156,  157,  268,  269,  270 
Hamilton,  Brigadier-General,  270,  271, 

272,  273,  275 

Hamilton,  Major  A.  G.,  80 
Hamilton,  Uncle  Bob,  98,  100 
Hancock,  Gen.  W.  S.,  176,  294,  295, 

296,  305,   306,   307,   308,   309,    310, 

311,  313,  314,  325 
Hardee,  General,  18,  20,  23,  24,  241, 

242,  243,  247,  248 
Harlan,  J.  M.,  114 
Harrison,  William  H.,  46 
Hartford,  U.  S.  S.,  119,  120,  121,  J22, 

123,  124 

Hascall,  Herbert  A.,  257 
Haskell,  Col.  Frank,  306,  312 
Haskin,  Captain,  37 
Hastings,  George  S.,  95 
Hay,  Mr.,  150,  154,  157 
Heermance,   Capt.   W.    L.,   paper  of, 

223,  230 

Heintzelman,  General,  147,  148 
Heth's  division,  71 
Heyl,  Adjutant,  276 
Hill,  Gen.  A.  P.,  314 
Hill,  Gen.  D.  H.,  323 
Hill,  General,  69,  143 
Hindman,  General,  23 
Hood,  Gen.  John  B.,  7,  14,  16,  17,  19, 

20,  24,   58,  92,   143,  240,  241,  242, 

243,  245,  248,  249,  251,  253 
Hooker,  Gen.  Joseph,  8,  9,  20,  67,  135, 

137,   139,   I52,    153,    154,   I64,   166, 

167,    172,   173,   174,   175,   176,   225, 

307,  324 

Houston,  Sam,  276 
Howard,   Gen.   Oliver  O.,  18,    19,  31, 

196,  225,  228,  294,  302 
Howard,  Gen.  O.  O.,  remarks  of,  57- 

61 

Howe,  General,  167,  169,  173,  175 
Hubbell,  Capt.  Henry  W.,  257 
Hudson,  Commodore  William,  233,  234 
Humphreys,  Gen.  A.  A.,  294,  296,  304 
Hunt,  General,  181 
Hunter,  General,  156 
Huntsville,  U.  S.  S.,  235,  236 
Hussey,  The  Rev.  John,  75 
Hyde,  General,  179 

Illinois,  the  steamer,  259 
Imboden,  General,  72 
Iowa  brigade,  26 


Ireland,  Archbishop,  paper  of,  198-212 

Irish  brigade,  187 

Irish  Corcoran  Legion,  310 

Iron  brigade,  293 

Ironsides,  U.  S.  S.,  113 

Isaacs,  Jack,  233 

Jackson,  General,  107 

Jackson,   Stonewall,    57,  66,  68,   143, 

228,  229,  230,  293 
Johnson,  Lieut.  Thomas,  69 
Johnson,  President  Andrew,  44 
Johnston,    Gen.    Albert   Sidney,    268, 

281 
Johnston,  Gen.  Joseph  E.,  7,  8,  9,  10, 

n,  14,  16,  17,  18,   19,  44,  106,  158, 

240 

Jonas,  Major  Edward,  249 
Jones,  Mr.,  189,  190 

Kearny,  Gen.  Phil.,  34,  307 
Kearny's  division,  67 
Keenan,  Major,  228,  229,  230 
Keyes,  General,  147,  148 
Kell,  Lieutenant,  221 
Kilpatrick,  General,  85,  193 
King,  Capt.  Charles,  188,  189,  191 
King,  Horatio,  53 
King's  division,  67 
Kingfisher,  U.  S.  S.,  235,  239 
Kirby,  194 
Knox,  Major,  133 

Lamb,  Col.  William,  no,  in,  113 

Lardner,  Admiral,  234 

Larrabee,  Captain,  133 

Lee,  Captain,  76 

Lee,  Fitz  Hugh,  143,  223,  228 

Lee,  Gen.  L.,  223 

Lee,  Gen.  Robert  E.,  44,  56,  57,  62,  70, 
71,  72,  106,  143,  145,  150,  153.  I54. 
155,  157,  158,  164,  172,  174,  175, 
176,  224,  300,  315,  323,  324,  325, 

333,  334 

Leffleth,  Sergeant,  69 
Leggett's  division,  240,  247,  248 
Lightburn's  division,  249,  250 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  37,  39,  43,  44,  45,  46, 

48,  55,  89,  100,  104,  202,  205,  221, 

263,  266,  322 
Lincoln,    as  Commander-in-chief,  140- 

158 
Logan,  Gen.  John  A.,  8,  12,  13,  14,24, 

25,  59,  242,  249,  253 
Longshaw,  William,  114 
Longstreet,  Gen.  James,  66,  100,  143, 

305,  306,  307,  308,  309,  325 


340 


INDEX. 


Loring's  division,  16 
Lovell's  division,  273 
Luce,  Stephen  P.,  260 

MacKenzie,  193 

Madison,  President,  140 

Maffitt,  John  N.,  214,  215,  221 

Magruder,  Col.  John  B.,  255 

Marshall,  34 

Martin,  Med.  Director,  Charles,  U.  S. 
N.  paper  of,  1-6 

Martin's  6th  Independent  N.  Y.  Bat- 
tery, 225,  236 

Mason,  Colonel  and  Governor,  34,  35 

Mason,  235,  236 

McArthur,  General,  273 

McCabe,  Chaplain,  74 

McClellan,  Gen.  Geo.  B.,  67,  141,  144, 
145,  146,  147,  148,  149,  150,  151, 
152,  154,  161,  283,  284,  311,  317, 
323 

McClure,  Alexander  K.,  paper  of,  140- 
158 

McCook,  196 

McDowell's  corps,  65 

McDowell,  General,  142,  143,  146,  147, 
148,  294 

McDowell,  Major,  274 

McFadden,  Lieutenant,  277 

McGowan,  General,  326 

McKean,  Flag  officer,  U.  S.  N.,  232 

McKean's  division,  272,  273 

McKeen,  Col.  Harry  B.,  312 

McKinstry,  124 

McKnight's  battery,  313 

McLaws'  division,  323 

McMahon,  Col.  James,  312 

McMahon,  Gen.  M.  T.,  335 

McMahon,  Gen.  M.  T.,  paper  of,  159- 
183 

McPherson,  Gen.  James  B.,  18,  19,  20, 
21,  22,  23,  24,  27,  28,  42,  240,  241, 
243,  244,  245.  252,  253,  254 

McVicar,  Colonel,  223,  225,  226,  227, 
230 

Meade,  Gen.  Geo.,  C.,  6,  68,  106,  139, 
152,  154,  155,  225,  295,  296,  304, 
305,  310,  312,  313,  314,  324,  330,  333 

Medina,  Capt.  Benj.  F.,  224 

Meredith,  Paymaster,  W.  T.  U.  S.  N., 
paper  of,  118-125 

Merrimac,  Confederate  steamer,  1-6, 
231 

Merritt  General,  Wesley,  193,  321,  333 

Mersey's  brigade,  249,  250,  251 

Michie,  Gen.  Peter,  paper  of,  183-197 

Mike,  Regimental  bugler,  130,  131 


Miles'  division,  310,  314 

Minnesota,  U.  S.  S.,  5,  108,  114,  265 

Mississippi,  U.  S.  S.  120,  122,  123,  124, 

125,  238,  239 

Monitor,  U.  S.  S.,  2,  5,  6,  231 
Monongahela,  U,  S.  S.  120,  122,  124 
Morgan,  Gen.  John,  86 
Mott,  General,  308,  314 
Mower,  Col.  Joseph,  273,  274,  276 

Naval  Victory  at  Port  Royal,  255-266 

Neals,  Sheriff,  99 

Neills,  175 

Nelson,  112 

Newton,  Gen.  John,  20,  167,  168,  169, 

i?i,  173 

Niagara,  U.  S.  S.,  232 
Nolan,  Philip,  116 
North  Star,  Steamer,  280 

Ocean  Express,  Steamer,  258,  259,  260 

Octorara,  U.  S.  S.  288 

Oglesby,  General  273 

Ohlenschlager,  Dr.,  180 

O'Niel,  Act,  master,  Charles,  283 

Ord,  General,  271,  272,  278 

O'Rourke,  194 

Ould,  Mr.,  86 

Owen's  brigade,  310 

Parker,  Lieutenant-Commander,  James, 

paper  of,  104-117 
Patriotism,  the  duty  and  value  of,  198- 

212 

Patterson,  General,  40,  142,  144 
Paul,  General,  69 
Pennington,  193 
Pennington's  battery,  225 
Pennsylvania  Reserve  corps,  142 
Pensacola,  Surrender  of  Navy  Yard  at 

213-222 

Pickett,  Capt.  Geo.  E.,  292 
Pickett's  division,  71,  306,  324 
Pierce,  Lieutenant,  83 
Platt,  Colonel,  181 
Pleasonton,  Gen.  Alfred,  225,  228,  229, 

230 

Polk's  corps,  16 
Polk,  President,  James  K.,  140 
Pollock,  Adjt.  Otis  W. ,  277 
Pope,  Gen.  John,  66,  67,  149,  150,  155, 

157,  268,  269 

Port  Royal,  Naval  victory  at,  256-266 
Port  Royal,  the  steamer,  284 
Porter  Admiral,  David  D.,  43,  55,  107, 

109,  in,  119,  221,  231,  239 
Porter,  B.  F.,  113,  114 


INDEX. 


341 


Porter,  Col.  Peter,  312 
Porter,  Gen.  Fitz  John,  66,  311 
Porter,  Gen.  Horace,  57,  61,  193,  261 
Porter,  Gen.  Horace,  remarks  of,  52-56 
Port   Hudson,    Farragut's  passage  of, 

118-125 

Powell,  Captain,  88,  90,  103 
Pratt,  Gen.  Calvin  E.,  165 
Preston,  S.  W.,  113,  114 
Price,  Capt.  Cicero,  U.  S.  N.,  235,  236 
Price,    Gen.    Sterling,    271,   272,    273, 

275 

Prime,  Capt.  Fredrick  E.,  272 
Proctor,  Redfield,  317 

Raines,  no 

Ramseur's  division,  328 
Randol,  193 

Randolph,  Capt.  Victor  M.,  218 
Reminiscences  of  Cadet  and  Army  ser- 
vice, 183-197 
Reno's  division,  67 
Renshaw,  Lieutenant,  217,  218 
Reynolds.  Gen.  John   F.,  67,  68,  69, 
152,   164,   166,   167,   175,   196,  304, 

305- 

Richardson,  Albert  D.,  74 
Richardson,  Lieutenant,  258 
Richmond,  U.  S.  S.,  120,  122,  124 
Ricketts,  General,  181 
Ricketts's  division,  65,  66,  67 
Riley,  Pat,  130,  131,  133 
Roanoke,  U.  S.  S.,  3 
Roberts,  Lieut.  Charles,  51 
Robinette,  Lieutenant,  275 
Robinette  battery,  274,  275 
Rode's  division,  328 
Rodgers,  Capt.  C.  R.  P.,  U.  S.  N.,  26 
Rodgers,  Capt.  Geo.  W.  282,  284 
Rodgers,  Colonel,  276 
Roosevelt,  Mr.,  70. 
Rose,  Col.  Thos.  E.,  80. 
Rosecrans,  General,  270,  271,  272,  273, 

274,  275,  278 
Ross,  82,  86 
Rowan,  Admiral,  231 
Rudd,  Lieutenant,  66 

Sabine,  U.  S.  S.,  22O 
Sanitary  commission,  76 
Sanjacinto,  U.  S.  S.,  236 
Santiago  de  Cuba,  Steamer,  288,  289 
Sawyer,  Captain,  76 
Saxton,  196 

Schofield,  Gen.  John  M.,  8,  9,  16,  18, 
19,  195,  252 


Scott,  Asst.  Sec.  Thos.  A.,  145 

Scott,  Gen.  W.,  40,  140,  141,  142,  143, 

144,  145,  155,  156,  195,  255,292 
Sedgwick,  Gen.  John,  159-182 
Sedgwick,  Gen.  John,  152,   294,  302, 

304,  314,  316,  322,  324,  326 
Sedgwick,  Maj.  William  D.  163 
Selfridge,  238 
Semmes,  Captain,  221 
Seward,  37,  150 
Shelby,  Col.  J.  O.  184,  186 
Shepherd's  battery,  no 
Sheridan,  Gen.  Philip  H.  48,  52,  152, 

182,   193,   230,   296,  297,   299,   311, 

318,   320,  321,   322,  328,   329,  330, 

333,  334 

Sherman,  Gen.  Thos.  W.  255,  256 
Sherman,  Gen.  William  T.,  7,  8,  9,  18, 

19,  2O,  21,  22,  24,  25,  27 

Sherman,  Gen.  W.  T.,  in  commemora- 
tion of,  30-63 

Sherman,  Hon.  John,  remarks  of,  31- 
50 

Sickles,  Gen.  Daniel  E.  164,  167,  176, 
228,  229,  305,  330 

Sigel's  corps,  66 

Simmons,  Senator,  263 

Slemmer,  Captain,  214,  215,  217,  219, 
220 

Slidell,  Honorable,  235,  236 

Slocum,  Gen.  Henry  W.,  31,  58,  59, 
61,  163,  166,  225,  226 

Slocum,  Gen.  Henry  W.,  remarks  of, 
61-63 

Smith,  Admiral  Melancton,  120,   124, 

125 

Smith,  Col.  J.  L.,  276,  277 
Smith,  Gen.  Baldy,  163,  164,  311,  317. 

323 
Smith,  Gen.  C.  F.,  27,  28,  73,  89,  90, 

91,  106,  158,  183,  240,  243,  244,  250, 

252,  253,  269,  279,  316 
Smith,  Gen.  Giles  A.,  25,  240,  243,  247 

298 

Smith,  Gen.  Kirby,  143, 
Smith,  Gen.  Morgan  L.,  249 
Smith,  Georgia  Militia,  243 
Smith,  Mr.,  188,  189 
Smyth,  Gen.  Thos.  A.,  314,  315 
Snake  Creek  Gap,  7-29 
Sonoma,  U.  S.  S.,  287 
Spotts,  Captain,  U.  S.  N.,  234 
Sprague's  brigade,  23,  243,  247 
Sprague,  Charles  E.,  paper  of,  126-139 
Sprague,  Col.  J.  W.,  277 
Stanley,  Gen.  D.  S.,  paper  of,  267-279 
Stannard,  General,  317 


342 


INDEX. 


Stan  ton,  Admiral  O.  F.,  paper  of,  280- 

289 
Stanton,   Secretary,   42,  44,   149,   151, 

152 
Starr,  Capt.  George  H.,  paper  of,  64- 

103 

Steedman,  Captain.  262 
Steinwehr,  General,  57 
Stewart's  battery,  282 
Stewart's  corps,  242,  243,  251,  252 
£/.  Marys,  U.  S.  S.,  280,  281 
Stone,  Gen.  Charles  P.,  161,  302 
Stoneman,  General,  93,  225 
Stoneman's  raid,  73,  91 
Straight,  Col.  A.  D.,  74 
Strong,  Colonel,  27 
Strong,  General,  244,  245 
Stuart,  143 

Stuart,  Gen.  J.  E.  B.,  227,  228,  230 
Sturgis,  294 
Sullivan's  brigade,  275 
Sumner,  General,  147,  148,  163 
Sumpter,  Fort,  39,  114,  205 
Supply,  U.  S.  S.,  213,  214,  215,  219, 

220,  221 

Surrender  of  the  Navy  Yard  at  Pensa- 

cola,  213-222 

Swayne,  Gen.  Wager,  30,  32,  276 
Sweeny,   Gen.   Thos.  W.,  12,   13,  22, 

34,  37.  241,  245 
Swinton,  Mr.,  325,  326 

Tatnall,  Commodore,  260 
Taylor,  General,  112,  140,  156 
Taylor,  Gen.  Zachary,  46 
Teaser,  Confed.  steamer,  3,  4,  5 
Tennessee,  Rebel  ram,  221 
Terry,  Gen.  A.  H.,  109,  in,  299 
Thatcher,  Admiral  Thos.  K.,  233 
Thomas,  Gen.  George  H.,  7,  8,  9,  16, 

18,  19,  27,  28,  40,  57,  58,  240,  252 
Thrush,  Colonel,  273 
Tioga,  U.  S.  S.,  282,  283,  287 
Tompkins,  General,  179,  180 
Tracy,  Col.  A.  S.,  320,  321,  331 
Tucker,  James  E.,  223 
Turner,  Major,  75,  82,  85,  86 
Turner,  Uncle  John,  97,  98 

Upton's  charge,  326 
Upton,  Gen.  Emory,  193 

Vanderbilt,  Ensign  A. ,  108 
Vanderbilt,  U.  S.  S.,  115 


Van  Dorn,  General,  271,  272,  278 
Veatch's  division,  12,  13 
Vermont  brigade,  175,  306 
Vermont  brigade,  the  old,  316-335 
Von  Borche,  Major  Heros,  227 

Wabash,  U.  S.  S.,  260,  264  • 

Wachusett,  U.  S.  S.,  287 

Wade,  Senator,  156 

Wadsworth,  General,  147 

Walke,  Captain,  U.  S.  N.,  214,  216, 

221 

Walker,    Col.    Aldace    F.,    paper    of, 

316-335 

Walker,  General,  23 
Walker,    Gen.    Francis  A.,   paper  of, 

302-315 

Warner,  Gen.  James  M.,  320,  331,  332 
Warren,  General,  306,  310 
Warren,  Lieut.  G.  K.,  195,  196 
Webb,  Inspector-General,  132 
Weitzel,  General,  196 
Weld,  257 

Welker's  battery,  245 
Welles,  Sec.  Gideon,  115,  117 
Wentwort,  Thos,  64 
Wheeler,  General,  u,  18,  20,  23,  24, 

242,  243 

Whipple,  Col.  Tom,  257,  259 
White,  Captain,  228 
Whiting,  no 

Whittier,  Gen.  Chas.  A.,  179,  180 
Wilcox,  127 

Wilkes,  Admiral,  236,  287 
Williams,  Capt.  Geo.  A.,  277 
Williams,  Gen.  Seth,  181 
Williamson,  Gen.  James  A.,  250 
Wilson,  Harry,  193 
Wilson's,  Billy,  Zouaves,  220 
Winder,  General,  76,  86,  89 
Wood's,  Charles  R.,  division,  250 
Woodhull,  Capt.  Max,  233,  234 
Woodruff,  Maj.  C.  A.,  paper  of,  290- 

301 

Wool,  General,  35 
Worden,  Captain,  U.  S.  N.,  235 
Wright,   Gen.    Horatio   G.,    181,   256, 

257,  262,  321,  326,  330 
Wyandotte,    U.    S.   S.,  214,  215,    217, 

219,  220 

Yorktown,  Confed.  steamer,  3,  4,  5 
Zouave,  U.  S.  tug,  3 


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